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TEE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST WEDNESDAY MORNING. APRIL », 1868 Club Rales for the Weekly Constitulion alist > That every one may be enabled to sub scribe, and receive the benefits of a live jour nal. we offer the following lilwral terms to Clubs : 00 1 Copy per year - - . • 3 Copies per year - - --7 <SO 5 Copies per year - - - - 12 00 10 Copies per year - - - - 20 00 We trust that every subscriber to the paper will aid us iu adding to our list. A NOBLE ROMAN- Ex-Governor Thomas H. Seymour, of Connecticut, is one of the very noblest men in all this laud, and one, too, whose gar ments are free from the stain of blood guiltiness. He is ashamed of his country’s downfall, and, on the anniversary of Jef ferson's birthday, addressed a Democratic meeting in words oi burning eloquence and patriotic fire. We quote the peroration, illustrative of the true spirit of magnanimi ty and the only pluck to win in the coming struggle tor liberty. He is in favor of no subterfuges, but distinct principles; no tame submission to a M ade or Butler usurpation or despotism, but a grand rising of the people against the conspirators and their infamous schemes. He said : “The true spirit of magnanimity was illustra ted by Napoleon at Borodino, when, in reply to a heartless remark from one of his officers on the occasion of his trampling on a wounded Russian, he said : ‘ Sir, when you have gained a victory there are no enemies, there are duly men.’ [lmmense applause.] I see you apply the anecdote as it should be applied. South erners are not only men, but our brothers ; and in the restoration of their rights, we are to have a convention iu this city on the fourth of July. 1868. Now let me say to those who may be in the secrets of the delegates already elect ed, or may know something of the matters, that it is necessary, it seems to me, to the fu ture success of patriotic men in this country that their platform of principles should be so distinct [‘Good, good !’] and clear [“Good, good!”—and applause]—as to enable the man of the people to distinguish between right and wrong—in other words, it must be so different from the platform on the other side that we may see clearly where liberty is, where slavery is, where independence is. [‘Good, good!’] And again, gentlemen, if we secure a clear, a distinct majority of the electoral votes, and they shall dare to shut out Delaware, Mary land and Kentucky, for the purpose of frustra ting the will of the people, it will be necessary for the triumphant party to vindicate their right to administer this Government, and in augurate their chief ou the 4th of March, 1869. [Applause.] If you are not prepared for that, you need not undertake the contest. And when the victory is won, in the words of the poet of Jefferson’s day, celebrating the redemp tion of this people, with bonfires and illumina tions, we wiil sing: Rejoice, Colnmb’a’s sons, rejoice : To tyrants never bend the knee ; But join in heart, and hand, and voice, For Jefferson and liberty. RADICAL HYPOCRISY- The Radicals of the South, that is a cor poral’s guard of depraved native whitesand imported adventurers, claim that a State Constitution to be perfect must be made for the icAo’e people, white and black, rich and poor, etc. This, understand, is the South ern renegades war-whoop for the base pur pose of using the negro. These Southern renegades owe everything they possess in the way of notoriety and influence to the great, shining lights of the party due North. What is the record of that party iu framing State Constitutions for the “whole people?” Ohio, Kansas, Minnesota and Michigan, all Radical States, spurn the negro with con tumely when he dares to breathe of suffrage in their midst. Ohio repudiates this theory by 50,000 votes ; Michigan by 38,000. And yet there are but 7,000 negroes, twenty one years of age and over, in Ohio, and a paltry 500 in Michigan. With this curious record before their eyes, the Southern Radicals have the effrontery to declare that a Radi cal Constitution is intended for the benefit of the “ whole people.” If Skowhegan waifs and native apostates constitute the people, the proposition may be defended , otherwise, it is a fraud, a snare and a deg radation, which Radical whites may hug in the South, but always trample at the North. The zeal of converts outruns the steady march of original sectaries, and so, to prove the faith that is in them, Southern trai tors sink themselves beyond the Northern point of wallowing. Ah, Messieurs, Sand ford Conover, Dr. Cleaver and Detec tive Baker did the same tiling that you superserviceable prototypes in the South have done. For further particulars inquire of the Hon. John A. Bingham, or the crimi nal docket of the Washington courts. Stricken Dears.—Col. John Forsyth, writing from Washington, has this curious bit of gossip : “An ardent Pennsylvania Democrat as sured me the other day that the women of the North, ‘ almost to a man,’ were Demo crats—eight out of ten, he thinks, and he mentioned it as a good joke, that even the partners of the bosoms of Forney and Kel ley (Mobile riot Kelley) were against their lords in politics, and irrepressible Demo crats. If the Northern women are this way. the jig is up with the Radicals, and they might as well agree to die game, with their black flag nailed to the mast.” Time to Die.—Mis. Lincoln’s dress ma ker, a lady of the colored persuasion, states that Mrs. L. owed $79,000 for dry goods peculiar to females—and old Abe did not know it. Death or Doctor’s Commons—so he died. A CENTRE SHOT. The late Virginia Convention did not have any target quite up to the thing called Aaron Alpeokia Bradley, bnt there was considerable wit discharged by the Conser vative members upon higher game. In the Georgia menagerie, few have forgotten the bomb-shell thrown by Burnett, containing offensive ftilminations about a white man’s country. That great shot was not exhaus tive of the subject, for we find one from the same locker in the Virginia conclave. Mr. Eustace Gibson was the cruel marks man and military Governor 11. 11. Wells the victim. The forcing of negro suprema cy in Virginia, the installation of Wells as Governor, and the Michigan defeat of negro suffrage happening almost simulta neously, occasion for the following resolution: “ Whereas, The convention was recently in formed by the present Governor of Virginia, General 11. H. Wells, that all efforts to prevent negro suffrage would be found to be fighting against the obvious consent of American senti ment, and contending against the will of God ; therefore, be it "Resolved, That a committee be appointed to request his Excellency to explain the recent emphatic expression given by the people of Michigan (his adopted State) of their views on this important issue, it being now stated that a majority of 30,000 votes were cast against negro suffrage in that State.” This document was laid on the table; but it caused a sensation and completely annihilated the military Governor's rhetor ical display. We know of nothing that could mollify his chagrin—nothing but the patriotic and truly loyal thought that, though Michigan had given him the lie, he had his progressive fingers in the money box of Virginia. A BITTER PILL. Those unfortunate white men who voted for the mongrel constitution, because of the Relief clause, may find the pill very bitter, in spite of its sugar-coating. It is as plain as noon-day that, when a collision of races takes place, blood becomes thicker than water, and the men placed on guard over us cannot forget that they are Caucasians. So far, they have proved protectors, and between them and renegade domination, there is no hesitancy as to a preference. Now, the reason why Brown and his car pet-bag allies desire to “restore the State to the Union,” after the Beast-Butler fash ion, is not because they really love the State or the Union, but rather because they have a rabid lust of power, and can only secure it by ridding themselves and the ter ritory of the regular army. If their nefa rious scheme of “restoration” shall have been accomplished, Georgia may, indeed, be rid of the United States troops, but a Brownlow or low Brow'N militia of negroes and scalawags will repeat the saturnalia of Tennessee, and change our purgatory into a veritable he'd. That is the game they have been working for; and those who helped tins game by reason of the relief tempta tion, will either have to mongrelize with this militia or share the horrors of its en tailment. Such men have been faithless to their blood, and, for the sake of a handful of dirty gold, aided iu delivering themselves and fellow-countrymen over to a bondage ■ which will make them curse the hour they were born. Let such men pray that their treachery may not succeed; let them, while the people pause to learn the result of the election, pray God that their ballots may be neutralized by those of nobler men. If they have hardened themselves against such a supplication, there is an avenging Time which shall penetrate even the flint of their desperate selfishness and unholy greed. A GREAT DIFFERENCE. The publishers have sent us a Northern magazine called “ Public Spirit." Skim ming its pages, we came across a remark ably well-written sketch of the battle of Shiloh, in which General Grant is at once defended and extolled. Having graphically brought the combat to a termination, the author proceeds to detail occurrences im mediately consequent, among which is a reputed dispatch of Beauregard’s dimly hinting at a permission for the burial of his dead and ministration of the wounded. To which request, says the eulogist of Hiram Ulysses, “ Grant cunningly replied, that the dead had been buried, and the wounded cared for—which was not true for a week "afterward." Really, this is a charming ad mission of wilful and deliberate falsehood on the part of a hero ; a seven days’ false hood, which a truly grand man would have scorned to utter. The accusation of Presi dent Johnson, in the Stanton controversy, has cumulative evidence, for he who spoke falsely to Beauregard would not hesitate to prevaricate to Johnson. What a contrast does such a commander present to General Lee ! Who would not rather, a million of times, be the stainless President of Washington College, with honor, truth and soberness written upon his godlike brow, than he who aspires to the purple over the wreck of his country and with the divorce of virtue. Poor White Trash.—To strike a freed man or punish him corporally is a sacri lege; but cruel and merciless laceration of white defenders of the glorious Union is praiseworthy, according to Radical ethics. Insolence in a negro must be endured, but here is the way insolence in a white man is suppressed: “ A corporal named Henderson, attached to the garrison at Columbia, 8. C., was recently tried by court martial for striking Colonel Guenther, while on duty. He was found guilty, and sentenced by the court to be reduced to the ranks, drummed out of camp, his head to be shaved, to forfeit all pay, and to be impris oned for three years at hard labor in Fort Ma con, and during the term of his imprisonment to wear a ball weighing thirty-two pounds at tached to a thirty-six inch chain.” A Reverend Knave.—The Rev. James 11 ari.an, Senator from lowa, has written a letter to a friend—“ My dear Mr. Forney,” perhaps—in which he sturdily opposes giv ing the vote to “ educated knaves ami con fessed traitors.” By this phrase he strikes at the Southern whites who refuse to de grade themselves. Having, in an episto lary manifesto, disfranchised the larger and more respectable classes of the South, who happen to be Caucasian, he thus sneezes at the black suffragans. “ I know it is dangerous to clothe ignorant men with political power, and the colored men, recently in slavery, have not had an opportunity to obtain ‘ book learning.’ ” He “ knows it is dangerous to clothe ig norant men with political power;” but, Reverend as he pretends to be, he does not hesitate to tempt the danger. The fact is, the Radicals are disgusted with negro suf frage and would willingly abandon it, if they could survive without it. But the domination of party prevails over every other consideration, and so, priest and levite cast conscience to the dogs rather than let go their hold upon the loaves and fishes. Sensible.—The New York Herald ex patiates upon the folly of Gen. Schofield, in trying to curb the extreme passions of the Virginia Convention. It points out a great danger to Radicalism, thus : “Radicalism will have to modify its nigger programme, or presently to choose between the loss of the whole of its power in the North and the loss of the nigger. It will then have to rem in theS madness of Cuffee; but he will by that time have gotten beyond all restraints. He will demand more than the maddest parti san will dare to even promise, and, ins demand being refused, he will revenge himself by cast ing his vote on the other side and acting in concert with the people of his State against Radical rule. Such is the inevitable future, and the Conservative element has only to keep cool and bide its time.” Ay, the hammer they use against us will hammer them to pieces at last—or good bye, Cufff.e ! Gen. Meade and the Test Oath. —The New York World thus alludes to General Meade's Test Oath Order: “ General Meade is evidently of the opinion that the test oath question 1 may be ’ left for decision till that constitution is ratified. The blunt statement that in the event of such ratifi cation and the election of the Assemblymen, the Legislature ‘is required to convene and adopt the proposed amendment to the Consti tution of the United States, designated as Ar ticle XIV, before the State can be admitted to representation,’ "becomes amusing when we consider that several States now represented in Congress have acted as they pleased in the matter, and that two States have rescinded the action of preceding Legislatures, which adopt ed this proposed amendment merely as a party measure.” The Right Man in the Right Place. — The Rome Commercial says : Judge L. D. Bur well was removed from office as manager of election on Monday morning last, and a man now under indictment before the. jrrand jury of Floyd county for hog stealing, / . ?ed iu his stead. Judge Burwell has been one of the managers of elections in Rome for the past ten years ; has always maintained the highest in tegrity of character, and stands unrivalled as a man of honor and a Christian gentleman. We regard bis removal as an outrage upon the good people of Rome and vicinity, and until some satisfactory explanation for the course pursued is given, we shall deem those instrumental in his removal as participants in an unwarrantable piece of treachery, instituted to practice fraud upon our people in the election now going on. Blodgett's Advocate.—The Washing ton correspondent of the Cincinnati Com mercial (Rep.) thus sketches a notorious spoon thief and insuiter of Southern ladies: “ General Butler is not a believer in a demo cratic form of government. He has called popular government a farce, and counted the number of years that he would give it to run. He believes in the coup d'etat, the empire, the strong military hand —the very things, in short, which he is indicting Mr. Johnson for doing in mere intent Here, then, we have the specta cle of a man, in the name of all the people, taking, perhaps, one of bis favorite steps to wards annihilating the popular government.” Better Luck Next Time—Perhaps.— The Tribune is at half-mast for Michigan and the recent Democratic victories. It admits that all the Republican States have defaulted, but will be “ all right in Novem ber.” The National Intelligencer thinks dif ferently, and says: “In our judgment, the whole West will rise up in its might and condemn these destructivesand plunderers, who have brought distraction and ruin upon the country, with a voice and a vote that will astound and overwhelm Radical ism.” Cunning Butler.—The guilt of Blod gett is more frightful than any oue sup posed. The Postmaster General very cheer fully, in a cross-examination, offered to tell Butler all he knew about the case in which Blodgett’s alleged perjury was ven tilated. We read that Butler declined to hear any explanation. Butler may be proud of Blodgett, but he was too cun ning to permit revelations. Is Blodgett proud of Butler ? Wonderful Influence—What must be thought of the tremendous j*jwer of a military Mayor, who, far from the scene of riot, or hidden from view, is credited by his satellites with quelling disturbance a dis turbance which, but for him, had never been brought about ? A Trooly Loil Senator.—Ben Rice, U. S. Senator elect from Arkansas, is a fugitive from Kentucky and the squandciei of a client’s money—in other words, a thief. Here is a man whom Butler will welcome “ among the proudest.” Draining it Out.—The lower house of ! the Ohio Legislature has passed a measure l disfranchising all persons having a “ visi ble admixture” of negro blood. THE CONFEDERATE DEAD. The floral tribute to the Confederate dead will possess unusual significance, in view of the recent elections and their abhorrent surroundings. Those who strew flowers over the graves of departed heroes will feel that the quiet dreamers in the dust are far happier than those who still walk the rugged paths of a distracted world. Our martial countrymen failed in their high emprise, but gained a blessed release from the woes the living are compelled to endurp. For them the wreath of wild flowers, for us the crown of thorns. The following verses, from the pen of a most gifted lady of Augusta, will speak the sentiments of ail true men and women. They cannot fail to stir the pulses with unusual thrills. We have read them with emotions not easily allayed, and never to be utterly lost while tyranny survives, liberty has an aspiration, or fame a martyr: Dixie. I heard long since a simple strain ; It brought no thrill of joy or pain, Nor did I care to hear again, Our Dirie. But time rolled on, and drum and fife Gave token of a coming strife, And called our youth to soldier life, With Dixie. • It breathed of mingled hope and fear; It banished peace, brought discord near, And cost each mother many a tear, That Dixie. For gathering legions marched away, And garlands maidens wreathed each day, To crown them for the fierce array, In Dixie. The husband parted from the wife, And from the aged, his staff of life, In some fair boy, whose head was rife For Dixie. And so our treasures, one by one, All by the battle-field were won ; They heard at morn and setting sun, Our Dixie. But seen Death c’aimed the young and brave; Valor or beauty could not save Our darlings from a soldier’s grave, In Dixie. Their blood Sowed on the fresh green hill; It mingled with the mountain rill, And poured through vales once calm and still, In Dixie. The ocean caught the crimson stain, And moaned and moaned that troubled main, For those who would not come again To Dixie. The living rallied to their stand; Their war-cry was theii “ Native Land,” ■ But sadder from the lessening band Came Dixie. Yet still it roused to deeds of fame, And made immortal many a name, And never caused a blush of shame, Our Dixie. The dying boy its music caught: “ I do not die in vain,” he thought— Freedom by death and blood are bought, For Dixie. Sleep on, young soldier, with thy dream ; Well did’st thou die with that bright gleam Os hope, to shed its parting beam, For Dixie. There’s many a sal heart living now, Would rather in thy young grave bow, Than see his country laid so low, Sad Dixie. I draw the veil; each stricken heart Must mourn its own lost ones apart; In every eye a tear will start For Dixie. We may not hear that simple strain Ever wi'hout a thrill of pain— Our dead c.-me back to life again, With Dixie. And if I were a generous foe, I'd honor him, whose heart's best throe Leaped to that music sad and low, Our Dixie. H. C. B. Augusta, February 22,1868. Attempt to Secure General Butler a Place in President Johnson’s Cabi net. —General Butler, it appears from a letter addressed by one of his staff to Hon. Lewis D. Campbell, on the 19th of April, 1865, was anxious at that time for a place in President Johnson’s Cabinet, and urged the removal of Secretary Seward or Stan ton to make room for himself, even while Mr. Seward’s life was yet in danger from the assassin’s knife. The letter is as fol lows Washington, D. C., April 19, 1865. My Dear Sir: The greatest crime ol centuries has thrown the robes of Mr. Lin coln upon the shoulders of your good friend, Mr. Johnson, about whom we differ ed slightly when I was at your house.— You will agree with me, I think, that some change in the Cabinet ought to be made, and probably will be. You also agree, I suspect, that Butler, for any place, especial ly War or State, is about the best man in the country. Presuming these things, 1 write to ask that you make the best demon stration you can to that effect. You can write Mr. J. a letter that will be of great weight with him. You can induce other good men to do the same; and, perhaps, after setting the ball in motion at home, you could come here in person. I wish you would. lam certain you would do a pub lic service, and greatly oblige Butler and his friends. I am confident I shall hear from you in a substantial effort. Faithfully, yours, J K. Herbert. Hon. L. D. Campbell. P. S. Why not see Taft, Hoadley, and tne friends we met last year in Cincinnati? J. K. 11. On the back of the above letter is writ ten this memorandum: “ Wade, Chandler, Carter, Julian, and such as they, are doing all they can for General B.” Daring Robbery—United States Bonded Warehouse Broken Open—Twenty-One Boxes of Tobacco Stolen.— Somejtime last night a party of burglars effected au entrance N. L. Angier’s bonded warehouse, on Forsyth street, by drawing the staple to the United States lock with a crow-bar, and un locking the private lock with a skeleton key. The entrance is at the side door, where the goods were taken out upon the street and load ed upon a dray. They succeeded in getting twenty-one boxes of tobacco, of the best brands. Smith & Richmond loose seventeen boxes, and Meador & Bros, four boxes. The whole loss is estimated at SBOO. No clue to the robbers has yet been found. 1 [ Atlanta "3d. Our New York Correspondence, New York, April 18th, 1868. There is some mystery about the stories of the probable acquittal of Mr. Johnson. Present appearances indicate that they or iginated partly with his enemies, for the purpose of bringing Radical influence to bear upon Senators that may be suspected of being a little weak in the knees. I have directed my investigations on the subject, during the past week, to the inner temple of Radicalism, in this city, and am assured that there arc only two Radical Senators, of whose vote on the final issue, there is any doubt. These are, Mr. Grimes, of lowa, an extreme and sanctimonious Radi cal, but between whom and Ben. Wade there is a bitter personal feud, and Mr. Fowler, of Tennessee, who is to marry Mrs. Stover, President Johnson’s daughter.— Fessenden, and Sprague, and Anthony, and Morton, and Ross, and Morton, who have affected much independence of action, are all set down as certain to vote for convic tion. But there was sufficient doubt about the result to compel Mr. Stanton to an nounce his intention of retiring to private life; for an official of less personal populari ty was never known. It is not impossible that another “ sacrifice ” may precede the deposition of Johnson—namely, the retire ment of Grant from the Presidential canvass —giving many disappointed Presidential aspirants a chance in a scrub race for the nomination at Chicago. The Sun to-day de clared most truly that the acquittal of Johnson will be the disbanding of the Re publican party, and in view of the uncer tain future to which this would expose many little-great men, it may be safely as sumed that “ no pains will be spared ” to bring about the desired result. I am as sured that Senator Morgan, of this State, is perfectly certain of Johnson’s acquittal; and I am also informed that the bets which are offered that Johnson will be acquitted are for the purpose of effecting indirectly the bribery of doubtful Senators. Those anxious for his conviction usually refuse to to take these bets ; but it is said those in the confidence of doubtful Senators, and who affect doubt in the matter, readily take them. In the midst of so many conflicting statements, we can only wait and watch. HOW IT WORKS. The influence of the Freedmen’s Bureau, which afflicts the Southern people, is not all adverse to them. As you know, since the termination of the war, a large number of people have gone from tne North to the South with purely industrial and business objects, desiring to be friendly, and having no political objects. The administration of the Freedmen’s Bureau, under the eyes of these oeople, has not been lost at the North. Within my own knowledge, two brothers, who went from a town in Connec ticut, and were strong Republicans, have returned good Democrats. They went among their neighbors and told them that they have seen fifteen or twenty stalwart darkies playing at marbles in the sun like little boys, for hours together ; only leav ing off to go to the Bureau to get their “ra tions,” to pay for which enormous taxes were levied. These negroes, so fed, they re ported, could not be hired to perform any labor whatever, and it was simply impossi ble to get on with any legitimate business it the South so long as the Bureau, main tained at enormous expense, maintained the negroes in idleness. These reports, freely circulated, added forty to the Demo cratic vote in a small town ; and there is reason to believe that such influence is felt throughout the whole North. Our people are not constituted to have half the pa tience with darkey thriftlessness and lazi ness as you of the South, and when the truth is brought home to us even the Re publicans turn from it with loathing and disgust. the dickens dinner comes off to night. It is expected that about 200 representatives of the American Press will participate. It may, perhaps, be noted that none of the Herald staff will at tend, as that journal has not been friendly to Mr. Dickens during ids present visit to this country. WHEAT FROM GEORGIA. The Produce Exchange was gladdened the other day with a sample of the growth of wheat in Georgia, forwarded by Messrs. C. A. Williams & Co., of your city. The wheat Was in blossom, and gave promise of an early and abundant yield. I must re new the admonition to your readers, that the early wheat from the South will proba bly bring a dollar a bushel more than that forwarded later in the season. It is semi officially announced that tne West of Eng land will want thirty-two millions bushels of wheat between the first of April and the first of September; when there were twelve millions of bushels at sea for her markets. This is exclusive of the wants of France and other countries in the West of Europe. It is conjectured that the Atlantic ports of the United States will be required to fur nish five million bushels, and it is hoped that the South, with her early wheat, will help us materially in performing this essen tial service to the starving millions on the other side of the Atlantic. the confederate cotton loan. The London Money Market Review, of April 4th, reports that investments con tinue to be made in this loan at about five cents on the dollar, and, it adds, “as the market for them is limited, a further rise is not improbable.” The Review proceeds to show that the issue of the loan was per fectly legal, and observes that it remains to be seen whether the Government of the United States will continue to act in the same arbitrary manner as hitherto, and against all law and precedent, in refusing to acknowledge this loan. The Review goes on to say: “Each successive Government in France, whether Imperial, Bourbon,or Republican, has recognized the debts of the Govern ment to which it succeeded. The Italian Government has recognized the debts of the various Italian States which it has absorb ed or conquered, and even the debts raised by Austria when in possession of Venice and Lombardy. The Prussian Govern ment has in like manner recognized the debts of Hanover and the smaller German States which it conquered and absorbed. There ought to be no room for doubt, there fore, that this loan of the Confederate States, made with foreign houses, in a per fectly legal manner, will likewise be ulti mately recognized either by the United States or by the Southern States which, when confederated, contracted the loan. Were Americans to buy up this loan and then come to an agreement in regard to it with their own government, the matter would be simplified; and this will probably be the result; indeed it is suspected that a number of the purchases lately made are on American account, and it is rumored that there are orders to buy up the stock whenever an opportunity offers. In any case we see no reason to alter the opinion we expressed before the rise commenced, that the stock is a good ‘ lottery ticket,’ the purchase of £ll7 10s. of stock for £6 10s. being attended witli but little risk. A stock never dies.” There is a good deal of the usual “ bull ” lingo in these statements, although they are all true enough for that matter. But the legitimacy of this loan does not compare with that of the debts of the several North ern States, contracted during the existence of the Confederacy, which debts Mr. John sjn and Mr. Seward required them to repu diate as a preliminary to reconstruction, thus paving the way and forming the ex cuse for ali manner of Radical aggressions. But the time Is not yet for the discussion of tiie true position of public debts, or of the proper relation of Federal and Confederate debts to each other, or to the whole peop e. There need be no fear of the result when the time for action shall arrive. Neither i an kee Radicals nor “ loyal ” Democrats will prevent justice being done. business matters. There is no change in the aspect of busi ness except agrowing conviction that with the' termination of the impeachment trial and the payment of the May Interest on the public debt (twenty-four millions), a mate rial decline in the gold premium may be looked for. I do not see how, with the present stringency in the money marke , such a result can be avoided. The cotton market is fluttering. the weather. It looks like more snow. SCANDAL. The Connecticut papers are filled with the testimony in the case of Mrs. against Rev. Dr. Judd, for divorce. Several of the New England clergy and blue-stockings figure therein in no very enviable light. Willoughby. [From the Mobile Tribune. A National Day. Let the Southern people adopt a national day, a day that once a year will remind them of the great deeds they have perform ed, a day that will bind them together through all time as one people. Our rulers will probably allow us to cel ebrate such a day. Other rulers, similarly situated, permit their subject to have holidays. The English have not attempted to snatch St. Patrick’s Day from the Irish; so we presume the Yankees will leave us in quiet possession of any day we may select from the calendar to be celebrated as the national day of the Southern people. The day nrust necessarily be a mournful one. While it will remind us of the great victories that our soldiers achieved, it will also remind us that they’ were fruitless vic tories —fruitless so far as they failed to achiese the independence of the Confeder ate States, but not fruitless when it is re membered that they have given the South ern people a reputation grander than that enjoyed by any other conquered people.— No other nation of modern times has sunk out of existence leaving her name stamped upon the page of history in characters so grand and imposing. That is the lasting work that was achieved by the soldiers of the Confederate States. The women of the South, led by a sentiment of which men are incapable, began the pious work of decorating annually with flowers the graves of Confederate soldiers. Three years have made the custom a national one. It only remains now to select a day upon which our women will, once a year, bear flowers to the graves ot our dead ; a day upon which the beautiful, but sad, processions will be out in all parts of our sunny land, from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. Let that be our national day. It has been proposed that Mrs. Forrest, wife of the great General, name a day that will be observed as Decoration Day throughout the South. We have not heard whether she has done so or not. The ladies of Louisiana and Mississippi have by tacit agreement adopted the 26th day of April as that on which to perform their sad duties to the dead. On that day of the year 1865 our last hope was buried with the surrender of Johnston’s army. Can a more suitable day be selected for the sad, national day of a conquered nation ? The time may come when we can couple with such a day one that we shall usher in, not with sad processions of women moving towards graveyards, but with martial music and the booming of cannon. Objections have been made to the 26th day of April as being too early in the sea son to afford a full supply of flowers in the border States. Bnt the cypress and laurel can be used more appropriately than the rose and the lily. Let the graves be wreathed with the emblems of death and victory—for with victory the dead of the Confederacy, if not the living, have been crowned. Our dead went from the world while the Confederate flag was still waving in defiance ; they went without a premoni tion of the sad fate that was in store for their country; they went with the assur ance that the cause for which they died would triumph. Whatever day it may be decided to adopt here, is it not well that it be observed as a general holiday, by suspension of business and a turn out of the whole population ? Surely we can afford to dedicate one day out ot the year to the memory of our dead. Unpopularity of Grant.—Connecticut doubles her Democratic majority; Michigan gives 30,000 majority against the Radical “ corner-stone” of negro suffrage; Chicago goes Democratic by 1,000 —a gain of 3,0(>0; in Cincinnati there has been a gain of 4,000 over last Fall; in Columbus the Democratic ticket was elected by 1,050 —a gain of 600; in St. Louis the Democrats elect their whole ticket and revolutionize their city; in Albany the Democrats roll up 3,000 ma jority—a gain of 1,000; in Lockport they gain 1,000; in ail the Western cities the same large gains arc apparent; in the municipal elections in New Jersey the Democratic majorities are doubled. The “ ball” that was started in New Hampshire for Gen. Grant, rolled back on the starters, and caused a significant whittling down of their majority, which has been followed up by the elections elsewhere, and Grant is shown to be a dead load on the shoulders of the Radicals.— Hartford Tinies. The True Reason. —The recent rise in the price of cotton, it is stated, is not the result of light stocks in Europe altogether, but was caused by the change in the machinery back to the requirements for the working of the American long staple. It will be remembered that in order to con sume the short, fuzzy cotton of the East Indies, the spinners altered their method of fabrication, but the experiment was not satisfactory, it yielded little or no profit; and after a fair trial a change back to the old machinery was made. A late visit by a Southern gentleman to the cotton manu factories of England, gave him the informa tion that working the short staple of Bom bay and other Eastern grown cotton, has proved too troublesome to be profitable ; and the American long staple is now once more the only dependence of the manufac turers. The demand for our product at this time is based mainly upon this fact. [W. Y. Day Book. A Georgian, from an upper county, while in Atlanta, encountered a man with a band organ covered with green cloth. The man began to turn and the countryman put down a quarter, which the other immediately took up. Down went - another, which shared the same fate, and than another. The stranger, finding his pile gettinglOw, turned to a by-stander and asked: “ Mister, what sort of a game is this, anyhow?”