Newspaper Page Text
* THE weekly constitutionalist
- * ... , I
WEDNESDAY MORNING. APRIL 3, 1867. ]
a |
TO OUR SUBCRIBEES.
The Weekly Constitutionalist Will here
after l>o mailed on Tuesday instead of Wednes
day morning. We make this change to accom
modate many subscribers. It is oui aim and
purpose to make the paper a first class news and
family jourrfil, and we confidently hope that
the influence of out*subscribers will be exerted
to aid us in doing so by extending its circu
lation.
MRS. SURRATT.
The remarkable debate between Butler and
Bingham, on the •Southern Relief bill, elicited
an amount of venom which, temporarily blind
ing the gladiators-to party interests, caused the
Mokanna mask to fall from the hideous fea
tures of the Bottle Imp and the modern Jack
Ketch. It the man who hung Mumford,
on what he considered sufficient testimony,
disapproves the testimony that hung Mary Sur
ratt, we tender our profoundest commisera
tion to the parties engaged in that ugly and
atrocious transaction. It is related in the his
tory of the great Lord Nelson that, by some
sinister advice, he was induced to hang at the
yard-arm an eminent Italian. Tears, prayers,
entreaties, nil form« of supplication fell upon
his iron heart in vain. To his everlasting dis
grace, he permitted the iniquity to be consum
mated. The man was executed, and afterward,
his body, with ball and chain attached, cast into
the sea. By some accident, the heavy weight
became loosened from the corpse, and, for sev
eral days thereafter, the ghastly face and pallid
limbs of the murdered Italian came with the
tide aud danced under the very bulwarks of the
Admiral’s flag ship.
, In somewhat similar guise, the sad Visage of
Mary Surratt comes from the realm of mys
tery to plague her persecutors, ft has been
asserted, and never denied, that Preston King
stood at the President’s door and persistently
refused admittance to all who sought a mitiga
tion of her punishment or bore evidences ol
. her innocence. That unholy janitor had his
pieces, of silver at-the New York Custom
House, but, the memory of the dark deed per
petually haunted him, and stings of con
science, rather than the turbulence of business,
dethroned his reason aud sent him suieidally
to the East river, in which, after many days, he
was found, stranded like a huge hulk of hu
manity, upon some of its tributary sands.
Then came a lull, and little was said of Mrs.
Surratt, until her sou’s capture in a foreign
land. Agaiu, the public revived the story of
human guilt and hiunan wretchedness. Scarce
ly had the agitation caused by John Surratt’s
arrival at Washington subsided, when the coun
try is startled by the Butler-Bingram revela
tions. We believe that Butler has confessed
the truth, not as a willing but unwilling witness.
Had he not been pushed to the wall by jeers
and innuendoes, he would have been too wary
and politic to make such-retorts which compro
mise the party and rip open what must be for
ever a frightful sore on the Radical body. The
fury of the American llaynau lias done the
eause of truth some good ; and, if au honest
confession is balm for the soul, that subtle
principle in Gen. Butler may hope ulterior
salvation, in dim glimpses, where all was black
ness before.
As the case of Mrs. Surratt lias been thus
lesurrccted, it may be of interest to republish
the list of those implicated by Butler in
his ferocious onslaught upon Bingham. The
names arc as follows :
Major General David Hunter, Major Gene
ral Lewis Wallace, Brevet Major Geueral
August V. Kautz, Brigadier General Albion
P. llowe, Brigadier General Robert S. Foster,
Brigadier General James A. Ekix, Brigadier
General T. W. Harris, Brevet Colonel C. H.
.Tompkins, Lieutenant Colonel-D. R. Clendix
in, and Brigadier General Josepji llolt, Judge
Advocate. - *
The principal witness against Mrs. Surratt
was a certain John Weichman. The subjoin
ed testimony will demonstrate the credibility
ol that vile reptile, we will hot call him man,
and go far to strengthen Gen. Butler’s opinion
as to the llimsv pretext upon which an innocent
woman was done to death, her reputation blast
ed and her remains dishonored :
\ From the Oflicial Reports of ttie Conspiracy Trial. *
TESTIMONY OF FATHER BOYLE.
Q In all your acquaintance with MYs. Surratt
did von ever hear her ntter a disloyal senti
ment? A. Never.
TESTIMONY OF -I. Z. JENKINS.
Q. Have you, during the last year or two,
been on terms of intimacy with Mrs. Surratt?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Have you, in all your intercourse with
her, heard her breathe a word of disloyalty to
the Government ? A. Not to my knowledge.
Q. Have you, at any time, heard her make
•any remark or remarks showing her to have a
knowledge of any plan or conspiracy to assas
sinate the President or any member of the
Government? A. No, sir.
Q. Have you ever heard her mention, at any
time, any plan lor the capture of the President?
A. I have not.
TESTIMONY OF ANNA A. SURRATT.
Q. Miss Surratt, did you, at your mother's
house, at any time, on any occasion, ever hear
a word breathed as to any plot, or plan, or con
spiracy in existence to assassinate the Presi
dent of the Uuited States. A. No, sir.
Q. Did you ever hear any remarks made with
reference to the assassination of any member
of the Government ? A. No, sir.
Q. Did j’ou ever hear it. discussed by any
member of the family to capture the President
of the United States? A. No, sir, I did not
AFFIDAVIT OF JOHN P. BROPIIY.
L I can have it proved, if time be allowed,
that Weichman “ is and always was a coward,”
according to the words of his father.
K~ ’ , h I U hc 4 t0 , 1d me siucohis trial closed that
he was arrested as a conspirator, and threaten
ed with death by Mr. Stanton and Mr Burnett
aw
3 That he told me siuee S close of the trial
that the. detective who had him w, 1 .
Canada was offered *35,000 t? biW rS h- in
(Weichman) back safely to Washington? blm
4. That he stated to me since the trial" oin a
that if Captaiu Gleason had not iufoi-mi° SCd
him, they (Stanton, Burnett and the rest) would
never have got a word out of him concern no
the assassination. in »
5. That since the trial ciosed he has admitted
to me that he was a liar. a
6. That be swore to a falsehood on the wit
ness stand.
7. That a short time before the assassina
tion he introduced Atzerodt to me as a particu
lar friend of his, and that the same day he and
Atzerodt were riding on Booth’s horses. I can
bring other and new witnesses to testify to his
intimacy with Adferodt. .
8. That about the same time he boasted in
the office in which he worked that he could j
make $40,000 any time he liked, but that it
would be in a dishonorable 1 way.'
9. That since the trial closed he told me that
Mrs. Surratt wept , bitterly at the thought of
John going to Richmond, implored lmn to re
main at home and not bring t-rouble upon him
self aud upon the family.
10. That once, while some men were at the
house, Mrs. Surratt called John (her sonjaside,
and said to him, “John, I am afraid there is
something going on. . Why do these men come
here? Now, John, Ido not feel easy about
this, apd you must tell me what you are about.”
I asked Weiehmnn if John told her, and he
(Weichman) tbld me that John did not, and
would not toll her.
1L That «incc the close of the trial Weich
man offered to give a letter to President John
son in Mrs. Surratt’s favor, provided I would
“keep it a profound secret.” I asked him to
give tne a similar letter to Judge Holt, and he
reflied : >‘No, I will not write to him, because
I have no confidence whatever in Holt.*’
12. That he said he would not work nuder
this Government if he had anything else to do,
and that he would never fight on the Northern
side. '* * * * * *
10. That other very important facts in Mrs.
Surratt’s favor can be brought to light if time
be allowed'.
(Signed) John P. Beophy.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 7tli
day of July, 1865, and 1 hereby certify that the
affiant is a respectable eitizey and worthy of
credit.
John F. Call.vn, Notary Public.
general hartranft her innocent.
On Thursday afternoon, July 6, Rev. B. F.
| Wiget, Rev. J. D. Walter, Mr. Johh P. Bropby
| and Miss Anna E. Surratt, received permission
! to visit Mrs. Mary E. Surratt, at her cell in the
penjteutiary. Mr. Bropby, remembering that
Payne had declared Mrs.. Surratt innocent all
i through the trial, urged Father Wiget aud
Father Walter to visit Payne and ask him
whether she were guilty or not. They did visit
i Payne, by permission, and he told them openly
! that she was au irnocc-nt woman.
| Friday morning Father Walter sent Mr.
Bropliy with a letter to the President, contain
| ing Payne’s statement, aud asking that a little
| time be allowed Mrs. Surratt to prove her in
i uoccuee.
Father Walter’s letter was endorsed by Gen.
Hartranft, who has had the prisoners in charge,
aud whose orders were to carry out the execu
tion. Gen. .Hartranft wrote in substance as
follows to the President, a short time before
the execution:
“The prisoner Payne has just told me that
Mrs. Surratt is entirely innocent of the assassi
nation of President Lincoln, and of any knowl
edge thereof. He also states that she had no
knowledge whatever of- the abduction plot;
that nothing \vus ever said to her about it; and
that her name was never mentioned by the par
ties connected therewith.”
At the close of the letter which Gcu. Ilart
ranft wrote to the President, he (General Hart
ranft) said: “ I believe that Payne has toid the
truth in this matter.”
He then signed his name, rank, &c.
From this extraordinary testimony aud from
the fatalities attending its memory, it will be
proclaimed to a sensual world and debauched
cabal that retribution is still a force on this
side the Styx, and the measure meted out to
others will one day be meted back again.
GEN. LONGBTREET’S LETTER.
Gen. Longstreet has written a letter to the
New Orleans Times , which will be pronounced
a curiosity by his friends aud admirers. It is
not so lengthened an epistle as that of Gen.
Chalmers, neither is it so adroit; but just as
the Chalmers letter is Brown boiled down, so
the Longstreet missive is Chalmers in a nut
shell. Here it is:
New Orleans, La., March IS, 1807.
To the Editor of the New Orleans Times :
Dear Sir : In your paper of yesterday you
have expressed a desire to hear the views of
several geutlemeu upon the political condition
of the country. 1 find my name mentioned
upon your list, and proceed without hesitation
to respond.
As I have never applied myself to politics, 1
j cannot claim to speak to the wise statesmen of
| the country, who are devoting their energies to
the solution of the problem which agitates the
public mind. I can only speak the plain, hon
est convictions ol a soldier.
It can hardly be necessary, at this late day, to
enter into a discussion ot the matter that is
usually brought up in arguing upon the pro
posed plan for reconstructing the Government.
Indeed, I think that many ol them arc not per
tinent to (he question.
The striking feature, and the one that our
people should keep in view, is that we arc a
conquered people. Recognizing this tact fairly
and squarely, there is but one course left for
wise men to pursue. Accept the terms that are
offered us by thd conquerors ! There can be
no discredit to a conquered people for accept
ing the conditions offered by their conquerors.
Nor is. there any occasion fora feeling of hu
miliation. We have made an honest, and I
hope that I might saj’, a creditable fight, but we
have lost. Let as come forward, then, and
accept the ends involved in the struggle.
Our people earnestly desire that the constitu
tional government shall be re-established, and
the only means to accomplish this is to comply
with the requirements of the recent Congres
sional legislation.
It is said bj T some that Congress will not re
ceive us even after we have complied with their
conditions. But I can fiud no sufficient reason
for entertaining this proposition for a moment.
I cannot admit that the representative men of
a great nation could make such a pledge in bad
faith. Admitting, however, that there is such
a mental reservation, can that be any excuse for
us in tailing to discharge our duty ? Let us
accept the terms as we are in duty hound to do,
and if there he a Lick of good faith, let it be
upon others.
I am, very respectfully, your most obedieut
servant, ” James Longstreet.
General Loxgstreet’s record during the
wat- was full of honor. His services were glo
rious and his deeds of valor inestimable. Asa
great soldier and patriot he is entitled to a re
specful hearing, but, farther tliau this, we do uot
see that his advice need be specially sound or
his opinion infallibly correct'.
It will be observed that the Geucral acknowl
edges that he kuows little of politics or states
manship. We concede that he does not, and
give due credit for the assertion that he looks
at the present situation “as a soldier.” This
is preciselj’ the way that its aspect is most ap
palling. Our military commanders see it
through the same glasses, and as their profes
sion reduces them to the straits of the marti
uet, their genius for solving vexed questions of
State is not iu the highest condition of intel
lectual health or iugeuuity.
According to General Longstreet, it is emi
nently the part of wisdom for a conquered peo
ple to accept, the conqueror’s terms, no matter
how degrading or unprofitable. We differ with
him in ioto. If those terms touch the honor
of the unfortunate, they should be spurned.
The conqueror may force them into acquies
cence, but all the power of the earth is impo
tent to make a man, tenacious of principle,
consent to debauchment ami endorse the
edict of his disgrace. The records of history
are full of such examples. B\’ such, the Chris
tian church, in the blood of martyrs, grew
vital and destroyed the Pagan oppression. Bj’
such the Hungarians have saved the integrity
of their race and regained the liberty Os their
country. Many a poor private soldier pqjfer
red the hellish torture of a Federal pris
on, and many have died in those charnel
houses, rather than purchase enlargement by
stultification. Wc believe that those epleu
did examples of constancy will read better in’
future annals than formal counsel of subrnis- i
sion.
General Longstreet u”gcs the people - to
come forward and “ accept the ends involved
in the late struggle.” What were these ends V
The curious reader can find them in the resolu
tion of Congress, kept as ' standing - matter for
public edification *on otrr "fourth page. We
likewise print as a commentary the Shermax-
Shellabarger atrocity. The Union and the
Constitution, the avowed ends proposed by
Congress, we are willing to accept; but we de
cline even the invitation of Gen. Longstreet
to give our voluntary adhesion to the Supple
mental bill. Others may think differently, and
the South, hearkening to incompetent counsel,
may degrade herself and posterity, but we
can safely put it on record that, speaking lor
what may be the minority, wc never will yield a
deathless principle for the paltry profits of an un
certain expediency, which cannot prosper in
the end.
Gen. Longstreet thinks “ constitutional
government can be accomplished by complying
WITH THE REQUIREMENTS OF THE RECENT
Congressional legislation !!”
We positively refuse to argue that illogical
proposition. It come- its answer with it. To
speak of constitutional government and recent
Congressional legislation in the same breath, is
equal* to an assertion that black is white or
chalk is cheese.
General Longstreet’s fakji in the pledges of
Radicalism are creditable to his chivalric na
ture ; but it requires more hardihood than we
have yet experienced, and more credulity than
we have yet found, to stare his confidence and
trust.
Tliis'letter of General Longstreet’s was not
necessary. H may prove pernicious. Its ne
cessity perished with the enactment of the Sup
plemental bill, which, by amendment, merci
fully put a barrier to Southern stultification.
Any pronounced advice to accept wl a f , is not
even required is mournful aud unfortunate.
[From the New York Times.
Congressional Profanity.
The discussion, on Tuesday, in the House of
Representatives, of the bill proposing relief for
the South was characterized by an extraordina
ry outbreak of Congressional profanity. “Mr.
Covode, of Pennsylvania, proceeded to relate
from the Scriptures the story of how King Ahab
was made to suffer because he had shown mer
cy to the King of the Assyrians, who, with his
army, had been delivered into his hand. Be
fore concluding the narrative he was inter
rupted by the announcement of a message from
the Senate, whereupon Mr. Ross, of liliuois,
inquired of the Speaker whether a message
from the Almighty could be interrupted by a
message from the Senate.” Now, ?Sis question
may-have been considered a flue joke in Con
gress, but outside of Congress the moral sense
of the community is everywhere shocked by so
public -.and flagrant a violation of the divine
commandment, “Thou slialt uot take the name
of the Lord tin - God in vain.” Such irreverent
trifling is not witty, but wicked. Its blas
phemy, however, is uot more offensive than
that of certain Congressmen 'who arrogate to
themselves the divine prerogatives. Uniting
with Butler and Covode in inhuman opposi-
■ tion to the proposed relief of the starving peo
j pie of the South, they invoke the judgment sos
I God upon the people of the North if they
j dare, like Ahab, to show mercy to the van
j quished. The envoys of the Syriau king “gird
j ed sackcloth on their loins and put ropes on
their heads and came to the King of Israel and
said, Thy servant Bcn-hadad saith, 1 pray thee
let me live. And lie said, Is he yet alive ? lie
|is my brother. Ahab then promised to restore
the cities which had been taken from the
Syrians, and he made a covenant with Bcn
hadad. But for this he was denounced in the
I name of the Lord by a prophet. “Thus saith
! the Lord, Because thou bast let go out of thy
| hand a man whom I appointed to utter destruc
| tion, therefore thy life shall go lor his life, and
j thy people for his people.” Our Radical oppo
nents to the restoration of the South to the
Union, it appears, would fain pronounce this
cruel curse upon the men of the North wlro,
moved to generous compassion by the dis
. tresses of their late antagonists, would recog
j nizc them again as “ brothers,” although these
j Congressional usurpers of the divine preroga-
I tives have “appointed them to utter destruc
| tion.”
If such blasphemy is tolerated at Washing
! ton, it is, perhaps, not surprising that similar
I wanton disregard of the religious suseeptibili
! Lies of the public is indulged in at Albany.
The brethren and sisters of a Baptist church
near the State capital have been grievously
offended by Mr. Oakley, who, in a recent speech
i in the Legislature, stigmatized their house of
| worship as a “bath house.” To be sure he
S may plead in extenuation that he wished to rc
-1 tort upon the pastor of the church in question;
i the latter, in addressing his Sunday school, had
innocently likened the Capitol to “ a lunatic
| asylum.”
Golng to tiie Bad.— Time and again we
have drawn attention to the fact that just as
• the Old World despotisms progress toward
! liberal and enlightened reforms the American
Republic sliuks far iuto the rear aud gorges it
i self with the abandoned vomit of imperialism.
Notwithstanding this melancholy fact, we are ;
treated to wholesome laudation of our form of
' government aud its perpetuity. Says the Balti- j
more Gazette: “ The whole world sees that the 1
Republic of our fathers has forever fallen and
yet the people of the North are prating about i
its stability and glory. The sword of absolut- 1
ism is at the throats of nearly half the popula- j
tion of the country and the other half invites j
all nations to gaze upon the land of liberty and
justice. The bitterest opponent of republican
institutions and the theory of self-government
could desire no clearer evidence of the truth of
his political creed t-hau the spectacle we to-day
present to mankind. The most vindictive ene
my of the American people could wish them
uo sadder fate than that towards which they
are so rapidly driving ouward. Every nation
of the earth has in its turn beeu given over to
anarchy, and it seems as though the time had j
come when we too are to be called upon to un- j
dergo the same dread ordeal in which the
hopes and joys of many a preceding generation
have suffered shipwreck.”
Adjournment.— The general impression
seems to be that, cow that the two Houses have
at last agreed up#n “ a plan of reconstruc- j
tion,” after a two years’ struggle, they will ad
journ. But as the Fortieth Congress is made
up largely of the material of its predecessor,
he is a bold man who will venture to make any
prognostication as to what it wi|l do.
f National ihtqlligencsr.
The Negro.
All at once the negro has found friends
that he little exacted. These new found
friends are endeavoring to impress the negro
that they are “ leading off” in a movement to in
terest the whites of the South in their behalf. AVe
are pleased to see this awakeumg on the part
ot some of the journals ot this State. They
slept soundly over their duty long enough, and
now that they'arc aroused we bid them God
speed in the right way —when thc\ find-it. Me
have always endeavored to do our duty toward
the colored people; now that they have been
iuvested with the great privilege of the ballot,
it is ol the highest importance that tfcey be
taught to use it with discretion.
Ten months since in these columns we ad
vocated (and have continued the course) the
propriety of providing schools for the freed
| children, and the full performance of our duty
to the race. J unes T. Gardiner, Esq,, as a jus
tice of the Inferior Court, and as a citizen, and,
we believe, as Mayor of the city endeavored to
1 inaugurate a school system-for the colored peo
i Plc
' Last summer a number 61 colored men met
i in conference with the justices of the Court.
They very candidly informed that body that the
1 parents of children had generally promised the
ladies, teachers of the colored schools, that, on
their return from the North in the fall, they
would again send their children to them. Os
' course, this honorable regard tor promises
i made was respected, and we do not know that
: any further action has been taken. We know
| that Mr. Gardiner still feels the same interest
I iu their welfare, and trust that he will excuse us
I tor saying that he is oue of the right stamp of
j men to move in the important matter of briug
-5 iug about a fair and honest understanding' be
i teen the two races.
We give below; an article which we wrote, and
I published, in June last:
Our Duty.-- -Much has beeu said and written
; upon the conduct of the freedmau—the ob
! structions thrown in his way and in-the way of
i those who would advance his true interests.—
But, let us reflect for a time upon the duties
! which we owe to that class of our population.
We cannot assume that the emancipation ol
l the slaves among us lias by any means relieved
| us from all responsibility as individuals and as
; societies or communities, iu regard to the well
| bciug of the colored people, who have for so
j many years looked to the white man of the
j South for protection.
I We may ask, and apparently with some show
of reason iu these times, “ who is our neigh
bor ?” The same good book that enjoins upon
us to love our neighbor as ourselves tells us
that every sou and daughter of Adam is our
neighbor—especially every suffering one. It
i requires no argument to convince any one that
| the class referred to is, at this time, a suffering
| class.
We do not purpose, in this brief article, to
speak of the physical sufferings of our former
servants, but will confine ourselves to the fact
that these people must be educated—taught to
read and write. We have “always inclined to
the belief that it was the duty ot the State to
provide for the instruction of all its inhabitants,
ot whatever color, even when the blacks were
slaves. The emancipation of this class renders
the duty imperative.
For one year the colored children of this
community have received instructions from
those who, however honest may have been their
intentions, were altogether unfitted tor the
duty. These teachers came among us just at a
time when all was excitement and uncertainty.
When the slave was filled with-extravagant no
tions of freedom, and when the master was
wounded to the quick with the thought that
!hc servants, which he had raised from infancy,
should turn to strangers for counsel and pro
tection. The teachers were “ impressed” with
the belief that the master was a tyrant, and that
the slave was a compound of suffering soul and
body. That he or she (the teacher), imbued
with the spirit of the primitive Christians, had
“ taken their lives in their hands,” braving all
the dangers of this unhealthy and ungodly city,
and had come among us to labor for the eleva
tion of the negro and the glory of God.
Far be it from us to speak lightly of the zeal
manifested by any one, when acting in accord
ance with a known or conceived duty. Con
science is answerable to God, and wc would not
disturb it. •
j We wish now to ask of “ oar people ” that
! they take in baud the education ,of the freed
' people of tills city. To support the schools
! money must he raised. We suppose that the
j City Council has the power to levy a tax for the
! purpose; if not, an application to the next Le
-1 gislature will cfFeet the desired object, the freed
| men contributing 1 to the tax.
j The free schools of the county arc under the
supervision of the Inferior Court. The justices
: of this body are whole-souled and public-spirit
ed men, and now that this court is relieved of
much of its labor by the County Court, wc trust
that this important matter will receive the at
tention which it deserves. Let some system
be inaugurated whereby competent instructors
| can be secured, and let them be fully compen
sated for their services. Above all, let our citi
zens who have the good of the community at
heart encourage such schools and lend them all
the couutcuauce in their power.
We believe this to be our duty, ancl that j
such a course will be the most efficient argu
ment against the importation of missionaries
in our midst, who have such crude ideas of us
as.a people, and many of whom are in the
South at the present for no other purpose than
that of filling their pockets with what little
filthy lucre they may be able to gather from
the unsuspecting colored man. More than
once have collections been taken up in the
colored schools for some of those engaged in
their “ labors of love.”
If the freedmen are taught to read, they will
soon come in possession of the truth concern
ing themselves and the slave trade, and the part
performed by the North in that trade. They
can also learn that their by Mr.
Lincoln was defended as a “ war measure,” and
was not based upon love for the negro. They
will discover that the secret of the Radical
party is not that it hates the negro less, hut his
former master more.
*The South has everthing to hope and noth
ing to fear from a proper education of the
negro.
Destruction of a Government Train by j
a Water Spout in Colorado Desert. — San 1
Francisco, March * 22.—A Los Angelos letter
states that a Government train en route to Ari
zono was lost on the 10th of March, in Colo
rado Desert, by a water spout. The train con
sisted of eleven wagons, accompanied by two
companies of the 14th United States infantry.
Several lives were lost. -»
* The commissary stores and wagons were car
ried eighteen miles from the scene of the dis
aster.
[From the Cincinnati Enquirer.
Improving Mr. Severdy Johnson.
The following ft from in article in the New
York Evangelist, congratulating the New School
Presbyterians upon the passage of thp bid cic-1
ttting a military despotism over ten States ; ,
“In the Senate, Reverdy Johnson, though ;
opposed to the priuciples of the bill, ff" c 1 1 c
“Sou of bis Soto, because U <
neiee Os this rema-kable vote and action tut
Newark Advertiser observes: A Democrat him
self, iu the Democratic ranks he is conceded to
be the srreat constitutional tawjer of Age tiane,
ami his single vote recorded in the athnnamc
is a strong assertion of the constitutional i i„ht
of Congress to annul and "supersede the bogus'
governments established by .the will anc. pier s
ure of President Johnson.”
How much or how little c.omfoit Kc c >
Johnson may derive from the recollection that
he voted tor the Military Government bill,
have not the means upon which to lounci a con
jecture. It was unfortunate, on oue hand, tuai
Mr. Johnson, votiug for the bill, shou.o enjo_y
the reputatiou of a great lawyer; tor the unci
ence inevitably follows* that, being a great la \ -
vor, and also a great Democrat, he -could not
have voted lor the bill had he not been con
vinced both ot its propriety and its COQtutu
tioxiality.
Now, wc doubt very much whether Mr. John
son is either a great constitutional lawyer—as
he is affirmed to be in the foregoing extract a
great statesman, or even a great politician;
much more we doubt, with his votes m out
memory, whether he is entitled to be consid
ered a very great Democrat. He is a successful
attorney and counsellor at law, made up, as
elderly successful attorneys and counselors at
law are usually made up, of sonic faint recol
lections of early elementary reading, a jumble
of precedents mechanically remembered, and
an inveterate propensity to compromise truth
and principle in favor of success. Such then
make the poorest legislators in the world ; and,
outside their trade, are unfit for auy purpose ;
even to sit as jurymen. Truth never hits them
squarely, as it docs, other men ; and, accus
tomed to select their facts upon the plan of
choosing those that are fittest for their one
sided purpose, they lose the ability to weigh
them with accuracy, or to comprehend truly
tiie relation which oue bears to another.
In our view of the case, to be a successful at
torney and counsellor at law, and to be a sound
constitutionalist, are two things unlike each
other as to be very nearly incompatible. The
two provinces of municipal and political law,
the one reaching down to the relations of pri
vate life, the other up to public conditions, are
so far separated, and such different mental
habits are needed for their consideration, that
to have lived iu the atmosphere of one is nearly
the worst possible preparation for usefulness
or efficiency in the other.
Iu the paragraph wc have quoted.it is said
that Mr. Johnson was “opposed to the princi
ples of the bill,” and also that “ his single vote
recorded in the affirmative is a strong assertion
of its constitutionality.” Whether opposition
to the principles of the Dill is compatible with
belief in its constitutionality, is a question we
do not know how to answer. 1 here is, how
ever, in our view of the case, no means 1 y
which a man can justify himself for voting for
a law to the principles of which he is opposed.
If a man is not bound by his conscience and
his intellectual convictions in the business of
legislation, it would be well to know what is
the rule of action which legislators should ob
serve. To do evil that good may come is a
thing which divine teaching and human expe
rience equally condemn. . “ Though opposed to
the principles of the bill,” Mr. Johnson —it is
said—“gave it the sanction of his vote because
it offered hopes of peace.” In other words, Mr.
Johnson was willing to vote for the Military
Governments bill, to use bis influence with the
President to procure his approval, and with the
people of the South to procure their accept
ance, in the hope, by this concession, to ap- i
pease the anger ol the North, and prevent it i
from Instituting measures of a still severer j
character. Such a course of action ean only
start from the predicate that the North is right,
and that it must be treated with as an absolute
power from which forbearance may be purchas
ed by submission. How Democratic this may
appear to be, to the mind of a “ war Democrat”
we will not pretend to decide; to ours it is uot
very Democratic.
But had Mr. Johnson any assurance that the
military governments being conceded, there
would cease to be a war between the Congress
and the President, or that Congress would for
bear from further aggressions upon the South ?
Nothing of the kind. He had nothing but his
own conjectures, with all the circumstances
against him, for such an opinion. To tell the
truth, Mr. ■Tohuson had got tired of being iu the
minority. It was not the place for a gentleman
of aristocratic habits, broadcloth, cash and high
social and professional standing. Therefore he
did a little loving violence to his easy-virtued
Democracy, and walked out. Ho chose well the
time to desert ; when it would do the most
damage to the party he was deserting. Where
the future will place him, is another affair.
Mr. Johnson saw fit to attach great import
ance to the hope ot a cessation of the warfare
between Congress and the President. Why it
is especially essential that there should be har
mony and concert of action between President
Johnson and the majority in the
House of Representatives, wc find it hard,'un
der present circumstances, to understand. Was
it supposed that the would adopt
and further the policy of Congress ? Wc fail to
: sec the benefit of such a consummation. Was
it supposed that would follow the
lead of the President f Who was fool enough
to dream a dream so preposterous ? Bad as
things are noiv, a conjunction between the two
powers, upon the only basis that is practicable,
would be worse infinitely,
j But, the bill being passed, has the warfare
j upon the President ended ; or is the spirit of
: opposition appeased ? Neither. The organs
of the party pour viler epithets than ever upon
the President, and each day, almost, brings
forth anew device to harry, oppress and insult
the Southern people. No sooner has one enor
mous conception become a law than another is
begotten; and if Mr. Johnson had for a mo
ment an idea that .it would be otherwise, emi
nent as he may be as an attorney, bis know
ledge of human nature is rather-limited than
otherwise.
The Secret of Stevens’ Confiscation
Speech. —Confiscation, as shown by Mr. Ste
vens, is not only oueof the weapons oj civilized
war, but one of the acknowledged remedies of
the victorious power; and in proving these
plain propositions, with all his incomparable
logic, sustained by unchallenged historic au
thorities, he has given to the people of the
South an admonition which they canaot lay too
deeply to heart.
To this end all efforts to secure possession of
the primary and preparatory organizations in
the insurgent States by the authors, advocates
and agents of the rebellion should be abandon
ed. Instead of seeking to put themselves for
ward as the leaders of the new dispensation,
they should elect and support the known repre
sentatives of the Union sentiment".
f Forney Chronicle.
Our “ distinguished leaders” _ may spare the
effusion of ink after this. After a while, it will be
required by some latter day saint of the Brown
dispensation to accept Mr. Stevens’ legisla
tion. When the requirement includes Mr.
Forney’s supplement, the course of political
folly will have reached the end of its rope.
Senatorial Morality.—A Washington cor
respondent*of the Paincsville (N. Y.) Telegraph
says : “ The terrible need of a temperance re
formation among our Congressmen you will
believe when I tell you that at a ‘ state-dinner,’
a few days since, at the White House., one hon
orable Senator, and iu the presence of his wife,
at that dinner table became so beastly drunk
that the waiters had to take him from the table
to bed! On the same occasion another Sena
tor, somewhat wiser, aware of his growing
weakness, had the good sense to take his wife
and leave while he could. And on that same
state occasion, yet a third Senator came to the
White House in such drunkenness that he didn’t
get beyond the cloak-room.”
Second Military District.-Wc publish
below General Orders, No. 1, of D. E. Sickles,
Major General*, Commanding Second Military
District. It will be seen that he has, like Gen.
Schofield, in the First District, ignored election
aud continues in offic?nll civil officers. \\
may therefore reasonably conclude that t!. •
same rule will obtain in all the Districts, a.-.d
that no election, either State or Municipal, v,i
bo held until registration, according to the >
plctucut of the Military bill, is completed .
HEADQUARTERS,
Second Military District,
North Carolina and South Carolina,
Colombia, S. C., March ‘Jlst, bill
[General Orders , Ao. l.j
1. In compliance with General Orders, N
10, Headquarters ot the Army, March li ,
1807, the undersigned hereby assumes <■,
maud of the Second Military District, cov
tnted by the Act of Congress, Public No. ■ -,
2A March, 1807, entitled “ An Act for the m
efficient government of the rebel States.”
ff Iu the execution of the duty of the (
manc\ing General to maintain the sccuriry .
the inhabitants in their persons and prop :
to suppress insurrection, disorder and vi«>:
and to punish or cause (o be punished
turbere of the public peace and criminals,
local civil tribunals will be permitted to t.
jurisdiction of and try offenders, ow: ; ,
only such cases as may by tLe order ot ti ■
Commanding General be referred to a comm
sion or other military tribunal for trial.
3. The civil government now existin':
North Carolina'and South Carolina is prow
siouul only, aud iu all respects subject to • . •
paramount authority of the l nited State?, t
any time to abolish, modify, control or su; o
sedc the same. Local laws and municipal n g
lations uot inconsistent with the Constitute i
aud laws of the United States, or the proclan
tions of the President, or with such r< guiati- -
as are or may be prescribed in the orders of•
commanding General, are hereby declared ’ ■>
be in force: and in conformity therewith, v. I
officers are hereby authorized to continue the
j exercise of their proper functions, and will •
1 respected and obeyed by the. inhabitants,
j 4. Whenever any civil officer, magistral' i
j court neglects or refuses to perform an off 1
i act properly, required of such tribunal or e.i -
I cer, whereby due and rightful security to
j son or property shall be denied, the ease w I
j be reported by the Post Commander to the ■
! headquarters.
i 5. Post Commanders will cause to be
i rested persons charged with the ornmi- i
! of crimes and offenses when the civil uuiho.
ties fail to arrest and bring spell offender? t
j trial, and will hold the accused iu custody ' a
! triitl by Military Commission, Provost Court
; or other tribunal organized pursuant to on’.
! from those headquarters. Arrests by juilit ■ >-
authority will be reported promptly. 'I.
charges preferred will be accompanied by t: ■
evidence on which they are founded.
6. The Commanding General desiring to ;
serve tranquility anil order by mean? a:. I
agencies most congenial to the people, sop.
the zealous and cordial co-opcration of civil
officers in the discharge of their duties, a:. I
the aid of all good citizens in preventing c i
duet tending to disturb the peace; and to ti e
end that occasion may seldom arise for th>*
ercise of military authority in matters of or<u
nary civil administration, the Command., g
General respectfully and earnestly commends
to the people and authorities of North and
South Carolina unreserved obedience to tl.e
authority uow established, and the diliget. ,
considerate and impartial execution of the laws
enacted for their government.
7. All orders heretofore published to the De
partment of the South are hereby continued in
force.
8. The following named officers arc re
nounced as the staff of the Major General Com
manding :
Captain J. W. Clous, 3Sth United State? h:
fantry, Acting Assistant Adjutant General and
Aidc-dc-Camp.
Captain Alexander Moore, 38tli United States
Infantry, Aide-de-Cnmp.
Brevet Major J. R. Myrick, First Lieulen -nt
fid Artillery, Aide de-Camp and Acting Judge
Advocate.
Major James P. Roy, Oth United States fn
fantry, Acting Assistant Inspector General.
Breyet Major General R. O. Tyler, Deputy
Quartermaster General U. S. A., Chief Quar'er
master.
Brevet Brigadier General \V. W. Burns, Mr ,->r
and C. S., U. S. A., Chief Commissary of Sul),
sistcnec.
Brevet Lieutenant Colonc-1 Chas. Page, Sur
geon U. S. A., Medical Director.
D. E. SICKLES,
Major Geueral Commanding.
Official: J. W. Clous, Aidc-de-Camn.
The National Currency.— The New Yo k
Tribune, which did quite as much to flood tha
country with irredeemable paper money as Mr.
Chase, aud more than any other journal ro
force the war which forced tire greenback?, is
thus recalcitrant. Hear Mr. Greely :
“ The people have suffered enough from the
evils of a depreciated currency to insist on the
demand for its extinction. The vast body of
consumers have been long subjected to inor
dinate prices through tbe powerful combina
tions of gigantic speculators dealing iu aid
controlling all articles of consumption, and
especially the necessaries ol life. These specu
lative combinations are supported by the banks
who earn their exorbitant profits by issuiug
! endless promises to pay, which they arc never
I called upon to redeem ; and thus they become
j co-conspirators with these plunderers upon tl -
j public. The banks are no longer administer-. J
| for the purpose of facilitating commercial ope
rations by legitimate loans. Released from
obligation to pay, except iu paper promise,
they issue their notes, they afford their credit,
they grant their aid to bloated speculator- o i
stocks and on commodities of every kind 1
description.
“ We warn all concerned that the way ol the
transgressor Is hard. This sort of thing can
not long go on. The banks and tbe specula
tors may have their way for a time, but the and y
will come when the loose principles now
avowed by their representatives, and the lying
pretences on which they operate, namely, th t
a promise may he disregarded without sham ,
and that the shadow is as good as tbe sub
stance, will work their own disgrace aud de
struction.
How far we have wandered and are wander
ing from this inflexible standard we forget to
remember, iu the midst of this rolling, inun
dating sea of lying promises to pay, which the
country has consented for these past ft*w years
to dignify with tbe name of money. Tbe peo
ple have become debauched with its demoral
izing influences, and both individual and
national credit is in danger of going down
before the influences and ideas it has created in
the great crisis upon which the country is now
entering in its financial and industrial concern*.
The cloud on the horizon may he yet no bigger
than a man’s hand. We have intimated what
shape it may take, and, iudeed, is likely to take,
unless by common consent we arc all willing
to unite in the declaration that all irredeemable
promises to pay, whether bank promises or
Government promises, are alike audacious
swindles and glaring lies, disgracing their nt
terers, and which must be relentlessly pursued
and proclaimed as such, till they are driven out
of existence.”
Mississippi Moves for an Injunction.—
The Missihippian learns from undoubted ai
thority that Judge Sharkey telegraphed to Gov.
Humphreys for permission to file a hill in the
name of the State of Mississippi, tq enjoin all
proceedings to subject the people of this State
to military rule, under the recent act of Con
gress, and that the Governor immediately re
plied, giving the desired authority. Since tLcu
the Governor has received a telegram from
Judge Sharkey upon the subject, stating that
the “prospects are good.”
Oh ! Oh !—The Buenos Ayres papers bit
terly denounce war with Paraguay for the sake
of an alliance with a “ Negro Empire.” In the
present rapid march of events the term is sug
gestive.