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tee weekly constitutionalist WEDNESDAY MORNING. APRIL 22,1868 TO OUR FRIENDS. Club Rates for the Weekly Constitution alist. The year 1868 will be one of the most momentous in the political history of this country. A great contest—one that is to shape the form of government and fate of the people for many years —will be fought and decided. On the one side, we behold the forces of Despotism, arrayed under the Radical banner ; on the other side, the defenders of Constitutional Liberty, mar shalled under the glorious ensign of De mocracy. While the Negro and the Public Debt will be matters of contention in the North, the acts of the Unconstitutional Convention will engage the attention of the South. The grand struggle for the overthrow of Radicalism will pervade all sections and shake them with a convulsion equal to that of 1860-61. In view of this tremendous drama, it will be our constant aim to keep the readers ot the Weekly Consiitutionalist fully posted on the partisan issues of the hour, as well as the current news of each passing week. Pledging ourselves to this great duty, we confidently anticipate a generous support from those who wish us Success in our efforts to maintain and protect their in terest. That every one may be enabled 'to sub scribe. and receive the benefits of a live jour nal, we offer the following liberal terms to Clubs ; 1 Copy per year - - - - $3 00 3 Copies per year - - - - 750 5 Copies per year - - - - 12 00 10 Copies per year - - - - 20 00 We trust that every subscriber to the paper will aid us in adding to our list. CARPET-BAG THEOLOGIANS. When your Skowhegan skunk turns poli tician and invades the South, it is a part of his programme to abase himself and seek admiration by rolling in the mire. He is rabid after office and a general support at somebody’s expense. Finding it impossible to deceive or placate the decent whites, he bargains with outlaws as venal and despi cable as himself, and playing into each other’s hands, they delude the negro popu lation by false promises, filch their hard earned money by cajolery, and ride into power on the backs of those who are foolish enough to trust them and their ignominious coalition. This is to be expected of the adventurer vomited forth from Skowhegan and the adjacent provinces of New Eng land, but we did hope that when a Skow heganite turned his attention to theology, a lovely scorn of ambition and lucre would, in some measure, expiate the baseness of his political compeer. Such, however, is not the case. The “ friends of the freed man,” hailing from those States that tram ple him down whenever he lifts his head, are just as bad when they get hold of Sambo with the spirit of Cotton Mather, uis those who now hold him with the spirit of the late-lamented Richardson. One bangs him over the head with the Billie and the other with a copy of the new con stitution. All of them plunder him and seek his scandal and destruction. These columns have not been wanting in illustrations of the hypocrisy of the politi cal knave in the character of a negro wor shipper; we call attention to the ministe rial charlatan as the Moses of the Ethio pian. In the city of Washington there assem bled a body of parsons, genuine Yankee Radicals, called the National Theological .Society. The published report of the pro ceedings is one of the most disgraceful on record, exposing, as it does, an angry ulcer in the clergy of the North and a shrewd lust for cash most unbecoming in disciples of the meek and lowly Jesus. The great quarrel -of the Society was over the control of an institute organized to qualify negroes for the ministry. Some were in favor of giving authority to the Theological So ciety ; others proposed that “ brethren in Boston ” should take charge. The combat of Milton’s devils and angels was not a circumstance to the acrimonious tussle of! these Reverend Puritans over the bodies ! and the funds of the negro institute. Every mother’s son of them wanted to fill the of fices and manipulate the “demnition cash,” and where all were so eager compromises were impossible. The regular Skowhegan, carpet-bag Satan showed his cloven foot as palpably in dividing Christ’s garment as he has exhibited it in mutilating the rai ment of the South. Faith, hope, charity, religion, the sacerdotal character —all were forgotten in beastly hatred of one another, and wolfish craving to cheat the negro, though he reposed on the altar and sought refuge in the sanctuary. Read the following report and see how loyal saints of the Skowhegan church trifle with the negro, and how closely your Yankee cleric approaches his brother layman in the sacred thirst of plunder. Read this, quarrel over the money-bag. While perusing, old odors of the Georgia Convention steal into the nostril with a stronger infusion of rotten codfish. The Treasurer puts himself in position, and the scramble commences thus : Mr. Z. Richards said that it was claimed that this was the Institute, and bis office as Treas urer bad expired, and that many now claiming to be members were not such, having failed to pay their last annual installments of $1 each. The Chair (Mr. Lewis) remarked that when the meeting went from Newark to Boston it had less than a quorum, and they illegally elected officers, etc., and to cap the climax they took the money of the Institute with them. Elder Anderson—Will you take your scat? We elected you to preside. Several gentlemen here claimed the floor, and the Chair asserted he had the right to ex plain. Col. N. 11. Hutchins—l would like to see Brother Fulton run on, to see where he will go to. Dr. Turney (former instructor of the Insti tute) said be would like to have the records of the executive committee read. Rev. Dr. Fulton remarked that Brother Tur ney knew that this was the thiid organization he has been connected with, and the second one which he had tried to ruin ; and the ques tion is, will you allow this to be ruined ? [Cries of “ Order,” “ Beautiful language for a brother,” and hisses.] He can’t deny that he ruined the Fairmount Institute. Rev. Mr. Nelson—l rise to a point of order: That Christians should speak of and to each other as Christian brothers. The meeting was declared regular; when Elder Anderson (colored) obtained the floor, and said : You white men have disgraced us ;” and proceeded to remark that Dr. Fulton and all the other individuals should not be considered to the detriment of the education of these young men (the students.) The language used by the white men was ungentlemanly and had a bad effect upon the students. You have been tell ing them that you are in the movement for your own purposes, and not for any love of princi ple. [Dr. Turney here engaged in conversation with the Chairman, which being noticed by the stalworth Elder, he reached for him and re quested him (Dr. T.) to take his seat. The Doctor remarked that be had been called there by the Chair, and the Elder proceeded.— Rep.] He did not think that white men could settle the conflict, and be would urge the adop tion of-bis motion, and the appointment of col ored men as the committee. His resolution was as follows: Resolved, That a committee of seven be ap pointed to take into consideration the whole question of difference between the meetingand other brethren in Boston and elsewhere claim ing to be the National Theological Institute. Mr. Beard proceeded to speak on the origin and history of the Institute, and remarked that he believed that Dr. Turney had engaged hon estly in the work. Mr. J. 8. Paler moved to adjourn until Satur day evening, at 6 o’clock. Mr. Z. Richards said the motion was out of order, Brother Beard not having yielded the floor. Mr. Beard resumed his remarks, and pro ceeded to give a further history of the work ings of the Association, saying that no objec tion was made to adjourning to Boston. Mr. Morse—We did not authorize you to steal our money. Mr. Fulton—We did not take a cent. Mr. Morse—Oh, yes; nine or ten thousand dollars. Mr. Beard seconded the motion to refer to a special committee. Mr. ./Lewis relinquished the Chair and said while the sending of delegates to Boston was acquiesced in, they did not acquiesce in elect ing all the officers from that city, and were not satisfied in making it a Boston Association. ' When its head and tail moved out of the Dis trict, it was out of its orbit, and when it was taken to Boston, Boston spent its money. Dr. Fulton—We did not take a dollar away, and none was spent except by authority of the Executive Committee, and every dollar was spent here. He had seen tbe receipt of SIO,OOO Obtained from Gen. Howard. [A voice—“ Dr. Turncv received $1,550 of that money.” An other yoicc—“ Mr. Paler received some.”] Dr. Fulton said he came here as the guardian of the education oi these colored men. [“P-h-e-w” i and hisses.] Every dollar of the money re- I ceived from the Freedmen’s Bureau had been , expended in Washington, under the Washing l ton corporators. The money paid to Brother Turney was misapplied in his opinion. [Hisses and cries of “ Shame,” “ Pretty talk for a chris •tian,”J and even now there is a letter in Boston I from Turney demanding his salary. [A voice.— | “ Ain’t he a pretty Christian ?” Another voice.— ■ “ He ain’t a christain.”| | Tbe Chair—lt is evident that no good can I come out ot this discussion. I Dr. Fulton—ln the name of God, don’t lay I violent hands on this institution. Mr. Condron defended Dr. Turney, saying that he has been in the bouses of the colored people when they bad no friends, prayed with and counselled them. [Voices from the color ed class—“ That’s so,” “Here’s a living wit ness,” etc.] He got down and prayed with them. [Rev. Mr. Grimes arose, but Rev. Mr. Culver urged him, “ Don’t say a word, let them insult us,” when a brother remarked, “ It is impossible to insult you.”] He had been told by Dr. Fulton that he (Dr. F.) would not wipe his feet on him. [Considerable disorder here took place, a number of calls to order be ing made, but Mr. C. was irrepressible, and had his say.] He succeeded in say that if Dr. Turney was as poor as Job he would not have troubled Boston much. Elder Anderson remarked that his resolution should be adopted, and the committee have time to fully consider the subject. Rev. L. Grimes, of Boston, defended Dr. Fulton, and remarked he had been the friend of Dr. Turney. He would be willing for the subject to go to a committee. Mr. Morse said that he did not believe that a fair committee could be obtained, judging from what had transpired. Elder Anderson here left the room, but Dr. Fulton followed him, and in a few moments they returned together, and, amid some con i fusion, Mr. Anderson moved an adjournment, which was carried. Mr. Richards said that many of those who voted were not members. The Chair decided the motion carried ; and then came an exciting scene—a Washington clergyman buttonholeing a knight of the quill, and urging that a light report, if any, be made; while a Boston clergyman urged him to “ give it full;” and Elder Anderson, who stood in stature like Saul of old, “ head and shoulders above the rest,” gave the whites quite a severe lecture on, as he said, their disgraceful con duct; saying he was born of the loins of a slave, but he felt that the white men at this meeting had disgraced the colored rjicc, and that, too, in the presence of their own colored ' pupils; and the women, white and colored, i discussed Washington against Boston, and 1 Fulton against Turney, and vice versa. GORDON AND GEORGIA. After a brief and somewhat heated can vass, this day of rest comes like a breath ing spell before the combat. Never before in the history of the world have any people been called upon to suffer the peculiar hardships of the South, and we trust for the sake of whatever is bright in humanity, that this our strange ordeal is the last in human history where fellow-countrymen trample upon brethren, and, with a most quenchless vengeance, hand them over to the mercies of a servile and semi-barbarous race. When Austria invoked the aid of the Cossacks to quell Hungarian liberty, few whose memories are fresh with the Magyar struggle can forget the universal cry of execration that rose over all Europe, and even crossed the seas with vibrant echoes to the United States. It shocked the nerves of Europeans and awoke the lively sympathy of America, when the untamed horsemen of Russia were permitted to humiliate the proud and enlightened Hungarian. And yet, these Clossacks, wild and half barbaric as they are, were not far removed from those they tormented. They had fair intelligence, they were of kindred blood, they were im bued with the spirit of freemen; but cer tain uncouth traits made them detestable to the world at large, and the indignity of allowing a son of the desert to place his foot upon the neck of a descendant ol Arpad, was the last analysis ot mortifica tion. It has, however, been reserved for the people of the United States to surpass the meanness of Russia and out-rival her despotic cruelty. It was reserved for the Republicans of the North to free a people that had been slaves since the creation, in order to enslave anoth er people whose march has been . with the grandest civilizations, and by whose united effort the common land of our Re volutionary Fathers was won and kept.— Accident and improbity have given such enemies to their own race the mastery of affairs; by the most devouring hatred and delirious management they propose to main tain the wages of fraud and circumstance. Finding that they stand convicted before the world of perfidy; finding that the white men of all sections repudiate their doctrines and prepare to overthrow their power, they resort to any outrage for per petuating wrong and keeping the spoils of treachery. An experiment has been made with South Carolina and resulted just as the architects of ruin prefer. Noble and gallant white men, valorous, learn ed, courteous and moral, have been forced into thraldom in South Carolina. The offices of that once glorious Common wealth are filled by strolling mountebanks from New England, filthy adventurers from Europe and beastly negroes from the cotton patches. A more damnable amalgam never entered into the imagination of the Evil One ; and the living of South Carolina, un der the dominion of such elements, may well envy the dead of battle-fields and the Federal prison-pen. It is a shameless in sult not for one day, but for generations ; it will spread like a canker, and corrupt whatever it approaches. It will bring a future to the whites and blacks they dimly dream of now; but one that rises luridly before the eyes of those who have prophetic ken. The fate imposed on South Carolina with such ease and cold blood, is the same fate attempted to be thrust upon Georgia with greater exertion. The opposing hosts arc more evenly matched here; hence the throes of competition and the restless strife for victory. That side which wars against the supremacy of the Caucasian and the order of nature is not only strong in numbers but it has the civil and military backing of a vast empire. It has plenary indulgence to commit fraud and plenary privilege to manufacture majorities. The few white men supporting it are inspired by the low est motives and most depraved sentiments. They herd with the ignorant and criminal to reap the spoils. They wallow in the mire so that the God ot Mud, now regnant in the land, may recognize how low human ity is capable of descending lor a base re ward. We need not enter into a comparison with these disciples of Ben Butler. Our standard-bearer is known to all Georgians who love Georgia; and when he rises before tlie people like the knight of olden days, sans peur et sans reproche, the bayonet propped renegades and their allies are properly' abashed, and fear for their thirty pieces, though they seem so near and so secure. We call upen Georgians to reflect upon tlie doom of South Carolina. We call upon them to save their State from the villany practiced upon their sister State. We call upon them to administer a rebuke to tlie Skowhegan missionaries which they will never forget. We call upon them to rally to the polls and help others to rally there. We call upon them to remember the past and think of the future. We call upon them to leave no stone unturned to whip this tight. From the mountains to the savannahs let the slogan go forth: Gordon and Georgia forever ! ~ORDER N 0761. ~ Gen. Meade, beating upon his adjutant’s drum, has contrived to raise quite a cam motion in camp. No one need be frighten ed by tlie noise, which is of doubtful charac ter, to say the best of it. Gen. Meade thinks Congress may re quire the test-oath of members elect to the Legislature, but he is by no means sure. — Well, since the General is in doubt, we have the best right to take tlie benefit of the doubt and act accordingly. Os course, if it suit Congress to make a provisional test-oath Legislature, Congress will doit by those peculiar processes known to Mr. Spalding, who admitted that the Alabama Constitution was deteated and yet proclaimed it triumphant. If the same iniquity' should be forced upon Georgia, Congress will have to assume the responsibility of flagrant wrong, and it is the duty of every voter to compel Con gress to expose itself as much as possible. Order No. 61 looks to the prospect of a provisional Legislature having to take the test oath, in order to ratify the proposed fourteenth article of the United States Con stitution. How a provisional Legislature can administer upon our National Com pact is an absurdity that only Ben But ler can see by means of a Radical squint. Order No. 61, far from being a discourage ment, should be a new incentive for the white men of Georgia. Gen. Meade is not the final arbiter of the fitness of those we shall choose to represent us. There is something left of the Supreme Court. The Court may shirk its duty, but we can, at least, compel the Court to drive another nail in the coffin of the Republic, and every nail that goes there abuses the dead and may, at last, awake the living to a sense of duty. Vote ! Vote! Be true to yourselves, men of Georgia. Let Order No. 61 take care of itself. THE CRISIS. Before another issue of our paper the great political drama that has been passing in review before the people of Georgia will have reached that point of interest—that stirring scene, which will surpass, in the magnitude of its issues, every former act in this mighty revolution. The restless and captious spirit of the Northern anarchs is determined to resist every overture of peace, to trample down every vestage of kindly feeling that may yet linger in the hearts of the Southern people, and stir with fresh elements of bit terness the repose so essential to success and prosperity after so many years of strife and suffering. When the reconstruction machinery was set in motion to remodel and rejuvinate the South with unlimited power at the capital—with unobstructed rule and dominion—with no counsellor to object, no organization to resist, it was ex pected that the wisdom and might of these people, claiming so much learning and civ ilization, would have organized a policy every way suited to their view of the situ ation. The registers were sent abroad, the talent and integrity of the country disfran chised, the ignorant and corrupt placed in power, and every ruse rdsorted to, to ele vate over the prostrate fortunes of a gallant people their imperial sway. When they required a majority of the re gistered voters to validate the convention, we were spared the humiliation of a con test with those Yankee emissaries who were too vile to succeed and build up political fortunes even among the festering kennel of Northern fanaticism. We avoided that contest, dissuaded no man from exercising his political rights as a voter, and yet a dread of the failure of their darling schemes has caused a shifting of their tactics, and MllUtilCl rtiuomliiiciib tv tliv <felr<ytt<ly ttllldltietl reconstruction acts is hastily manipulated. We arc now required to avail ourselves of the last meagre semblance of popular sovereignty, and stay if we can the raging tide of imperial fanaticism, or tamely sub mit to the iron rule of intolerance and ostracism. They disclaim the dictatorial, yet require us to stultify ourselves and contribute to our own degradiation. Pro mises and threats are resorted to, to bring about by our own acts what they have the power, but not the nerve to accomplish.— What shall we do ? What is the duty of the hour ? What policy does wisdom dictate ? Self preservation directs but one course! Every man should go to the polls who is entitled to vote. Let no factious opposi tion to policy, no finical squeinishness, no disinclination to engage in a distasteful contest for a moment deter a single voter from a punctual and faithful discharge of this solemn duty. The issues are momen tous and may decide the destiny of your State and people for all time to come.— There is no alternative left you. Fail now and no ken of prophecy can penetrate the angry c louds that hang upon yonr future. This is our country; the graves of our fathers and the hopes of our children are strongly mixed with the current of events, and they demand that we exercise faith fully this privilege—perhaps the last—to avert the dreadful calamities in store for us. If this motley crew, with Bullock at its head, should be invested with official power, who can tell what dire misfortune may yet await us. Gen. Gordon can be elected. Information from every part of the State encourage us to believe that the Southern whites will assert their manhood, as in days of yore, and come to the rescue almost unanimously; and the blacks, tired of the deceptions practiced upon them by these miserable Northern emissaries and Southern traitors, -will spurn their affiliation and stand by their true friends, with whom they have been reared, with whom they must live, and on whom they must rely for counsel and support in all time to come. We can elect a majority of the Legislature, secure the Senate, pass wise and wholesome laws, protect the treasury of the State, place in the appointive offices the learned and good, and elect to local offices in each neighboring county honest and true men Everything is at stake—all that we have and all that we hope for. We insist that our people stand by their rights at the polls, protect, as far as possible, that sacred deposite from fraud and manipulation, and success will crown our efforts. The Difference.—Gov. Brown has a two column article in the New Era this morning, the burthen of which is, that Geu. Gordon is ineligible ! Per contra, Gen. Meade has decided that Gen. Gordon is eligible, and pledges him his official influence in procuring his seat, in case ol his election. Alas for Brown Opinion. ' The largest income in New Hampshire'is that of the proprietor of a “ Hair Restorer.” He has got to be the richest man in that State in six years, by advertising. At least it is to printers’ ink mainly that he attributes his pe cuniary prosperity. ORDER NO. 61. We never believed that Congress and its tools, military and Skowheganite, would give us the least chance, in the long run, to redeem ourselves in any fashion antago nistic to their hate and greed. Order No. 61, issued on the very threshhold of an election, is only one of many obstacles pur posely put in our path to circumvent and betray. At this late hour, we are blandly informed that the constitution, if adopted, will be merely provisional, and, until rati fied by Congress, the members of Legisla ture come under the head of United States officials. This ruling implies a resort to the test oath and is a characteristic trick of perfidious legislators to consign the State to the guidance of negroes, carpet baggers and perjurers. The Atlanta Intel ligencer, anticipating Meade’s order, thus speaks of the imposition of the test oath: “ The reconstruction acts were designed to accomplish a totally different purpose from that of the test oath. If not, then they are without meaning and worthless. Their effect is to fully pardon for all political offenses against the United States Government, and to all the privileges of citizenship all who can and are registered, including, of course, the right to hold the offices to which any of them may be elected should the State be admitted to her representation in Congress. There is so clear a distinction between the test and registration oath—between the purpose of each, that any man can see and feel it who will. Those who are wilfully oblivious, and determined to take unfair and unconscientious advantages, of course will not. We would ask how happened it that under the reconstruction acts Confede rate soldiers, and divers others who could not take the test oath, were members of the State Convention, and framed the fundamental laws of the State? And we would ask how is it that these members, many of whom are now candidates for the Legislature, have to be re lieved from their disabilities by Congress be fore they can administer the constitution they themselves have made I “ The constitutional amendment to be adopt ed declares directly the contrary, for Congress only reserves to itself the right to relieve from disability all who cannot register. It would, indeed, be wonderful if Congress has to sit in judgment upon the case of every member of the Legislature before their acts can have any validity. The test oath has no such applica tion, and so it has been administered by all the military commanders of the unreconstructed States.” No one need be- deceived by the apparent fairness of the commanding general, or the possibility of Congress relaxing one iota of its plenary wrath. The fiat has gone forth that we are to be handed over, bound hand and foot, to villains in our midst. The United States army is to stand guard over this outrage, and the great American peo ple are called upon to witness and applaud. We are in the fight; let there be no backing down. If we are to be betrayed, let us hurl upon the adversary the infamy of the act. Let his shame be the more glaring by our unitvu pvntost. Let the Legislative and other offices be to him pillories. Let us give him a token of future retribution that shall never pass away from him in the night or day. On with the canvass! On with Gordon and the regular nominees! The ides of November are not far distant. If the cause of Republican liberty triumph then, we shall not be troubled much longer with the yahoos now tormenting us. If it fail, we can stand them, and wait for the time when “ He who forgetteth not the cry of the humble, will be our friend and our avenger.” ANOTHER ORDER- As the election approaches, Gen. Meade shows an extraordinary fecundity in the way of Orders. By reference to our tele graphic columns, it will be seen that ac cording to the latest inspiration at Head quarters, members elect to the Legislature may nave to take the Test-Oath. This is an unexpected ruling and we look for ad ditional evidence. The proposed constitu tion, under which members of the Legisla ture can hold any authority, thus specifies the oath of office: “Every Senator, or Representative, before taking his seat, shall take an oath, or affirma tion, to support tbe Constitution of the United States, and of this State ; that he has not prac ticed any unlawful means, directly or indirect ly, to procure his election, and that he has not given, or offered, or promised, or caused to be given, or offered, or promised, to any person, any money, treat, or thing of value, with in tent to affect any vote, or to prevent any per son voting at the election at which he was elected.” Sharp.—Blodgett, who needs relief from disabilities more than any man in this community, proposes to effect the removal of disabilities from Republican candidates to the Legislature. Well, Congress has a fitting instrument. But Blodgett should re Member that Congress has used and pet ted many men as smart as he is—and Con gress has put its used-up pets out of the way in a fashion little to their relish. Take care, Blodgett. Mr. Bingham is a cun ning spider and could tell sad stories of Congressional puppets. Suppose you fail to please ; suppose the whole Radical plot becomes bankrupt—where would you be, little man, and where your testoath mimic ries ? Another Blodgett Case.—The Postmaster General has given orders that an agent of the Post Office Department shall take possession of a post office in Wisconsin, and that the post master shall be immediately removed, because of alleged defalcation and refusal to pay over or account for Government moneys used. This is another instance of the character of the Georgia case, testified to by Foster Blodgett, on Thursday last, in the impeachment trial. If the present incumbent of the Wisconsin post office be the bad man he is represented to be, the Postmaster General cannot permit him to remain in possession until the petition of an applicant shall be presented, his qualification canvassed, and then wait for the problematical action of the Senate ; in other words, the puo lic interests would suffer should the Postmas ter General strictly pursue the forms required bv the tenure of office act.— Exchange. [Special Telegram to the N. Y. Herald. * The Great Radical Conspiracy. The Plot of the Radicals for the Overthrow of a Republican Government—The Hucutroe and the Supreme Court to be Abolished The Terms of Office of Grant and the Sena tors to be Extended to Ten Years—A Com bined Military and Senatorial Dictatorship Contemplated. Washington, April 14,1868. History records numerous instances of conspiracies to overthrow existing govern ments or to change ruling dynasties, but they have generally been the work of a few restless spirits, who have kept their real de signs concealed from all but their imme diate associates, and thus have led their fol lowers blindly on in tbe path of revolution in ignorance of its ultimate goal. The Ja cobins of France were bold in their action; but even with them when their revolution ary fires were first kindled only the men who applied the match knew fully the ex tent of the destruction that was designed to follow the conflagration. The Radical conspiracy now. under full way at Wash ington is probably the most reckless that has ever sought to strike at the life of a strong and beneficent government and to reduce a happy people to a state of anarchy. Events have occurred here within the past two or three days which render it cer tain that the ultimate object of the men who are striving to control the Republican party in Congress is to effect an entire change in our republican form of govern ment, and to substitute in its place a dicta torship more absolute and arbitrary than that of Robespierre and the Commune de Paris. The apparent triumph of the im peachers on Saturday last, when the Sen ate, after giving the broadest license to the managers in regard to the admission of evi dence against President Johnson, refused to the latter the privilege of examining Gen. Sherman on points vital to the defense, im parted such confidence to the Radical con spirators as to tempt them to cast aside all caution and to boast openly of their power and of the manner in which they are re solved to exercise it. In the bar-rooms and over the dinner tables principles were' avowed which, under other governments, would speedilv consign their exponents to a felon's cell." The objects of the revolu tionists were declared to be the entire over throw of constitutional republican govern ment, as a failure, proved to be such . by the war of the rebellion, and the substitution in its place of a so-called “ Government of the Peonle,” under the delusive Jacobin cry of “ Liberty and Equality.” The means and process by which this end is to be ac complished are set forth as follows : The conviction and removal of Andrew Johnson, and the installation of Ben Wade in the Presidency for three or four months before the commencement of the next Presi dential term. The election of Grant as President and Ben Wade as Vice-President and wesident of the Senate, by the aid of martial law in doubtful States, if necessary. The virtual abolition of the Supreme Court of the United States, by stripping the judiciary of the power to pass upon the constitutionality of any act of Congress re lating to reconstruction or to the •business of the government. The extension of the term of office of the President, Grant,lthe Vice-President, Wade, and the present United States Senate to ten years from the Ist of March, 1869, on the pleathat a constantly recurring change in the government is harmful in the existing condition of the country and was one of the main causes ofthe late war of the rebellion. The unlimited inflation of the currency, s~o«-«„,T>pntnlitv of the nations! banks, so as to throw upon the country an enormous amount of paper moirey, by means of which the people are to be kept in a state of excitement and good humor, and to be amused and made satisfied with an apparent prosperity. This is the end and aim of the Radical conspiracy, to which impeachment is only one of the preliminary steps. The dictator ship of Grant will be nominal only, and the real power will be in the Senate, with Ben Wade at its head. The appointments made by him during his brief term of power will be carefully selected from the tools of the conspirators, and the patronage and influ ence of the office holders will stand at the back of the revolutionary commune. Grant will not have the power, if he had the dis position, to change a single feature in the programme—a single creature in the action of the drama—for the Senate will hold him in a vice stronger than that they have pre pared for Andrew Johnson. With the lat ter out oi the Presidential office, nowoice will be raised in vetoes to expose the true character of Radical legislation, and acts will be passed which will strike down what little of protection yet remains to the peo ple in the barriers of the Constitution.— With a paper currency flooding the coun try speculation will run wild, stocks of all kinds will rise, railroad schemes, land schemes and all the wildest projects that ingenuity can devise will find ready vota ries, and in the general fire and smoke of the great revolution the Radical dictator ship will be made perpetual. The united power of Grant, the Senate and the nation al banks is relied npon to crush out all op position and to enforce a Reign of Terror to which the experience of 1862 and 1863 will be but a trifle. The conspirators cite the case of Louis Napoleon in support of their argument, that boldness only is re quired to turn into an absolutism a rule commenced under the guise of republican liberty. The immediate admission of the Southern States, with their negro constituencies and negro representatives, will follow the first successful steps of the conspiracy, and then the vote of New York in the House of Rep resentatives will be nullified by that of South Carolina. The real object of the Radical conspirators is no longer a secret. Men may shut their eyes to the truth, but the revolution will not go backwards, and its last acts, which are here foreshadowed, will come as surely as military rule, negro supremacy, the usurpation of the constitu tional powers of the Executive, the destruc tion of the Supreme Court, and finally, the impeachment of the President of the Lnited States, have one after another followed the close of the war of the rebellion. Imperial Government. Republics change into Empires by' a very simple pro cess. Cheap citizenship and a debased franchise push into power more and more demagogues, property and intelligence cease Ito be represented, the will of the ig norant majority usurps the place of law, patriotism perishes because there remains in the country' nothing worthy to be loved or to be proud of, and the people, weary' o. the base struggle in high places for mere plunder, accept repose at any cost. We see in the profound apathy with which the trial of Mr. Johnson is regarded abundant proof that the people of this con tinent have forgotten the nature of freedom and remember barely the name. Perhaps they are not ready for the trappings of em pire. It is certain that they have accepted with complacency the rule'of the bayonet. Their chief anxiety is to make money and have it secured to them. As for the form of the government which shall gratify their anxiety, that is not material. The pear of imperialism will soon ripen in the Ameri can hot-house.— Native Virginian.