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The Great Speech of President
Johnson.
Tee following is a report of the President’s
address, at the Executive Mansion, Thursday
evening, 22d instant, in response to the resolu.
lions adopted at the citizen’s meeting :
On the procession reaching the Executive
Mansion, where an immense crowd had pre
ceded it, Mr. Fendall, the President oi the
meeting, and the following gentlemen of‘the
Committee, viz : Messrs. Wm. L. Hedge, Dr.
John B. Blake, Chas. Knap, James G. Barret.
J D. Hoover, Thos. B Florence, O. Wendell,
Jos. H. Bradley, J. C. McGuire, Ward H. Li
mon, Augustus E. Perry, John F. Coyle and
Wm. E. Spalding, presented to the President
the resolutions which had passed the meeting,
with a brief and pertinent address from Mr.
Fendall, in which informed him that the
assembly had adjourned to the Presidential
Mansion to pay their respects to him. The
President was then formally conducted by Mr.
Fendall and the gentlemen named above, ac
companied by Colonel O’Beirne, Colonel Reeves,
and others of bis household, to the front porti
co, from whence—silence having been obtained
in the vast assemblage through the efforts of
the Hon. Greeu Clay Smith, who stood with
the President—he addressed them as follows :
Fellow-citizens —for I presume I have the
right to you as such—to the committee
who have conducted and organized this meet-,
ing so far, I have to tender my sincere thanks
for the compliment and approbation they have
manifested in their personal address to myself,
and in the resolutions they have adopted. [At
this point a fireman’s procession attracted the
attention of a portion of the crowd, and created
such a disturbance thht the President was un
able to proceed lor several minutes. Mr. Fen
dall, Chairman of the Committee, in vain en
deavored to restore order. Hon. Green Clay
Smith then took the stand, and succeeded in
making himself heard, and iu bringing the
crowd to something like silence.] The Presi
dent proceeded: Fellow-citizens, I was about
to tender my thanks to the Committee who
waited upon me and presented me with the
resolutions adopted on this occasion—resolu
tions, as I understand, complimentary to the
policy pursued By this Administration since it
came into power. I am free to say to you, on
this oC<aiSi9P», that it ia extremely gratifying to
me to know that so Jarge a portion of my fel
low-citizens approve and endorse the policy
that has been adopted fend is intended to be
carried out. [Applause.] That policy has
been one which was intended to restore the
glorious Union of these States to their original
relations to the government of the United
States. [Prolonged applause.]
This seems to be a day peculiarly appropri
ate for such a manifestation—the day that
gave birth to him that founded this govern
ment—the Father of his Country—of him who
stood at that period when all these States en
tered into this glorious Confederacy—[The
firemen’s procession again succeeded in crea
ting sufficient disturbance to make the Presi
dent unable to be heard.] The President
good bumoredly remarked, ‘‘Don’t interfere
With them, they are right, and always were
right.”
He proceeded : This day, I say, is peculiar
ly appropriate to endorse the restoration of the
Union of these States, founded by the “ Father
of his Country.” Washington, whose name
this city bears, is embalmed in the kearls of
all who love tree government. [A voice—
‘‘So is Andrew Johnson.”] Washington, who,
in the language of one of bi3 eulogists, was
“first In peace, first in war, first in the hearts
of his countrymen.” No people can claim
him, no nation can appropriate him. His
reputation and love are commensurate with
the civilized world, with all those who love
free government.
I have recently visited the association which
is directing its efforts to the completion of the
monument croctc-d to his memory. I was proud
to meet them, and, so far as I could, to give
them my humble influence and patronage—a
monument being erected to him who founded
the government almost within a stone’s throw
of the spot from which I address you. Let it
he completed. [Cheers.] Lri the pledges
which all these States, associations, and cor
porations, have placed in that monument of
their faith in and love for this Union be pre
served. Let it be completed. And in this
connection let me jefer to the motto upon the
stone sent from my own State—God bless her
—[a voice, “and bless you’’]—a State which
has struggled for the preservation of the Union
in the field snd in the councils of the nation,
now struggling in embarrassment in conse
quence of the interruption that has taken place
with the Federal government growing out of
the rebellion, but struggling to renew her re
lations with the government, and take her stand
where she has stoed since 1796. [Cheering ]
Let me, I say, repeat the sentiment inscribed
upon the stone set t here to be placed in that
monument of freedom, and in commemoration
of Washington. I stand by that sentiment,
and she is now willing to stand by it. It was
the sentiment enunciated by the immortal
Andrew Jackson, “The Federal Union, it must
be preserved.’’ Were it possible for that oid
man, who in statue is now before me, and in
> picture behind me, in the Capitol, to be called
, forth, or were it possible for us to communi
cate with the illustrious (lead, and he could be
■ informed of or made-to understand the progress
and working of faction, rebellion and treason,
the old man would turn over ia his grave.—
[Laughter and cheers ] He would rise, and
shaking off the habiliments of the tomb, stand
erect, and extending his long, bony finger,
would reiterate the sentiments he once spoke.
“The Federal Union, it must be preserved.’’
Bat we see and witness what has transpired
since hi3 day. We remember what he did in
1832, when treason, treachery and infidelity
t to the government and Constitution ot the
‘ United States then stalked forth. It was bis
AUGUSTA, PA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 7, 1866.
power and influence that went forth then and
crushed the treason in its infancy. It was
then stopped, but only for a lime.
The spirit continued ; there were men disaf
fected to the governin' nt both North and South.
We had peculiar institutions oC, which some
complained and to which others were attached.
One portion of our countrymen advocated that
institution ia the South, another opposed it in
the North, and it resulted in creatiug two ex
tremes. One in the South reached the pmnt
at which they were prepared to dissolve the
government of the Uuited States, to secure and
preserve their “peculiar institution.” And in
what I may say on this occasion I want to be
understood. There was another portion of our
countrymen who were opposed to this peculiar
institution in the South, and who went Jo the
extreme of being willing to break up the gov
ernment to get clear of it. [Applause.] lam
talking to you to-day in the common phrase,
and assume to be nothiqfcjiut a citizen, and
one who has been fighting for the Constitution
and to preserve the government. These two
parties have been arrayed agaipst each other;
and I stand before you to day as I did in the
Senate in lftfiO, in the presence of those who
were making war on the Constitution, and who
wanted to disrupt the government, to denounce,
as I did then in my place, these who were so
engaged as traitors. I have never ceased to
repeat, and as far as efforts go to carrv out, the
sentiments I then uttered. [Cheers.]
I remarked that there were two parties, one
for destroying the government to preserve sla
very, and the other for breaking up the govern
ment to deetroy slavery. The objects to be
accomplished were different, it is true, so far
as slavery is concerned, but they agreed in one
thing, and that was the breaking up of the
government. They agreed in the destruction
of the government, the precise thing which I
have always stood up to oppose. Whether the
disunionist come3 from the South or from the
North, I stand now where I did then, to vin
dicate the Union of these States and the Con
stitution of the country. [Applause.] The
rebellion, or treason, manifested itself in the
South ; I stood by the government. I said I
was for the Union with slavery, or I was for
tho Union without slavery. In either alterna
tive I was for my government and the Consti
tution.
The government has stretched forlh its
strong arm, aud, with its physical power, has
put down treason in the field; yes, the section
of country which has arrayed itself against the
government has been put down by the govern
ment. itself. Now what had we said to those
people ? We said “no compromise; we can
settle this question with the South in eight and
forty hours." “How ?’’ “Disband your ar
mies, acknowledge the Constitution of the
United States, obey the law, and tho whole
question is settled.” Well, their armies have
been disbanded; they come forward now, in a
spirit of magnanimity, and say, “we were
taken ; we made an effort to carry out the doc
trine of secession and dissolve this Union; in
that we have failed, and, having traced this
thing to its logical and physical consequences
aDd results, we now again come forward and
acknowledge the flag of our country, obedience
to the Constitution, and the supremacy of the
law.” [Cheers ] I say, then, when you have
complied with the Constitution, when you have
yielded to the law, when you acknowledge
your allegiance to the government, I am ready
to open tho doors of the Union and restore you
to your old relations to the government of our
fathers. [Prolonged applause.]
Who, I ask, has suffered more for the Union
than I have? I shall not now tepeat the
wrongs or sufferings inflicted upon me; but it
is not the way to deal with a whole people in
the spirit of revenge. I know there has been a
great deal said about the ex- reise of the par
doning power so far as the Executive is cons
cerued. There is no one who has labored
harder to have the principal, intelligent, con
scious traitors brought to justice, to have the
law vindicated, and the great fact vindicated
that treason is a crime, than I who stand before
you to-day. Yet, while conscious, intelligent
traitors are to be punished, should whole States,
communities and people be made to submit to
and bear the penally of death ? I have, per
haps, as much hostility and as much resent
ment as a man ought to have, but we should
conform our action and our conduct to the
example of Him who founded our holy religion
—uotthat I would liken this to it, or bring any
comparison, for I am not going to detain you
long. But, gentlemen, I came into power un
der the Constitution of the country aid by the
approbation of the people. And what did I
find ? I found eight millions of people who
were in fact condemned under the law, and the
penalty was death. Under the id;a of revenge
and resentment they were to be annihilated
and destroyed. 0, how different this from the
example set by the holy founder of our religion,
whose divine arm touches the horizon and em
braces the whole earth. Yes, He who founded
this great scheme came into the world and
found our race condemned under the law and
the sentence was death. What was His ex
ample ? Instead of putting the world or a
nation to death, He went forth with grace and
attested by His blood and His wounds that He
would die and let the nation live. Let them
repent, and let them acknowledge their allegi
ance ; let them become loyal and willing sup
porters and defenders of our glorious “stripes
and stars” and tbo Constitution of our country;
let their leaders, the conscious, intelligent
traitors, suffer the penally of the law, but for
the great mitS3. who have been forced into this
rebellion and misled bv their leaders, I say,
leniency, kindness, trust and confidence. [En
thusiastic cheers.]
But, mv countrymen, after having passed
through the rebellion, and given such evidence
as I have—though men cioak a great dral
about it now, [laughter]—when I look back
through the battle-fields and ses many of
these brave men, in whose company I was, in
localities where the contest wa3 most difficult
and doubtful, before the smoke of battle has
scarcely passed away, before the bloodshed has
scarcely congealed, what do we find? Tnere
bellion is put down by the strong arm of tho
government in the field ; but is that the only
way in which we can bare rebellion? They
struggled for the breaking up of your govern
ment, but, before they are scarcely out of the
battle-field, and before our brave men have
scarcely returned to their homes, to renew the
ties of affection and love, we find ourselves al
most in the midst of another rebellion. [Ap
, piause.] The war to supprexs one rebellion
' wa3 to prevent the separation of the States, to
prevent them from flying off, and thereby
changing the character of the government, and
weaken 1 ngitß power. Now, what is the strug
gle? There is an attempt to concentrate the
power of the government in the hands of the
tew, and thereby bring about a c nsolidation
which is equally dnDtrerous and objectionable
with separation. [Enthusiastic applause.]—
j We find that powers are assumed aud attempt
i ed to be exercised of a most extraordinary
character. Whit are they ?
We find that governments can be revolution
ized, can be changed, without going into the
battle Cell. Sometimes revolutions, the moat
disastrous to the people, are iffect and with jut
the sheding of blood. The substance of gov
ernment may be taken avay, while the iorm
and shadow is still adhered to. Now, what
are the attempts? What is being proposed?
We find that, in fact, by an irresponsible, cen
tral directory, nearly all the powers of govern
ment are assumed, without even consulting the
legislative or executive departments of govern,
ment. Yes ! and by a resolution reported bv
a committee, upon whom all the legislative
power of the government has been conferred,
that great principle in the Constitution, which
authorizes and empowers each branch of the
legislative depaitment, the Senate and House
of Representatives, to be the judges of the
election and qualification of its own members,
has been virtually taken away from those de
partments of government, and conlerred upon
a committee, who must report before they can
act under tne Constitution, and allow members
duly elected to take their seats. By this rule
they assume that there must be laws passed,
that there must be recognition in respect to a
State in the Union, with all its practical rela
tions restored, before the respective houses of
Congress, under the Constitution, shall judge
of the election and qualification of its o\ n
members. What po ition is that? You have
been struggling for four years to put down the
rebellion. You denied in the beginning of the
struggle that any State had the right to go out;
you said that they had neither right nor power.
The issue has been made, and it has been set
tled that a State has neither the right nor the
power to go out of the Union; and when you
have settled that by the executive and military
power of the government and by the public
judgment, you 'urn round and assume that
they are out, and shall not come in. [Laugh
ter and cheers ]
I am free to say to you, as your Executive,
that I am not prepared to take any such posi
tion. I said in the Senate, in the very incep
tion of the rebellion, that States bad no right
to go out, that they bad do power to go out. —
That question ba3 been settled, and I cannot,
turn round now, and give the lie direct to all L
profess to have done in the last five years.—
[Laughter and applause ] I can do no such
thing I say that when they comply with the
Constitution, when have given sufficient
evidence of their loyalty and that they can be
trusted, whe.n they yield obedience to the law,
I say' extend to them the right hand of fellow
ship, and let peace and Union be restored
[Loud cheers.]
But then, gentlemen, as we swing round the
circle. I have fought traitors and treason in
the South ; I opposed the Davises, the Toombs,
the Slidells and a loDg list of others, whose
names I need not repeat, and now, when I
turn round, at the other end of the line, I find
men, I care not by what name you call them,
[a voice, “call them traitors,”] who will stand
opposed to the restoration of the Union of these
States, and I am free to say to you, that
lam still for the preservation of this com
pact ; I am still for the restoration of
this Union; I am still Jin favor of this great
government of ours going on andfollowirg out
its destiny. [A voice—“ Give us tae names.”]
A gentleman calls for the names; well suppose
I should give them. [A voice—“ We know
them.”] I look upon them, f repeat it, as
President or citizen, as much opposed to the
fundamental principles of this government, and
believe they are as much laboring to prevent
or destroy them as were the men who fought
againstU3 [A voice—“ Whatarethenames?’’]
I say Thaiideus Stevens, of Pennsylvania,
[tremendous applause;] I say Charles Sum
ner, [great appladse ;] I say Wendell Phil
lips, and others of the same 1 stripe, are amongst
them. [A voice—“ Give it to Forney.”]
Some gentleman in the crowd says “Give it
to Forney.” I have only just to say that Ido
not waste my ammunition upon dead cocks.
[Laughter and applause.] I stand for my
country, I stand for the Constitution, where I
placed my feet'from my advent*into public
life. They may traduce me, they may s’ander
me, they may vituperate; but let me nay to
yon that it has no effect upon me. [Cheers.]
And let me say, in addition, that I do not in
tend to be overawed by reason of pretended
friends, nor do 1 intend to be bullied by my
enemies. [Applause, and a cry of “ The peo
ple will sustain you ”]
I know, my countrymen, that it has been in
sinuated—and not only insinuated, but 'a’d di
rectly—(the intimation has been given iu high
places)—that if such a usurpation of power had
been exercised two hundred years, in a par
ticular r eigri, it would have cost a certain in
dividual bis bead. What usurpation has An
drew Johnson been guilty of 1 [“None!”
“none I”] Too usurpation I have been guilty
of has always been standing between the peo
ple and the encroachments of power ; and be
cause I dared say in a conversation with a
fellow -citizen and a Senator, too, that I thought
amendments to the Constitution ought not to
be so frrquent; that their effect would be that
it would lose all its prestige and dignity ; that
the old instrument would be lost sight of in a
sma\J time ; because I happened to say in a
conversation that, if it was amended, such and
such amendments should be adopted, it was a
usurpation of power that would have cost a
king his head at a certain time. [Laughter
and applause ] And. in connection with this
subject, it was explained that we were in the
midst of earthquakes, that they trembled and
could not yield. Yes, there is an earthquake
coming, there is a ground swell earning of
popular judgment and indignation. [“That’s
true. "| The American people will speak by
their instincts, and they will know who are
their friends and who their enemies.
What positions have I occupied? I have oc
cupied all positions under this government, be
ginning with an alderman and running through
all branches of the legislature. [A voice—
“ From a tailor up.”] Some gentleman says I
have been a tailor. [Tremenduons applause.]
Now, that did not discomfit me iu the least,
for when I used to be a tail or I had the reputa
tion of being a good one, and of making close
fits—[great laughter]—always punctual with
my customers, and always did good work.—
[A voice—“No patchwork.”] No, I do not
want any patch work; I wants whole suit.—
But we will pass by this little facetiousness.
My friends may say, “You are President, and
you must not talk about such things ” When
principles are involved, my countrymen, when
the existence of my country even is imperilled,
I will act as I have on former occasions, and
speak what 1 think. I was saying that I had
held nearly all positions, r rom alderman, through
both branches of Congress, to that which I uow
occupy, and who is thero that will say Andrew
Johnson ever made a pledge that he did not
redeem? or made a promise that be did not ful
fill? Who will say he has ever acted otherwise
than iu fidelity to the great mass of tho people?
They may talk about beheading and usurpa
tion, but when I am beheaded I want the Ame
rican people to be tho witnesses. I do not
waut by inuoudoes, by indirect remarks in high
places, to see the man who has assassination
brooding in his bosom exclaim, “ This Presi
dential obstacle must be gotten out of the
way.’’ I make use of a vpry strong expression
when I say that I have no doubt tho intention
was to incite assassination, and so got out of
the way “ the obstacle” from p ace and power
Whether by assassination or not, there nre in
dividuals iu this government, I doubt not, who
want to destroy our institutions and change
the character of the government. Are they
not satisfied with one murder we have had ?
Does not the murder of Lincoln appease the
vengeance and wrath of the opponents of this
government? Are they still unslaked ? Do they
still want more blood ? Have they not got
honor and courage enough to attain their ob
jects otherwise than by the hands of the assas
sin ? [‘‘No! no!”]
1 am not afraid of assassins attacking me
where a brave ami conragoous man \#iuld attack
another. I tuly dread him when he would go
in disguise, his footsteps noiseless. If it is
blood they want, lot them have courage enough
to strike like men. I know they are willing to
wound, but they are afraid to strike. [Ap
plause.] If my blood is to bo shed because I
vindicate the Union and tho preservation of
this government in its original purity of char
acter let it be shed ; but when it is shed, let an
altar to the Union be erected, and thon, if it is
neci ssary, take me and lay me upon if, and the
blood that now warms and animates my exist
ence shall be poured out as a last libation of
tribute to the Union of these States. [Great
applause ] But let the opponents of this gov
ernment remember that when it is pouied out,
“ the blood of the martyr will be the seed of
the Church.’’ [Cheers ]
Gentlemen, this Union will grow; It will
continue to increase in strength and power,
though it may be cemented and cleansed with
blood. I have talked longer now than I in
tended to speak. Let me thank you for the
honor you have done me. So far as this gov
ernment is concerned, let me say one other w wd
in reference to the amendments to the Consti
tution of the United States. When I reached
Washington for the purpose of being inaugu
rated as Vice President of the United States, I
had a conversation with Mr. Lincoln. We were
the condition of affairs, and in
reference to mutters in my own State. I stated
that we had called a convention, bad amoned
our Constitution by abolishing slavery in the
State—a State not embraced in his proclama
tion. All this met, his approbation, miff gave
him encouragement, and in talking upon the
amendment to the Constitution he arid:—
“When the amendment to the Const! utiou is
adopted by three-fourths of the Stiles we shall
have done all, or pretty nearly all, I am in
favor of in amending the Constitution, if there
was one other adopted.” Said I, “what is that,
Mr. President ?” Said ti3, <‘l have labored to
preserve th s Union ; I havo toiled four years;
I have been subjected to calumny and misrep -
resentation, vet my great desire has been to
preserve the Union of these States in tact, under
the Constitution as they were before ” But,
said I, “Mr. President, what amendment do
you refer to?” He said he thought there should
bo tm amendment added to the Constitution
which would compel all the States to send their
Senators and U'pre.entatives to the Congress
of the United States Yes, compel them. The
idea was in his mind that it ia a part of the
doctrine of secession to break up the govern
ment ty States withdrawing their Senators and
Representative from Congtess, and, therefore,
he desired a constitutional amendment to com
pel them to he sent. How, now, doe3 the mat
ter stard? In the Constitution of tbecouutrv,
even ihat portion of it whieb provides for the
amendment of the organic law, says that no
State, without its consent, shall he deprived of
i‘s lepresentation.
And now what do we find? We find the
position taken that States shall not be repre
sented, that wo tuny impose tuxes, that we may
send our tax-gatherers to every region and
poition of a Slate, that the people are to be op
pressed with taxes, hut then they come hero to
panic pate in the legislation of the country,
they are met at the door and told, “no; you
must pay taxes, you must bear the burdens of
the government, hut you must not participate
in the legislation of the country, which is to
affect you for all timo.” Is this just? [ ‘No,
no.’ ] Then T say let us admit into the councils
of the nation those who are unmistakably and
unquestionably loyal; those men who acknowl
edge their allegiance to tho governm nt and
swear to support the Constitution. It is all
embraced in that. The amplification of an oath
makes no difference if a man is not loyal; but
you may adopt whatever test oath you cboo e
to prove their loyalty -that is a matter of de
tail for which I care nothing—let him bo un
questionably loyal, owning Lis allegiance to the
government, and willing to support it in its
hour of peril and of need, and 1 am willing to
trust Hem. I know that some do not attach
so ranch importance to this principle as I do;
but one principle we carried through the Re
volution was that there should be no taxation
without representation. I hold to that princi
ple laid down as fundamental by our fathers.
If it was good then, it is good now. If it wa3
a rule to stand by then, it is a rule to stand by
now. It is a fundamental principle that should
be adhered to as long as free government
lasts.
I Know it was said by some during the re
bellion that our Constitution bod been rolled
upas a piece of parchment, and laid away;
that in the tims of war and rebell’on there was
no Constitution. Well, we know that some
times from the very great necessity of the
case, from a great emergency, we mu3t do un
constitutional things in order to preserve the
Constitution itself, Bat if, while the rebel-
I lion was going on, the Constitution was roll-
VOL. 24. NO. 10.
ed up as a parchment; if it was violated in
seme particulars to save the government,
there may have been s - me excuse to justify
it. But now that peace has come ; now the
war is over, we want a written Constitution;
and I say the time has come to take the Con
stitution down, unroll it, re-read it, and un
derstand its provisions. Now, if you have
saved the government by violating the Consti
tution in war, you can only save it in peace
by preserving the Constitution, and the only
way to preserve it is by a strict adherence to
the Constitution of our fathers as it is now un
folded It must now be rend and understood
by the American people I come here to-day,
ns far as I can, in waking these remarks, to
vindicate the Constitution and to save it, for
it does seem to me that encroachment after
encroachment is proposed. I stand to-diy
prepared, so far as I can, to resist these en
croachments upon the Constitution and gov
ernment. Now that we have peace, let us
enforce the Constitution ; let us live undsr and
by its provisions ; let it be published ; let it
be printed in blazing characters, as if it were
in the heavens, punctuated with stars, that all
may read and understand; let us consult that
instrument; let ns digest its provisions, un
derstand them, and, understanding them,
abide by them. I tell the opponents of this
government (I care not from what quarter
they come, whether from the East, West,
North or South), you are engaged in the work
of breaking up the government by amendments
to the Constitution that the principles of free
government are deeply rooted in the Ameri
can heart.
AH the powers combined, I care not of what
character they are, cannot destroy that great
instrument—that groat chart of freedom. They
may seem to succeed for a time, but their
a'tempts will bo futile They might as woll
undertake to lock- up tho winds or chain the
waves of the ocean, and confine them to lim
its. They may think how it cao be done by
a concurrent resolution; but when it is sub
mitted to tho popular judgment and to the
popular w ill, they will find that they might as
woll undertake to introduce a resolution to
repeal the law of gravity as to keep this Union
from being restored.
Tt is just about as feasible to resist tho
great law of gravity which bindß hll to a com
mon centre as that great law of gravity which
will bring back those Rtatfs, and replace them
in their relations. All these conspiracies and
machinations, North und South, cannot pre
vent it. All that is wanted is timo until tho
American people can get toknow what is going
on. I would tho wfktle American people could
bo assembled here to-day, as you are. I wish
we had an amphitheatre capacious enough to
hold these thirty million of people, that they
could be here and witness the struggle that is
going on to preserve the Conslituliou of thoir
fathers They would settle this question
They could see who it is aud how it is, and
what kind of spirit is manifested in breaking up
this great principle of free government. Yea I
when they came to see tho struggle, aud to
understand who ia fir and who against them,
if you could make them perform the part of
gladiators, <n the first tilt you would find the
enemies of the country crushed and helpless.
I have doiainedyou louger than I intended.
[‘Goott.’’] We aro in a great struggle. I
am your instrument. Who is there I heivo not
toiled or labored for ? Where is the nan or
woman, either in public or private life, who
has not always received my atteution or ray
time ? Pardon tho egotism; they say that man
Johnson is a lucky man ;* that no man can de
feat me I will tell you what consulates good
luck. It is doing right ami bung for tho peo
ple ; that is what constituu s g ;od luck. Some
how or other tho people will find out and un
derstand who is for and wl o is against them.
I have been placed in as many trying positions
ns any mortal man was ever p! cod in, but, so
far, I have not deserted the people, and I be
lieve they will not desert mo. What principle
have I violated ? What, sentiment have 1
sworved Atom ? Onn they put their finger upon
it ? Havo you heard them point out any dis
crepancy ( Have you hca-d them quote my
predecessor, who foil a mar'yr to his country’s
CHiiße, as going iri opposition or in contra dis
tinction to any thing that 1 have done ? The
very policy which f am pursuing now was prtr-
Rned under his ndmlnißtratio : was being pur
sued by him when (hat Inscrutable Provileroe
«aw fit to remove him, I tni»t, to a better world
than fhiß. Where is there one principle adopt
»d by him, in reference to firs restoration that
1 have departed from ? [‘ None I none I”] Tne
war. then, is not simply upon me, but upon my
predecessor. I have tried 'o do my duly. 1
know that some people in their jealousy have
made the remark that the White Hons is
President. Just let me say that the charms of
the White House, and nil that «-ort of flumme
ry, has less influence will) me than with those
who are talking about it. The little I ea', or
wear does not amount to much That'rrq fir
ed to sustain me ant my little fa roily is very
little, for l am hot feeding many, though iu
one sense of consanguinity or afii jity / am akin
to ev rj body. The Conscious satisfaction of
having performed ray duly to my country is all
the reward T havo.
’Then, in coneiu-ion, let me ask this vast con
course, this sea of upturned face, to go with me,
in standing round tbo Constitution of our coun
try. It is again unfolded, aud the people are in
vited to read, to understand, and to maintain
its provisions. Let us stand by tbo Constitution
of our futhers, though the heavens tbemsilves
may fall. Let us stand by it. Though Uctbn .
may rage, though taunts and jeers may come;
though vituperation may com o in its most violent
character, I will bo found standing by tho Con
stitution, as the chief rock of our safety, as the
palladium of our civil and religious liberty.
Yes, let us cling to it as the mariner clings to
the last plank when tho night and tempest
closes around him.
Accept my.thanks for the indulgence you
have given me in making the extemporaneous
remarks I have upon this occasion. Let us go
forward,,forgetting the past and looking to the
future, pnd try to reetore our country, trusting
in Him who rules on high aud in the earth be
low thafcere long our Union will be restored,*
arid that we will have peace not only on earth,
but especially with the people of the United
States, aud good will.. I thank you, my coug.-
trjmen, for the respect you havo rainifeste.t cn
this oxta-ion. When your country ia gone, if
I you are about that piao, look out and you w ill
find the humb>e individual who now stands bo
| fore you weeping over its final dissolution.
It is lai' there are n Ir sh *m nz the Mu•
' mens, “Laldy wJI nit polygrame.’’