Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

the weekly constitutionalist | WEDNESDAY MORNING. MAY 6, I s K THE RESULT. It seems to be generally conceded that R B. Bullock has been elected Governor 01 Georgia. The further concession is made that this event has been brought about through the defection of the white voters of North Georgia, who did not hesitate to accept a Radical official in exchange for certain specious promises of relief from debt. Thou-’h a majority jof the Legislature ap pears'to be Democratic, the probable, and almost certain, imposition of the test-oath may cause a change in the political com plexion of that body to suit the purposes of the Washington conspirators and their tools in Georgia. Blodgeit’s manifesto, on his return from Presidential impeach ment, clearly hinted that arrangements had been made at Washington to pass an en abling act to suit the cases of those Radical Legislators elect who could not digest the iron-clad dose as easily as he, Blodgett, had done. If there was such a thing in Congress as impartial justice, or an earnest desire to restore the State, such an enabling act would work so as to include the repre sentatives of either party. But, inasmuch as such sentiments are completely out of question, the act will be beneficial to those who have bowed down to Thaddeus Stevens and utterly nugatory 4n the case of others who refuse allegiance to Beast Butler. It operates, as we have before mentioned, as a bribe and a snare. The white men of the State who are bought and caged by it are certainly reduced to pitiable straits, and we are sorry to confess, from present appearances, that their numbers are anything but insignificant. Even the New York Times admits the indecency of such a party manoeuvre, but as Congress has long since transcended the bounds of deco rum, and as a considerable number of white men have put themselves on record as ut terly demoralized, we see no earthly use of protest, and hope that the consequences of their defection may awaken them to some sense of the degradation to which they have consented. Should it come to pass, as we believe, that the relief from debt which so dazzled the people of North Georgia is the merest sham ; should it come to pass that they have delivered them selves over to a worse bondage than moneyed obligations—those who have so recreantly betrayed their race and State will make a cleaner record in the contests that are to come. While our brethren in the White Belt have rendered themselves liable to censure, we are disposed to treat their delinquency as an error of the head rather than a criminal intent of the Heart; we are rather disposed to win them back by soft rebuke, than drive them into the enemy’s camp by vituperative menace. After they have supped their till upon Re lief, let us approach them with the subtle and all-pervading reasonings that cluster about the kindred ties of blood and tradi tion. Let us endeavor to perfect organiza tions among them which will give us greater strength in other campaigns. Surely, we ought to be able to offer them superior inducements to those offered by the sinister disciples of Radicalism. At all events, the trial is worthy of attention, and demands a rousing up equal to the emergency, and the stake presented. The Legislature of Georgia, according to the prescription of the New Constitution, is ordered to assemble ninety days after the adjournment o the Convention. This will bring its day of meeting to the 11th of June. Unless there be a special call for an earlier convocation, the Legislature will be inau gurated tf/iter an adjournment of Congress, for Congressmen will hardly dawdle over Southern reconstruction when the great drama of the Presidential campaign shall have shaken and absorbed the North.— Shosld this be so, the admittance of Geor gia as a reconstructed State is by no means probable, prior to 1869. What 1869 shall bring in the way of Radical state-craft is another problem. Whether we have lost or gained by the late canvass each one can determine for himself. We trust that it has not weakened the Democracy North and South. We fur ther trust that it has not built up and com-j pactcd the Radical party in our midst. One ! thing, however, we deem to be a certainty, ' that never before was there so much need of perfect organization and active work.— Let not those who were so rabid to enter into the recent contest grow despondent and negligent; let them, on the contrary, review the situation with rigid scrutiny, and ; seek to repair the damage to their shields ■ and battle-axes. Let them pluck up ten-1 fold spirit for more valorous deeds. Let ' them assail the enemy at al! points and in all ■ seasons. By persistent and unflagging es- ' says, Radicalism has won on the side of rong ; it will be an unutterable shame, a withering disgrace, if Democracy should fail to manifest an equally determined vigor in the championship of Right. As an earn- 1 est of this resolve, and for the better under standing of all elements of success, we pro pose, at the earliest practicable day, a State Democratic Convention, which shall have the power of issuing a declaration of prin ciples, as a platform, and for such other purposes of reorganization as the occasion may demand. Hot and Cold.—Forney, who wrote the Jamieson letter and is $40,000 short in his loyal account with the United States, rejoices in the triumph of negroes in the State of John C. Calhoun and over the ablest intellects of the white race. In the same paper, we find an elaborate editorial protesting against the employment of “ un educated labor,” on account of the “ loss and danger of every kind” it involves. The negro triumph Forney thinks “ sublime ;” the employment of unscholarly whites de testable. No wonder the workingmen of the country are leaving the Radical party and making even Chicago Democratic. THE NEXT PRESIDENCY. The ground swell of Radicalism is making itself felt along the Southwestern States, an 1 from the indications it is now descried that Chase is floating uppermost on the Radical waves, with good chances of re ceiving the nomination. Even the black and white "negro equality” Radicals of New Orleans have expressed their pre ference for Chase over “Ulysses the Silent.” The negro equality Radicals, of Missouri, in their convention at St. Louis to send delegates to the nominating Radical negro equality convention, to be held at Chicago in May next, have, it is asserted, sent none Radicals as delegates from Missouri. The good old Democratic ship of State is also getting ready for a new voyage, and the people are anxiously looking around for the most able commander to take the helm. As for President Johnson, we regard It certain that he has virtually expressed his intention of retiring in favor of Maj. Gen. Winfield S. Hancock, who has already become a general favorite. A number of other candidates are also being presented to the people for their consideration. In Illinois, we believe, the name of Mr. Justice Davis, of the Supreme Court of the United States, has been nominated. In Ch'o and elsewhere. Geo. 11. Pendleton, of Ohio, for President, R. F. Haight, of California, for Vice-President, have been presented. In Kentucky, a portion of the solid yeomanry have quietly proposed among themselves Charles O’Conok, of New York, with either Mr. Pendleton or Governor Stevenson, of Kentucky, on the same ticket for Vice-President. 'Mr. : O'Conor ranks high as a jurist and states ' man, and would no d -übt concentrate the Conservative clement and the Irish vote. As it is supposed by many that Mr. O Con or is ineligible on account of his birth, we will here state, in justice to that gentleman, that he was born in New York city in 1804, and is about 64 years of age. He is descend ed from a line of literal’}' gentlemen, being a descendant of Charles O’Conor, the noted antiquarian, mentioned in Boswell's Life of Johnson. His father came over from Ireland with those distinguished pa triots, Emmet, Tone, McNeven and others, and settled in the city of New York. His uncle, Major Jno. M. O’Conok, served with great distinction in the war of 1812, and afterwards went to France in 1818, by order of our Government, to write a treatise on “The Science of War and Fortifica tions,” which was afterwards approved by Congress. While in France he became the guest of General LaFayette, by whom he was greatly esteemed and appreciated. Mr. O’Conor early became inculcated in the great principles of constitutional liber ty, of which he has ever been the fearless advocate, and no one more than himself has maintained the character and integrity of the American bar. If the State of New York shall claim the right to give the nomination of the next j Constitutional Democratic President to one •of her sons, certainly no purer man, none j more fresh from the people, or freer from the trammels of party cliques could be found than Charles O’Conok. THE CHICAGO ELECTION. The Washington correspondent of the Cincinnati Commercial attributes the late reverses of Radicalism, and especially the Waterloo defeat in Chicago, to a movement of the workingmen, who have become dis gusted with “Republicanism” and turned their attention to Democracy. The corres pondent says: “ Most of the men who belong to these or ganizations have heretofore voted the Republi can ticket. They have kept the Republicans in an immense majority in Pittsburg and Phila delphia, especially, until recently. They have more political power than the Grand Army of the Republic, and are now certain to use it for what they conceive to be their best advantage. They number six hundred thousand voters.— Fifty-seven thousand votes, properly distribu ted, would have given the last general election to the Democrats, notwithstanding the Repub licans have a two-thirds majority in each House.” This revelation should open the eyes of the Democracy to the fact that no candi date for the Presidency can hope to suc ceed, if pledged to the bond-holding inter est. These formidable workingmen are evi dently determined to use their influence to equalize taxation, if nothing else, and any movement to keep them in the clutch of gold-feeding capital will inevitably alienate them from its support. The Democracy are in imminent pcr.l of betrayal, if not scrupulously circumspect ; and if any dis aster supervene, we predict that the treach ery will come from the bond-holding wing rather than from the copperhead, so-called, faction. To estimate the importance of this singu lar victory at Chicago, it must be borne in mind that Chicago was thought to be the , very Gibraltar of Radicalism, and, for that very reason, selected as the headquarters of Presidential caucusing in the National Convention. Furthermore, the Tribune, of that city, on the day of election, told its readers that “ as Chicago went, the wlk>lc Northwest would go in Novembcr?= When the election resulted in a Democratic gain of sous thousand eight hundred, we * f, “ hot wonder that Illinois Congressmen | were so taken aback and even Grant com- I polled to quit smoking for at least ten min utes. It was a fair and square contest. Ihe Republican, the official paper of the city, confesses that It was a “strong and oidcrly contest at the polls.” It continues: “ Thanks to a stringent watchfulness and the existence of the registry system, there was little fraudulent voting, and that which promised but a skirmish has proved a field encounter.” The Washington (Jhroni- ; de (Forney’s delectable sheet) laid the news I but did not publish it. It must have been ’ stunning intelligence, when so brazen- I fronted an organ was struck dumb. Per- haps Forney was too much bothered about the $40,000 deficiency in bis trooly loil ac count with the United States. As Chicago has a great number of Ger man citizens, it wllf be of interest to know what the Radically inclined Teutonic ele ment thought of the election. The Illinois Staats Zeitung said on the day of the elec tion : “ Chicago is recognized ns the Republicair metropolis of the West. Her claims to this honor are acknowledged in the East by every body, and it is tor that reason that she was chosen as the seat of the Republican National Convention. It is the only great city west of the Alleghenies, and in fact the only great city in the whole country upon whose political faith the Radical party can rely. Chicago is the recognized guardian of the Republican flag. She will not disappoint those who trusted in her. She will not prepare the shame to the Radicals that they should have to hold their National Convention in a Democratic city. Should this be the case, the consequences of discouragement in the ranks ot the Radical party will be invaluable.” These are strong acknowledgements that Radicalism was known to be waning in the “ metropolis of the West.” Here are some more refreshing revelations from the same journal: What do the Democrats care, whether they wiu in little skirmishes with insignificant enemies, as they have done lately ? What is a victory even in Connecticut to them, compared with a victory at Chicago ? Our city is the very Malakoff, the key to the Republican Sebastopol, and they are right. For all these places, where the Democrats have succeeded during the last few weeks, were doubtful during the war, whilst Chicago stood like a rock then and after wards iu the storm of reaction. Thus far, it would so'em that, with any thing like proper management, the Demo cracy should make a speedy end of the more.than Russian despotism of Radicalism, having conquered its greatest stronghold. We sincerely trust that these magnificent opportunities may not be brought to death and defeat. We admit that they may be by the continuance of jarring interest and stubborn pride of faction. Will the De mocracy be wise in time and heal all old wounds, looking only to the present and the future ? We hope so. If such should not be the case, wo to that man or those men, “ Whose treason, like a deadly blight, Comes o’er the councils ot the brave, To blast them in the hour of might.” NEGRO SUFFRIGE. The Round Table, of April 25th, has a thoughtful and comprehensive article on the vexed question of “ Negro Suffrage.” We reproduce it prominently, as the most enlightened view of Northern Conserva tism, and as a breakwater to the impetuous spirit of some who, for the sake of spoils, may possibly be led into a bog, from which extrication will be difficult and well-nigh hopeless. The poor South is sadly tor mented and miserably tempted; but she need not unnecessarily add to her miseries by becoming a driveler and a show. The Round Table says: “ Negro suffrage in the Southern States is commonly looked upon as involving no thing more than the admission of an ad ditional number of the people to a share in the government. It is taken to be like the recent extension of suffrage in England.— Practically it is no such question. Negro suffrage in the South is not a mere exten sion of the governing power to a larger number of the people; it is a proposition to give power in our public affairs to a new and strange people. It is not to bring a larger proportion of the community to the polls; it is to introduce a new community. It is like, but worse than, a proposition to admit the Republic of Hayti into the Union. “ Practically there are two separate com munities in the South ; a black community and a white one. They are separate now and will always remain separated. No human power can blend them into one. — The white race in this country will not mix with the black any more than it will with the native Indian. The whites and the blacks will not intermarry; they will not visit each other’s houses ; they will not go to church together. An effort will be made to force them together in the public schools ; but, like all laws which seek to twist human nature violently back from its instincts, this effort will simply intensify the repugnance it seeks to overcome, and the law will be violated and evaded so ex tensively that little or no education will be afforded to any one. “ The blacks at the South constitute a black people; the whites a white people.— They cannot be blended into one people ; for whenever the black and white blood do intermix, the mulatto progeny is rejected from among the white people and remains a part of the black community. What is really proposed in negro suffrage, then, is to constitute one state of these two repel ling elements, they being in nearly equal proportion; to blend together these two distinct and repulsive elements in the work of a common government; to blend togeth er races which, even when they are mixed for a moment, start back from each other instinctively, and remain separate; to mix these elements harmoniously in the great and difficult 'York <?f public government, while in none of the every-day duties of life can they be made to mix. If the blacks, Instead of being here, were in their native Africa or in Hayti, and had all the intelli gence of our negroes, and it were proposed to Import into any Northern State as many negroes as were equal to its white popula tion, with the condition that the negroes should share, man for man, in the common government—such a proposition would ex cite universal horror. It would be looked upon as the wildest absurdity to attempt to compose an orderly and harmonious stat'’out. of two discordant elements. “ No successful, orderly and prosperous state ever was so made tip. Celt and Sax on, who are very much nearer in blood re lationship than are the white man and the black, could not, in England, make up a state, a common government, in which each were to take part; one race ruled. Nor man and Saxon, who, by going but a few years back, could trace up a common an cestry, could not make up a mixed govern ment of the two until intermarriage had effaced the distinction between them. The distinction cannot in this instance be ef faced, even in time, fo'r the mulatto con tinues to be a black. If all the Southern population became mulattoes, that would not solve the difficulty; for the mulatto, as a race, will not live. It is practically not a race, but< as its name imports, a mule. In the mixed governments now proposed for the South the effort is to be made, in spite of all the warnings of history, to blend to gether the two races which are the furthest apart in nature, and the most unlike of any two races in the world. The white man of this country stands at the head of civiliza tion ; the black almost at the foot of the list of savages. “ The present population of the South is divided by a law higher than our laws into two classes; distinctly marked classes.— This division is sure to be permanent. It is a natural instinct in men so situated to cling to their own class, to counsel only with it, to act only with it. There will be, then, no political parties there but the white party and the black party. A few renegades from the whites will, for the sake of power, go over to be leaders of the blacks, but in the main the division will always be as now—whites on one side, blacks on the other. Whichever of these parties may get the ascendancy in local politics, the gov ernment will be a ciass government; seeking the interest not of a people, but of the ruling class. The blacks have the ascendancy now not by their own force, but by the aid of machinery supplied by the General Gov ernment. In some of the States provision has been made for such test-oaths as will deter most of the whites from voting. In others, military arrangements have been been made for controlling the dissatisfied whites. In some, large bodies of white men are directly disfranchised and shut out from a share in the government. So long as these mixed governments exist, there will be a constant struggle for one class or the other to get the upper hand. If the whites were in the ascendancy now, no doubt nearly all the blacks would have been shut out from a share in the government. “ There can be no such thing as a blend ed representation of the community as one people when the community itself is not blended. The State governments are sure to be class governments, representing not the whole people, but either the blacks as a ruling class or the whites. We are, in fact, narrowed down to this choice: shall the white men rule in the South, or shall the blacks there rule the whites ? Strive as we may, we shall be able to bring the problem only to one or the other of these solutions. “ The great evil of negro government will not be that a few negroes may get into Congress or into the State Legislatures; that would be a small evil. A few well chosen negroes might teacli good manners to some of the white members of the pres ent Congress. The great evil ot negro suf frage is that it means, in many districts, negro justices of the peace and negro con stables. The home government of neigh hoods are the governments most important to the mass of men. If those are not such as to conduce to order, content and com fort, the country at large cannot have its just measure of peace, industry and pros perity. There is no Northern neighbor hood which could endure negro magistrates and negro local officers; either the negro officers would be expelled by violence or the whites would abandon the neighbor hood. “ There is no such thing possible as put ting the negroes and the white men at the South on a footing of equality. Nature forbids it. Unless they can be put on such an exact footing oi equality that in every relation of life the distinction of color is lost sight of, there can be no sucli thing as tlie representation of one people in the pro posed governine its at the South. The pub lic officers of all kinds will represent one people or the other; they will represent the majority, and the majority will always be either the black people exclusively or the white people. Class governments under universal negro suffrage at the South are inevitable. The whites, being disfranchis ed, cannot now assert their natural supe riority ; and the negro governments which may get into power will resort to continued disfranchisement as their means of retain ing the control. "Negro suffrage, enforced by the North, means, practically, not negro equality, but negro superiority; that the negroes, as a class, shall rule the whites.” Black Mail.—A carpet bag leaguer in Greene county, Alabama, has forty colored boys in his school. He recently taxed them 25 cents each ($10) for a water bucket. He will be able to get a handsome new car pet bag with that amount. Signs of Conviction. —President John son’s granddaughters, hitherto courted by their female companions, are now shunned Or snubbed by the aforesaid misses. They were both candidates for Queen of the May, but the children who have suffrage on that question took a Ben Wade view of the matter, and so they were badly defeated— all because grandpa had gone under a cloud. “ Among the Proudest.” —The Phila delphia Age has a poor opinion of Southern Senators to be. It probably had Blodgett’s testimony in view when it spoke thus : “The expulsion ot President Johnson is sup posed to be a party necessity, and to secure scats in the Senate the newly elected Senators from the South will promise to vote any way required of them. ’ What obliging fellows, to be sure. NORTHERN NEGROPHILISM. Greeley has been tearing his hair and sitting ou ashes because Ohio has not only refused negroes the privilege of the ballot, but even strengthened tiie prohibition to include persons who have the least visible tinge of Ethiopian blood: The predominant idea is, of course, a purely selfish one, viz : To get rid of the blacks. Massachusetts, tn her first State organization, so loved the negro that he was forbidden to enter her realm, requested to leave, and, failing to do so, was to be “ severely whipped,’ once every ten days, until he vamosed the rauche. Massachusetts compelled the ne gro to shun her border, by the most savage edicts; Ohio and other States of the North very quietly legislate him out of the way. The New York World has published tables showing a per centage of negro males over twenty-one years of age and dares the honest Horace to put them in his Almanac. This is the table of five New England States: , 1860. ■ Per centage of Col’d Males White Males Africanized Over 21. Ovr2l. Americans. Maine 357 162,320 0.22 New Hampshire . 144 88,954 0.16 Vermont . 120 84,883 0.14 Rhode 151 and..... 991 44,877 2.21 Massachusetts.. ..2,527 327,921 0.77 Commenting upon these figures, this World says: “ And the- Senators and Representatives of these five States, in all cf which put together there are not negroes enough of all shades, sexes, and sizes to make up the seventh part of a con stituency for a single member of Congress, are now combining together to force negro equality and miscegenation upon the people of ten Ameri can St ites in which the negroes are counted not by the dozen, but by the hundred thousand ! And in this infamous work they are aided and abet ted by the representatives of fifteen other free States (including Nevada, admitted in 1864 un der the “sainted martyr’’ Lincoln, and Ne braska, admitted in 1867 by the Reconstruction Rump,) all of which by their constitutions ex pressly and most properly exclude from the suffrage this race which the five New England States first mentioned would never have dream ed of ad nitting to the suffrage unless it had dwindled among them into a shadow as signifi cant as the ghost of King Philip ana his Pe quots! It is on such facts as these —dare the Tribune lay them before its readers ’—that Mr. Tilden bases nis assertion of a great govern ing principle in American history. For that great governing principle the Democratic party propose to do battle. March up the issue, Mr. Tribune, and meet us! No skulking behind conundrums I Go before the country like a man with your flag. Proclaim your purpose to bring the negro into the State and into the family, and let the American people pass upon you in the daylight, not in the dark !” [For the Constitutionalist. Thoughts on the State of the Country- The state of the country is such as to awaken profound anxiety in the breast of every man who feels any concern for the welfare of o.ur people. This is no time for party strife. Affairs are too critical to be treated by the ordinary arts of politicians. The people must now think and act for themselves. Let us for a moment review the events that have brought us to our present condition: For some four years a desolating war waged in this Southern country; the result of it was the overthrow of the Con federate Government and the emanci pation of our slaves; the whole social and industrial system of the South was suddenly changed; impoverished by our losses, we had to begin once more our plans of life. The large body of persons in our midst recently set free formed a new clement in our system of labor. It remains to be tried whether that kind of labor can be conducted successfully. The result of the experiment has, to some extent, been satisfactory. It is evident that with a good understanding between the white man and the colored laborer we may conduct our various systems of industry satisfactorily. Now it is all-important to promote this good understanding. There must he no conflict between capital and labor. I assert that if the colored race are properly treated by ns they will regard us as their friends. In every instance they have been misled by selfish and designing men, who have spared no pains to alienate them from their former owners. Now this is, in my judgment, only a temporary mischief. If we are wise, we shall gain complete control over the colored people. We are their best friends, and this we will prove to them. Let us show by our acts, our en couragement, that we are—that we desire them real prosperity and happiness; con cede to them all their rights under the law. Providence has brought the white and col ored races together in these Southern States; a great future opens before us; it is our plain duty to cultivate the kindest relations with them ; let us encourage them to labor faithfully, and let them feel that they can trust us. We must encourage them to do their duty, to improve them selves, to be honest and industrious. In all our contracts with them we must, in good faith, comply with the terms, while we require them to do the same. I assert that if we pursue this course ; if we exhibit a true interest in the welfare of these people, we shall find that they will come to us naturally for counsel in all mat ters ; there will be no conflict of interest, but everything will work well. I must say that the tone assumed by some who discuss this subject, in my judg ment, tends to produce mischief; and I pro pose, in some future articles, to say some thing more in reference to the best mode of treating this great social problem. H. F. Russell. Southern Reconstruction. —The New York Times thus discloses the milk iu the co coanut : “ The Hartford Cowant remarks that there is no pledge on the part of Congress to admit the Southern States, even if their new constitu tions have been adopted, until enough of the Legislatures have adopted the constitutional amendment to make it part of the fundamental law. Five more are needed, and no State will be admitted until the Legislatures ot them all have taken action. The elections were held in the South, wc think, under a different impres sion. We trust it will be definitely settled in due course of time whether the Southern States are to conic in or not. If they are not, it ought not longer to be deemed a crime, on one side more than on the other, to keep them out.” Et tu Brute !—Rumor says that Mrs. 11. B. Stowe has seen cause, from personal observation of the Southern negroes, to modify her opinions as to the intelligence, honestv and nobility of that race. [From the Philadelphia Age. Radicals. We have before pointed out the likeness be tween our Radicals and the French Jacobins, and might have spared ourselves the pains fo> we find the Radicals admit and glory in the re semblance. Three days ago the following ap peared tn the Press, from its correspondent, “ Occasional." His letters have the more sig nificance because he holds a lucrative office from the majority of the Senate, and, in return, promulgates their views, and villifies their op ponents, in his two newspapers : “I recall the incident in the French National Assembly when Louis XVI. was on bls trial. Many appeals bad been made in his behalf, and his release or ban ishment was demanded as an of humanity to his years, and to his wife and children. At last the name of one of the ‘Radicals’ was called, when he rose and said : “ ‘ I sympathize with much that has been said by my. associates. I also pity Louis—l pity his wife—bid family; but, Mr. President, I pity the hunted, starving, despairing people ot France. I pity them and my tortured country more.— Mr. President, I vote for death.’ “Occasional.” Here is the model held up for admiration in this age, by a Radical journalist! We know not whether it betrays more depravity or igno rance. -History has long since pronounced the execution of Louis XVI. a crime, a wanton, a useless crime. Few, in our country, evei saw it in any other light. His death was gen erally regarded here with horror! He had aided our revolutionary struggle with ships, armies and treasure. Mr. Jefferson thinks without that aid our independence could not have been achieved. To the revolution in France the King made no resistance. At the time when it delights a Radical to gloat over his sufferings he was a wretched, deposed prisoner the most harmless and helpless of kings. But the Radicals, or Jacobins, slew him, his wife and sister, and starved his son to death. They wasted, too, the one golden opportunity to give free government to France, which, after years of domestic strife and of foreign war, received back with apathy another Bourbon for a king. The speech at the trial, which Forney quotes, was a part of the cant of the hour, in which each hypocrite tried to surpass the other. For instance, the Duke of Orleans, a monster of profligacy, and an a-pirant to the throne of his kinsman, Louis, was one of his judges. He placed his hand on his heart and said (why did “Occasional" omit this?): “Exclusive ly governed by my duty, and convinced that all those that have resisted the sov ereignty of the people deserve death —my vote is death.” A thrill of horror went through the convention at this vote —they were, per haps, not so steeled to all humanity as our Washington “Radical.” But true American principles found a voice. Lafayette, the adopt ed son of our country, iu trying to save the life of Louis, bad, in the eyes of the Jacobins, for feited his own. He had barely saved it by flight. But Thomas Paine, fresh from America, the renowned advocate of true liberty, in his great work, “ The Rights ot Man,” had been chosen, in compliment to his fame, a member of the French convention. We will give a few words of his address for the instruction ot all degenerate Americans. He said: “ Citizen President—My hatred and abhorrence of monarchy are sufficiently known, bv my compassion for the unfortunate, whether friend or enemy, is equally lively and sincere. * * * Let the United States be the safeguard and asylum of Louis Capet.” For this Robes pierre sent him to a dungeon. This bloodiest ot the Jacobins talked, in advance, the language of Ben Butler, and the inipeachers. The argu ment of Robespierre admitted that the laws protected Louis, but said be: “ There ore sacred forms unknown to the bar; there are principles superior to the common maxims.” And now, let us not forget the fact that while Louis was condemned to death by the Jacobins, the intimidated moderates were largely in the majority. They quailed, and soon the guillo tine was dripping with their blood also. Na poleon afterwards said : “Had they but dared to oppose the Jacobins, they would have easily overcome them, and the administration of the government would have been in their bands.” George H. Pendleton. From a biographical sketch of this gen tleman, written by Edward A. Pollard and published in the Baltimore Southern Home Journal, we learn that he was born in Cin cinnati in the year 1825. The writer says : It is remarkable that Mr. Pendleton has none of that coarseness or excess usually attributed to the Western politician. His appearance is singularly cultivated ; his dress, decorous and becoming; he suggests recollections of the old school gentleman ; and in his style he has the merit of reviving the graces of literature in politics. He calls to mind those better days of the re public, when the politician was also the gentleman and the scholar. We name him confidently as the best living model in America of a pure and lofty literary style in party politics ; in abstinence from per sonalities and low fancies, in dignity, in well knit and justly adorned language, he has no equal among the public speakers of his day. He uses but few ornaments of speech, but his great enthusiasm for his party occasionally rises to a flight of fancy. «■ * * * * * * The value of literary style in such cases— that is where mere literary effects are not sought—is not in ultimate advantages, but in captivating attention and obtaining an audience, where a dull rehearser of the same argument or the same facts would be neg lected. We find the distinction well illus trated in the pleased and ready attention which Mr. Pendleton secures for whatever he speaks and writes even on subjects where other men of equal intelligence are shunned as bores or cried down by impatience. It is not so much the personal importance of his opinions as the agreeable dress in which he puts them. Even if he writes on the “ res olutions of 1798 and ’99,” we are attracted by the charm of his style, and fancy we are obtaining new information of a subject which other instructors have made trite and threadbare. It is a style in which are most ingeniously distributed all the ele ments; in which the argument is well braced with illustration ; in which the logic is neither too dense nor too desultory ; and in which ornament is so judiciously used as to draw without dividing attention. That Mr. Pendleton is one of the first political scholars of the country no candid person will dispute; and that he is so without prejudice to the familiarity of his inter- , < course with the people is the effect not only of his amiable person, but of the happy lit erary style by which he obtains admission to the minds and hearts of even the most ignorant of the populace. The Danville, Virginia, Times has started a report, for the accuracy of which it says it can vouch, viz: That there is a female child near that place only fifteen mouths old, having quite a large moustache, nearly an inch iu length,