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TEE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST WEDNESDAY MORNING. APRIL 29, IS6S TO OUR FRIENDS. Clnb Hates for the Weekly Constitution- The year 1868 will be one of the most momentous in the political history of tins country. A great contest—one that is to shape the form of government ami fate of the people for many years—will be (ought ami decided. On the one side, we behold the forces of Despotism, arrayed under the Radical banner; on the other side, the defenders of Constitutional Liberty, mar shalled under the glorious ensign of De mocracy. While the Negro and the Public Debt will be matters of contention in the North, the acts of the Unconstitutional Convention will engage the attention of the South. The grand struggle for the overthrow of Radicalism will pervade all sections and shake them with a convulsion equal to that of 1860-61. In view’ of this tremendous drama, it will be our constant aim to keep the readers of the Weekly UoNoiirurioNALisT fully posted on the partisan issues of the hour, as wel' as the current news of each passing week. Pledging ourselves to this great duty, we confidently’ anticipate a generous support from those who wish us success in our efforts to maintain and protect their in terest. That every one may’ be enabled to sub scribe, and receive the benefits of a live jour nal, we offer the following liberal terms to Clubs ; 1 Copy per year - - - • $3 00 3 Copies per year - - - - 750 5 Copies per year - - - - 12 00 10 Copies per year - - - - 20 00 We trust that every subscriber to the paper will aid us in adding to our list. THE MODUS OPERAND!- If the Express Company and its myrmi dons succeed in electing their Governor, it will probably be brought about after the Arkansas fashion. Sharp and quick Hul bert is by no means mealy-mouthed on the subject, and undoubtedly’ an Arkan sas traveler of the modern school. To give a plain statement of what may, under cer tain circumstances, be expected from the unholy 'coalition now warring against us, we furnish certain data from the trans- Mississippi Department. The registration in Pulaski county, Ar kansas, stood thus: Negroes -. 2,402 Whites ; ...... 1,404 Total 3,806 At the recent election the vote was re corded as follows: For the Constitution 4,937 Against the Constitution 987 Majority for the Constitution.. 3,924 It will be seen by this table that the ma jority for the constitution is actually greater than the combined registration of whites and blacks. Gen. Gillem, the comman dant, has promised to investigate and pun ish fraud ; but while he puts his hands in his pocket and glances wonderingly at this Pulaski outrage, the trooly loii are organ izing a Legislature and electing Senators to Congress. We shall curiously’ watch the astute Hulbert, and see if he has an audac ity equal to his prototype beyond the great river. If his discretion should valorously shrink from so unblushing a manipulation, he has another trick to learn from Arkan sas, if, indeed, he did not suggest to Arkan sas the progressive mode of figuring detail ed above. He can, if permitted, keep the polls open in Burke and Richmond coun ties until returns have been received from all other counties, in order to insure a per fect fitness in his report to Gen. Meade. In Arkansas -this method was practiced with immense success, and bids fair to eventuate in Congressmen from that recon structed State of whom Butler and Blod gett may be proud. Are we to have an Arkansas farce and a tardy’ General in Georgia? We hope not. JEFFERSON DAVIS. Acting upon the belief that Andrew Johnson’s deposition and Benjamin Wade’s usurpation are matters of certain occurrence, the New York Herald advises ex-President Davis to remain in Canada and forfeit ids bond, rather than return to the bloodthirsty embraces of Wade and his courts organized for conviction. The Mobile Register proposes that the five mil lions of Southern whites subscribe a suffi cient sum to release Jefferson Davis from Horace Greeley and his other bondsmen, “so as to enable him to escape judicial murder without any compromise of honor.” We think it a good suggestion, for it is not wholesome for Mr. Davis to remain in the clutches of Wade or Greeley. Appropriate.—At a public school exhibition in Michigan village, one of the visitors made a brief address to the pupils, on the necessity of obeying their teachers and growing up loyal and useful citizens. To give empha sis to his remarks, lie pointed to a large na tional flag, spread on one side of the room, and inquired: “Boys, what is that flag for ?” A little urchin, who understood the “ situation ” of the house better than the speaker, promptly, answered ; “To cover up the dirt, sir.” AN ADMIRABLE ADDRESS. Os all the addresses to the people, during the present political season, that of the Conservative members of the Virginia Con vention is the best. We call attention to it as just such an appeal as the times need, and one that is quite as applicable to Geor gia as to Virginia. It is wholesome read ing for whites and blacks; a graphic pic ture of the great crime of the century ; a forecast of the future that may’ well cause the hearts of good and true to thrill with high resolves anil dauntless action. The reader will easily’ substitute Georgia for Virginia in the text, the concluding passages of which we append : “It is a strange spectacle that a large portion of the American people, however embittered by the antagonism of civil war, should be willing to see members of the same family pass, even temporarily, under such a yoke. It is one of the noticeable in cidents of the age that, in what claims to be the most enlightened country in Chris tendom, a frenzy- like this crusade for ne gro suffrage —so resembling the delirium of the French revolution—should take posses sion of the public mind. To us at the South, the absolute indifference with which the people of the North contemplate the application now being made of this sys tem at the South is a matter of astonish ment. “ That the ’negroes of the South can es tablish themselves in any permanent supre macy over the whites we do not, however, accept for a moment. If it shall be the pleasure of Congress, as it has the power to l do, to put upon us a constitution which they have invited us freely to pass upon—a ! constitution giving the negroes tenfold the ! power they have in Jamaica —we shall in i terpret it as the decree of God for a sharp and decisive settlement of the controversy bet ween the white and black races on this continent. It will fearfully embarrass, but it will not destroy the white race of the South. . The white race of the South cannot be de ! stroyed. When the negroes are put over . us, then, at least, we shall put forth our ; strength. We shall offer such inducements to white immigration that these sparsely settled States must rapidly fill up. The negro will be overwhelmed with numbers, and it will be too late to make any’ terms. It is perfectly’ evident that Providence de signs the territory' of the United States as -the theatre of a great white empire, whose power and whose civilization shall exert a controlling influence in the history’ of the future. That the three or four millions of blacks here can interpose any’ barrier to the realization of this destiny is plainly’ chi merical. The only question is, shall the changes which impend in the South be gradual or violent ? With peace between the races, the whites of the South might be saved from much that await them under the Radical programme ; and the blacks, while remited tot their proper position in society, would be saved from rapid extinc tion as a race. The settled and determinate antagonism of the races (which will be in ' augurated at once by such a Constitution as this) precipitates immediately- the begin ning of the end. Virginia, racked to the utmost capacity of endurance, will be the first to throw to the surface the disease which has so long preyed upon her vitals, and though for some years the pitiable vic tim of a disgusting eruption, will ultimate ly be restored to health, to vigor, and un- I tainted blood. “In protesting against the establishment ’of negro supremacy, we plead for both : races; for the whites, that they may be spared, depressed as they now are, the ut ter prostration of further violent changes in their social system; for the blacks, that in the name of humanity they shall be al i lowed a fair opportunity to save, or at least i to delay, the doom of their race. “ In conclusion, making no hypocritical I professions, we affirm in sincerity and in truth that the people of this State desire to be restored to the Union, and cherish no purpose of disloyalty’ to the Government; that they long for the re-establishment of kindly relations between all the sections of the country; and that they entertain no other feelings or purposes than those of kindness and benevolence towards the ne groes. “The negroes behaved well during the war; and we can trace all of the disorder and criminal misconduct into which they have fallen since to the pernicious teach ings of those white adventurers who are using this ignorant and credulous race to? their own selfish and rapacious purposes.— It left alone to deal with the negro, the whites of Virginia would honestly endeavor to afford the amplest protection to his rights of person and property, and to make every provision for his intellectual and moral culture. But when it is proposed— for the palpably base purpose of aggrandiz ing a party—to deliver over the property, the social order, the liberties of the whites, to*the vindictive and licentious rule of the negro, every instinct of duty, every senti ment that can animate a man to exertion, call upon the white people of Virginia to repudiate and resist such unparalleled op pression. “ Every Northern State which has voted on the subject since the close of the war has rejected negro suffrage. Ohio, on a di rect issue, no later than last fall, did so by a majority exceeding fifty thousand. Kan sas, Minnesota and Connecticut, had pre viously done the same thing. The late Constitutional Convention of New York deliberately recoiled from deciding the question. And Michigan, hitherto so over whelmingly Republican, has just voted down her new constitution by a majority of thirty thousand, because it admitted the negro to the polls. The census shows that there were only some 35,000 negroes in Ohio in 1860. There could have been only’ about 7,000 negro votes in that State, had they been enfranchised—(this in a commu ' nity where the white vote is nearly 500,000) I —an inappreciable influence. In Michigan there are only about 500 male negroes twenty-one years of age. The white voters number more than 165,000. And yet this State, where a Republican Governor was elected in 1866 by a majority of 29,038, re fuses by some 38,000 majority to let 500 ne groes vote. “The proposition in Virginia is to let 100,000 votes, to make them all eligible to office, to give them a majority of twenty one on joint ballot in the Legislature, to give them the local control in the counties and towns, to exclude a large number of the whites from the polls, to render nine hundred and ninety-nine white men in every thousand ineligible to the Legislature or any State or county office, and to lay. the tix (it may’ be so stated) exclusively on the whites ! Is it necessary to say more ? Can injustice take any grosser shape than that? Was ever people summoned to resistance by so peremptory a call ? “It is difficult to realize the situation which we have reached in the South. The mind is stupefied at the initiation of negro domination. It is a waking nightmare, whose horrible shadow cannot be pierced by’ the struggling faculties—a spell that neither the senses nor the reason can dis solve. The only escape from such a fact is that which the stout and the resolute always discover from the storms and floods of an unpropitious fortune. Resolved to swim, they breast the tempestuous waves with heroic hearts and sinewy arms, unter rifled and undiscouraged, confident, that if but true to themselves, they were not born to be drowned. In such a spirit, should tiie white people of Virginia buffet with the rude surges that break over them in this moment of adversity; in such a spirit should they- beat down the heaving bosom of the dark flood in which they struggle; in such a spirit should they’ wrestle with the swift and swollen current of this revolutionary period, which has submerged all the ancient landmarks, has subverted the foundations of the Federal Government, has swept away the sentiment of constitutional liberty at the North, and is now raging like a howl ing waste of waters over the lately fair and lovely vistas of the South.” Scott’s Monthly.—We arc of the opinion that this Magazine, despite the hardness of the times, continues to improve from month to month. The April number, just received, is quite full and interesting in the way of original and selected articles. A crisp ami well-written protest against the course of many Gedrgia campaign papers is, from the scholar’s point of view, a dignified and just rebuke. But in dealing with such enormi ties, as constantly arose during the canvass, it was almost beyond flesh and blood to parry the thrust of a bludgeon with Mi nerva’s distaff. In the days of pure repub licanism, all the niceties of dialetics came properly into play ; in this epoch of shams, circumventions of God, brutish substitu tion of force tor argument, the vindictive triumph of mob-rule and general improbity —a rougher usage may have been demand ed of those who employed such a -’yiie of action. John Randolph’s satire was none the less withering for its classicism ; and yet, it had to be frequently stopped in its eloquent insolence by the more homely wit of Ben Hardin—a wit that the eccentric Virginian compared, in its mercilessness, to the “ ragged and awful gashes of a kitchen knife sharpened on a brick-bat.” The Georgia eompaign has been a singu lar one; it was also a rough-and-tumble encounter. Had the contest been between men of the same race and interests, differ ing only’ on points of policy’ which were purely intellectual, the case would have been different. But the intolerable out rages of Radicalism and its spawn could not be reached by soft wrath, and very much is to be forgiven to those whose tone and temper changed from Timon at Athens to Timon in outlawry. We have endeavor ed, as far as possible, to be parliamentary, however severe. Those who have tran scended the bounds ofdelicate speech, have, at least, the palliation of exceeding provo cation—a provocation that might make a saint over-fervid in ejaculatory prayer, or the best of gentlemen translate mehercule into a spasm of— damn. Southern Farmer.—We are indebted to Mr. Francis S. Holmes for a copy of the Southern Fa> mer and Market Gardener, an ad mirable compilation for the use of planters and horticulturists. It is the latest and best publi cation of the kind, and has received the warm est encomium from the Agricultural Society of South Carolina. Its management is systematic, its explanatory narrative concise and practical. The wisdom and experience of the country’at large are grouped together with skill and point. It has received the warm encomiums of the Charleston Agricultural Society, and cannot fail to prove a valuable vade mecum to the tillers of the soil. An excellent treatise on rice and cotton culture is appended to this edition. Copies of this book can be procured by ad dressing “Holmes’ Book House,” Charleston, S. C. Price, SI 50. A Modern Haman.—Forney, says the Rich mond Whig, who has clamored so savagely for the impeachment of the President, is now un der impeachment himself. A Senatorial com mittee is to investigate the mysterious disap pearance of $40,000 public money in the cus tody of this c/iwa/ier (Tindustrie. Forney says the money was stolen by his uncle, old Mr. Wagner. The old man denies it. It is evident, from what occurred in the Senate about the matter Wednesday, that Cameron, who knows both men, and is a good judge of rogues, be lieves that Forney is the thief. If the investi gation is faithfully made, it seems likely that Forney, who bawls daily for the execution of the President, may find himself dispatched first. We commend to him the perusal of the history and fate of Haman. Hypocrisy.—Michigan rejects negro suf frage by 35,000 majority. Yet Michigan helps 34,000 negroes to impose on South Carolina what she has trampled to the earth at home. “ Ironical.”—The best specimen of Mr. Henry J. Raymond’s satirical style can be found in the Address of the Philadelphia convention. The best example of his irony can be found in his subsequent sneaking back into the Radical conventicle. The man who used to speak one way in Congress and vote another way, uses irony of such hypocritical temper that friends and enemies are alike puzzled to explain whether Raymond’s earnestness is irony or his irony earnestness. Neither Radicals nor Democrats trust this man and he is despised everywhere as a political trimmer, a nimble Proteus whose rhetoric, like his record, is false, fleeting and insincere. Hence his nick-name of “ Little Villain ;”“ little” because his vir tues like his vices are infinitesimal, sly and mean—a cheap compromise with “ good God” and “ good devil.” White or Black. —Some few days since an office holder, not elective, in an up coun try city, enquired of a Conservative gentle man : “ As I cannot hold office without join ing the Radicals, what would you advise me to do ?” “ That,” replied the Conservative, “ is a question easily answered. There are but two parties in the State—one of the white men, and the other ot the negroes. You can decide for yourself whether you are white or black ! Irish Catholics and Negroes.—The following dispatch to the New York Herald tells its own story : “ Harrisburg, Pa., April 2d, 1868. “ The discussion on the Registration Law bill caused an intense excitement in the House this afternoon. Mr. Hickman, in the course of his remarks, asserted that an intelligent negro was superior to an ignor ant Irish Catholic, and should have the preference to vote.” Butler and Forney.—These worthies have received mysterious warnings. But ler’s message ran thus: “ Butler, prepare to meet thy God. Hell is your portion. The avengers of blood are on thy track.” The Beast consoles himself that “ threat ened dogs live long.” Forney thinks the present era of quackery is favorable to con demned ducks. Argumentum ad Hominem.—The Louis ville Journal has the following good hit: “ A leading Radical politician in George town, Brown county, Ohio, declared that, al though he didn’t think that the negro would make a very good voter, he himself would, out of regard for his party, grease the animal right well, pin his ears back, and swallow him. Two or three nights afterwards a lot of negroes made a descent on his smoke'-house and stole his year’s supply of meat. No doubt they thought that, as he was condescending and kind enough to be willing to swallow them, they ought to reciprocate the compliment by swallowing his bacon.” A Fellow Feeling.—Benjamin F. But ler, Beast and spoon-thief, in eulogizing I his friend Blodgett, said lie “ didn’t doubt when Georgia was admitted that Blodgett would take his seat here with the proudest of us.” How the busy Bs run . together. It Blodgett admires his colleague, how proud the Georgia negroes ought to be of Beauty Blodgett and Beast Butler. Probably Not.—Raymond, of the New York says the “ Southern people are probably not all fools.” The Northern peo ple are probably not all villains, but they have a “ little’villain” in the Times, whose supple-jack performances surpass the leats of the Hanlon brothers. Complimentary. Forney compares Fred Douglas with Alexander H. Ste- I phens, much to the disparagement of the latter. The man who wrote the Jamieson letter is a nice judge of morals and men. [From the Louisville Journal. ‘‘No Probability of Another War.” • Under this heading the following extract from a Washington letter of Col. John Forsyth’s is making the circuit of the Southern press: “ The readers of the Register know how I have been haunted for some time back with the apprehension that the spirit of the North was not equal to the duty of defend ing its liberties against the daring party that is openly assailing them. Since I have been here I have eagerly watched the temper of the public mind and the public men, and 1 have seen nothing to lay the ghosts of my apprehension. I have not met the first man who will admit that the people will resist (except at the ballot box) at any, even the extremest point of usurpa tion.” This statement no doubt is correct; but it hardly justifies the heading which our Southern brethren have given to the ex tract. A more justifiable heading, we think, would be: “Certainty of Another War.” For a people who let it be understood that they will never resist usurpation by force, thereby invite intolerable usurpation which, when invited, never fails to come, and, when it comes, they must either submit to it or fight; and we all know that the American people will never submit to in tolerable usurpation. What follows? The certainty of another war, without a timely manifestation of greater spirit on the part of the people. Nothing could be plainer. If the people were even prepared tamely to submit to everything, their present tameness would be self-destroying, because it serves to bring on fresh oppression, in viting the worst; but, as they are not and never will be prepared to submit to every thing, their present tameness is doubly seif destroying, because it serves to bring on bloodshed as well as fresh oppression. Let them continue much longer in their pres ent complying temper, and no earthly power can avert another war. And the terrible responsibility will rest partly on the people themselves. If they shall de ceive this revolutionary league into believ ing that they will indeed submit to every thing, theirs will be a portion of th? guilt, and all the ruin. And fearful indeed will be the ruin. Forney Impeached. a big financial leak in the office of the SECRETARY OF THE SENATE—FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS MISSING —DID FOR NEY OR HIS UNCLE STEAL THE MONEY ? In Senate on Wednesday, when the defi ciency bill was under consideration, tiic following suggestive proceedings occurred: Mr. Cameron said there had been con siderable talk of a defalcation in the ac counts of the Secretary of the Senate, to the amount of $40,000, and the defaulter was said to be the financial clerk, a rela tive of the Secretary. This clerk had been dismissed, and he (Mr. Cameron) under stood that this clerk complained that he had been treated unjustly. He also under stood that there was a difficulty between the Secretary and the Sergeant at-Arms, and he wanted this thing settled. He was disposed to believe every man honest, but he wanted to be assured of it. He wanted to see the books of the Senate for the last ten years balanced, to see how the accounts did stand. Mr. Cragin said the Secretary of the Sen ate had no control, as he understood it, over the money of the Senate, and no pow er to commit fraud. The Sergeant-at-Arms was the disburing officer of the Senate. Mr. Hendricks asked for an explanation of the alleged defalcation of the financial clerk, Mr. Wagner. Mr. Cragin said last fall it was discover ed that a defalcation of $40,000 existed in the accounts bv Mr. Forney. Mr. Forney called in Mr. Wagner, and after a short time Mr. Wagner confessed that he had taken $40,000 from the safe, and that he had used it for his own purposes. He then surrendered all the property he had, and Mr. Forney went on to Philadelphia and raised the $40,000, and deposited it in the Treasury so that the Government should lose nothing by it. Mr. Cameron asked whether the Senator had any personal knowledge that the m?ney had been deposited. Mr. Cragin said he had seen a certificate of Comptroller Taylor to that effetit. Mr. Cameron said it was a very strange transaction. This old man, Mr. Wagner, was a citizen of his State, had been cashier of a bank there and had always borne an excellent character. When he came to this city he owed nobody, he had no bad habits, did not even keep a servant, and it was im possible to see what he could have done with the money. He understood since Mr. Wagner had been removed that he com plained that great injustice had been done him, and that he (Wagner) did not take the money. Now, what he (Mr. Cameron) wanted was to see this whole thing cleared up. Mr. Cameron reiterated his determination not to vote any more money to put in con trol of the Secretary until his accounts were satisfactorily adjusted. Mr. Dixon said there was a leak some where with this money. He did not say that Mr. Forney got it, or who got it, but somebody seemed to get hold of it. Mr. Cragin said there were $20,000 of bills presented now which had not been paid, and none of the additional messengers who had been put on had been paid, although they were in sore necessity. Mr. Dixon said it was manifest that the accounts were very improperly managed. Mr. Thayer said, at the request of the Secretary, lie would say that the deficiency in the accounts came to Mr. Forney’s no tice in November last; that Mr. Wagner had made a written confession to Colonel Forney, and Colonel Forney had it in his possession, and any Senator could see it who desired. Mr. Wagner had stated that he had taken SIO,OOO of the money to pay for some property which he had bought in Pennsylvania, and which he had been call ed on to pay for sooner than he expected. Furthermore, Mr. Forney had paid all this money into the Treasury, as stated. He (Mr. T.) made this statement at the re quest of Mr. Forney. Mr. Cameron said Mr. Wagner was a man of accounts, and Mr. Forney was not. Mr. Wagner claimed that he had been treated with injustice; he was an old man, and his fair name should not be blasted in this way by a person in official station.— He moved for the appointment of a special committee to inquire into this matter. Mr. Buckalew said that while the ac counts and conduct of their Secretary were being inquired into, lie would suggest to his colleague also to include in his motion an inquiry into the conduct of the Secreta ry as Clerk of the Court of Impeach ment, in daily prejudging that case in the journals under his control, and whether such conduct is becoming. Mr. Cameron said he must stick to his original motion now, but after awhile he would go with his colleague on the other I point. The motion of Mr. Cameron was then adopted. The Senate then adjourned. [From the Columbus Sun. Intimidation—A New Case for General Meade. On Thursday evening there was a large meeting of white and colored people held in Temperance Hall, in this place. Wash. Love, a prominent and intelligent colored man, had, with his own consent, been an nounced to address the meeting in behalf of the Democracy. At the appointed time lie failed to make his appearance. We have the most unquestionable authority—viz: his own statement, through a prominent citizen, that he was prevented from fulfill ing his appointment by threats upon his He was told that if he made the speecli that he would be treated to the same fate that Ashburn met. His house was surround ed at night and he and his family terrified by Loyal Leaguers. We call upon Gen. Meade to make good his words. To instruct his military au thorities to investigate this transaction.— This man, Wash. Love, is one of the most prominent and influential colored men in this community. He has borne a good character and enjoyed tiie confidence and respect of the white men. He has good and ample cause to remember with gratitude his white friends. He states that he de sires to advocate Democratic principles, and to vote with that party, but he fears to do so, lest he may be murdered by mem bers of tiie league. He is not the only col ored man who has been threatened. Even at the door of Temperance Hall on Thurs day night, negroes were threatened by em issaries of the league, if they dared to en-' ter, and to listen to the discussion of ques tions of vital interest to them. If General Meade desires to find out the authors of these outrages, lie can do it.— Under the protection of his bayonets these men will disclose the names of the scoun drels who are endangering the peace of this community, and the lives of citizens. They are afraid to tell now for fear of the imme diate execution of these threats. Light is beginning to break upon the re cent disgraceful outrages in this place. In their desperation the Radicals are betray ing the clue which we trust will lead to their detection and punishment. We again demand military protection for Wash. Love, and an investigation of the conduct of those who have, by threats and intimidation, prevented him from a free exercise of his rights. [From the National Intelligencer. The Reliable Witness. Mr. Rindall, Postmaster General, was next sworn and testified that he had suspended from office, as postmaster at Augusta, Georgia, the Mr. Foster Blodgett, “ trooly loil,” and put on the stand the other day by the House managers. He had not consulted or informed the Presi dent of the case, but he had acted upon verbal information and upon an indictment, of Blodgett, “ trooly loil,”/or perjury in taking the test oath. The orders of removal were pro duced. Mr. Butler resisted this all the while, saying that it “was not fair play;” that“Ae felt bound to take care of Mr. Blodgett,” &c.; but at last had to give up, and the papers were read, amid unusual interest, and, of course, surprise that a “ trooly loil” man should get into such a scrape. On the cross-examination by Butler, the Post master General stated that he had not acted in this case under the tenure-of-office law, and could not act under it; he had acted on the “ necessity” of the case, and bad had no orders from the President in the matter. The indict ment was for taking the test oath falsely ; and if Mr. Butler desired, the Postmaster General “ would freely tell him all he knew about the case.” 3 his Mr. Butler declined. Mr. Butler asked if this “ trooly loil ” man, Blodgett, had “ been turned out because some one had found an indictment for perjury against him.” Now, an indictment is not like a hand kerchief or a pocket book, to be found and picked up in the street by a chance comer ; it is a very solemn business, requiring, under the United States laws of 17th June, 1862, a jury who can take the ironclad oath, and a Federal judge, clerk, and district attorney in like case. So much for Mr. Butler’s query as to a pre sentment by rebels. But we understand per fectly Mr. Butler’s object in thus making light of perjury or a false oath. He had a very seri ous and practical purpose in view. Each one of the Senators then before him, including Messrs. Cole, SfeJinghuysen, Edmunds, Hen derson, MottillMad Ferry, had taken the fol lowing solemn oath, which it was very desira ble should not now impede what some deem a party necessity. That oath is as follows : I solemnly swear that in all things appertain ing to the trial of impeachmeut of Andrew Johnson, President JR’ the United States, now pending, 1 will do impartial justice, according to the Constitution and laws. So help me God ! Now, if Mr. Blodgett’s little matter was noth ing, then, by parity of reasoning, this oath to do impartial justice may also sit lightly on the conscience. Mr. Butler does nothing without a purpose. Before Mr. Randall left the chamber, Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, submitted this inquiry : Whether, after the 2d of March, 1867, the date of the passage of the tenure-of-office bill, the question whether the Secretaries who were ap pointed by Mr. Lincoln were included in the provisions of the act came before the Cabinet, and what opinions were given on the occasion. But the Senate threw itself between Mr. Stan ton and this merciless question, and by a vote of 26 to 20 refused to let the interrogatory be propounded. And this ended the day. It was plain the majority of the Senate were determined not to Pet any more testimony go on the record calcu lated to benefit Mr. Johnson. A good many Senators had been whipped in. Among those who still held out yesterday and voted to let the truth be brought to light, were Messrs. Anthony, Fessenden, Fowler, Grimes, Ross, Sherman, Trumbull, Van Winkle and Willey. The point of dispute now runs, whether, ly the party lash used so efficiently in other quar ters, these gentlemen above named can be whipped in or not. Most Republicans in pri vate laugh at the idea that these Senators will vote judicially, and say significantly that they will be pretty sure to come into the traces on one or more of the articles. Certain it is that from now to the close of this business the party screws are to be put on ; and if a little perjury be necessary, consider the example of that “ trooly loil” man, Mr. Foster Blodgett, the Abdiel who stood forth amid a faithless generation, United States judge, district attor ney and grand jury, though clad in iron all against him. Mr. Beecher has been heavily assailed be cause at- a public meeting in this city some time siuce he spoke well of the personal char acter of Gen. Lee. What will these assailants say about the opiuion of Mr. Lincoln upon Lee, aud especially when they get that opinion from a source they must credit so unquestioningly, viz: a colored woman. Mrs. Keckley, the col ored servant of Mr. Lincoln’s family, says that on the very morning of the assassination Presi dent Lincoln took up a portrait of Gen. Lee, scanned the face thoughtfully, aud said : “ It is a good face ; it is the face of a noble, brave man. lam glad that the war is over at last.” Looking up-at his son Robert, he continued : “ Well, my son, you have returned safely frem the front. The war is now closed, and we will soon live in peace with the brave men that have been fighting against us. I trust that the era ot good feeling has returned with the close of the war, and that henceforth we shall live in peace.” Were President Lincoln not dead, he would, for such sayings and thoughts as these, be denounced as a first-class, double-dyed traitor by those who have now the hypocrisy to pretend reverence for his memory. \New York Times. Refused Admission.—At the meeting of the Homeopathic Medical Society of Boston, the other day, there was quite an exciting scene re lating to the admission of Mrs. Mercy B. Jack son, a practicing female physician in Boston. The debate was very animated, the opponents ■ claiming that the qi»estion was a serious one, and quoting from Scripture to show that the relation of a wife to a husband was the same as that of the Church to Christ, and that aha should not be subject to the temptations which would arise in the course of their profession. One of the opponents argued that it would tend to produce effeminate men and mascu line women, and said that if women are to engage In medical practice, they should stop by themselves and confine their practice strict ly to the afflicted of their own sex. Those who favored Mrs. Jackson’s admission to the so ciety, argued that there ought to be no objec tion if she possessed the requisite ability, and that if women became members of the society, germane subjects could be discussed at their meetings just the same, and that woman’s pre sence would elevate discussions on delicate matters. After considerable discussion of this nature on both sides, the vote on the question was taken, and the admission of Mrs. Jackson refused by a vote of thirty-three against thirty one, which created great enthusiasm among those composing the majority. Presidential.—W. G. Ewing, of Quincy, Illinois, replies to the Stewart Grant circular that the state of the public in his district is un favorable to the Presidential aspiratiops Gen. Grant. Mr. Ewing says: “ There were a great many soldiers from ‘my district’ under Grant, and they say that at Fort Donelson he was drunk; at Belmont he was drunk; at Shiloh he was drunk ; at Vicksburg he was drunk. Besides, we think that a man who will deliberately deceive the President of the United Stateswill be swift to break taith with the people.” Mrs. Andrew J. Polk, of Nashville, Tenn., sues Hilliad, Summers & Co., for near ly SIOO 000. Be fore the war Mrs. Polk was owner of a planta tion and slaves in Mississippi, which were man aged by her husband. The defendants wore his commission merchants, and sold the cotton on the plantation, paying the proceeds to Mr. Polk. She claims that her husband had no right to receive the money, and that the defend ants knew the fact, which they deny. The suit is of great importenee concerning the rights of married women in the South, as many plan tations were managed in this way before the war. Leßoy M. Wiley.—We regret to learn that this distinguished Georgian, long known in Charleston and New York as a prominent and successful merchant, died at his plantation in Alabama on Thursday last. His remains are expected on the Eufaula train this afternoon, and his funeral services will be held at half-past five o’clock, at the residence of Hon. J. J. Gresham, on College street. \Macon Telegraph, Mith.