Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

She Wccldn (Constitutionalist BY STOCKTON & CO, OUR. TERMS. The following are the rates of Subscription: Daily, one year $lO 00 Weekly, one year I 3 00 The Answer. BY JOHN G. WHITTIER. Spare me, dread angel of reproof. And let the sunshiae weave to-day Its gold-threads in the warp and woof Os life so poor and gray. Spare me a while ; the flesh is weak; These lingering feet, that fain would stray Among the'flowers, shall some day seek The straight and narrow way. Take off thy ever watchful eye, - The awe of thy rebuking frown ; The dullest slave at times must sigh To fling his burdens down. To drop hie galley's etrsining oar, And press, in summer warmth and calm. The lap of some enchanted shore Os blossoms and of balm. , Grudge not my life its hour of bloom, My> eart its taste ot long desire; This day be mine; be those to come As duty shall require. The deep voice answered to my own, Strutting my selfish prayers away; To morrow is with God alone, And man hath but to-day. “ Say not thy fond, vain heart within, The Father’s arms shall still be wide When from these pleasant ways of sin Thou turn’st at eventide.” “Cast thyself down,” the tempter saith, “ And angels shall thy feet upbear;” He bids thee make a life of faith, A blasphemy of prayer. Though God be good, and free be Heaven, No force divine can love compel; And, though the song of sins forgiven May sound through lowest hell. The sweet persuasion of Hie voice Respects thy sanctity of will; He giveth day; thou hast thy choice To walk in darkness still. As one who, turning from the light, Watches his own gray shadow fail. Doubting upon his path of night, If there be day at all 1 No word of doom may shut thee out, No wind of wrath may downward whirl, No swords of fire keep watch about The open gates of pearl. A tenderer light than moon or sun, Than song of earth a sweeter hymn, May shine and sound forever on, And then be deaf and dim. Forever round the Mercy seat The guiding lights of Love shall burn ; But what, if habit bound, thy feet Shall lack the will to turn I What if thine eye refuse to see, Thine ear of Heaven’s free welcome fall, And thou a willing captive be, Thyself thy own dark jail ? O, doom beyond the saddest guess, As the long years of God unroll, To make they dreary selfishness The prison of a soul I To doubt the love that fain would break The fetters from thy self-bound limb : And dream that God can thee forsake As thou forsakest him I Little Giffen. The following beautiful and touching poem, written bv Dr. F. O. Tichnor of Columbus, Ga., is taken from that excellent periodical, “ The Land We Love.” The writer hopes tha- the following lines may em body as much poetry as truth, for they are, he fears, the sole monument to LITTLE GIFFEN. Out of the focal and foremost fire— Out of the hospital, walls as dire; Smitten of grapeshot and gangrene, (Eighteenth battle, and fie sixteen ;) Spectre, such as you seldom see— Little Giffen, of Tennessee i “ Take him, and welcome 1” the surgeon said; “Much your doctor can help the dead 1” And so we took him, and brought him where The balm was sweet on the summer air; And we laid him down on a wholesome bed Utter Lazarus, heels to head. Weary war, with the bated breath, Skeleton boy against skeleton death ; Months of torture, how many such I Weary weeks of the stick and crutch I Still a glint in the steel-blue eye Spoke of a spirit ihat wouldn't die 1 And didn’t —nay more I in death’s despite, The crippled skeleton learned to write 1 “ Dear mother,” at first, of course, and then, “ Dear Captain,” inquiring about the “men.” (Captain’s answer:) “Os eighty and five, Giffen and I are left alive.” Johnston's pressed at the fiont, they say; Little Giffen was up and away 1 A tear, his first, as he hade good-bye, Dimmed the glint of his steel-blue eye; J’U write, if spared!" ’I here was news of fight, But none of Giffen—he did not write 1 I sometimes fancy that when I’m king, And my gallant courtiers form a ring, And each so thoughtless of power and pelf, And each so loyal to all but self, I’d give the best, on his bended knee— Yea, barter the whole for the loyalty— Os little Giffen, of Tennessee I Flowers on the Battle-Field. BY H. ». MORTON. One tranquil eve in May alone I wandered, Where late had pealed the solemn notes of war ; All strife had ceised—no sights of discord rising, The holy beauty of the scene to mar. Peace reigned o’er all. The rosy smile of evening In glory lingered on the earth and sky ; Sweet were the vesper-hyms the birds were trilling, And soft the music of the South wind’s sigh. Around me lay the grim and ghastly trophies Which Death, the conqueror, had won from Life ; The ruined shrines of man’s immortal spirit, Cold, trampled, shattered, on tre field of strife I But lo! as if with tenderness concealing The blighting ills which War’s dark angels bring, O’er shells and human skulls were gently bending The bursting buds and fragrant flowers of Spring. And thus in mute, though eloquent appealing, Doth Nature speak unto the human heart, Whose passions strew with wrecks our world of beauty, And only woe and wretchedness impart. Thus doth she symbal forth that radiant future, When white-robed Charity shall lead the van, And Peace he victor in the march of Progress, And guileless Love the perfect law of man. When war is known no more among the nations, And buried all shall belts blood-stained spears; When Want and Famine stalk no more in noonday, And cease the widows’ and the orphans’ tears; When o’er the dark and melancholy ruins By human folly, human passion wrought, Shall b'oom to hide their dreariness forever The fadeless flowers of Mercy and of Thought 1 HA seven-year old boy was lately heard to use profane language. On being reproved by his parents, and directed to ask God’s forgiveness, he retired to his room and was overheard to say: “ Oh, God, I am very sorry 1 said that naughty word, and won’t say it any more ; but please hurry and make me grow up to be a man and then I can ■wear as much as I want to, like pa, and nobody will notice it.” [From the National lntelligencer. The Alta Vela Matter—lnfamous Conduct of the Impeachers; We find the following in the Washington correspondence of the New York Tribune-. “ Judge Nelson, in his argument in the sum ming up to-day, took occasion to advert to a certain recommendation by General Butler on the Alta Vela case. The paper was written some time before the impeachment proceed ings were initiated, and had no date whatever affixed.” This is a feeble effort by a positive mis representation of the fact to avoid the odium attaching to the conduct of those who were engaged in the transaction al luded to. The allusion to it by Mr. Nelson was elicited by a remark of Mr. Manager Boutwell in regard to the abandonment of the President by Judge Black, who was originally one of the counsel for the de fense. The exposure of the affair, made with careful delicacy by Mr. Nelson, start led honorable Senators, and occasioned earnest inquiry as to the facts. A simple recital of tfcese is sufficient to exhibit the disgraceful charactei - of the whole affair. They’ are as follows: The ttnpeachinent resolutions were passed in the House, and the managers appointed February 24th. The articles of impeachment were laid before the Senate March 2d. The summons to appear and answer on March 13th was served upon the President March 7th. On the 9th of March the following letter, dated of that date, and signed by four of the managers of impeachment—Butler, Lo gan, Thad. Stevens and Bingham—was de livered to the President by Chauncey Black, Esq., a son and law partner of Judge Black, strongly urging immediate action by the President in regard to the Alta Vela case, of such nature as to amount to an actval declaration of war against St. Do mingo. Again, on the 16th of March a copy ot the same letter, dated March 9th, with the additional names of Messrs. Garfield, Koontz, Blaine and Moorhead, the willing witness for the prosecution, was delivered to the President by Judge Black. During all this period Judge Black was acting as one of the counsel for the Presi dent, and in such capacity conferred with the other counsel for the defense, and ac tually prepared a portion of the President’s answer to the articles of impeachment. The copy of the letter of March 9th, which was delivered to the President March 16th, is as follows: “ Washington, March 9,1868. “ Col. J. W. Shaffer, Washington, D. C.: “ Dear Sir : In answer to your question re lating to the validity of the claim ot tbe United States to the jurisdiction over the island of Alta Vela, upon considerable consideration ot tbe > subject, I am clearly’ of opinion that, under tbe claim of the United States, its citizens have the exclusive right to take guano there. “This is clearly indisputable, both by the law of nations and our municipal law. I have never been able to understand why the Executive did not long since assert tbe rights of the Govern ment, and sustain the rightful claims of its citi zens to the possession of the island in tbe most forcible manner consistent with the dignity and honor of the nation. I am, yours truly, “ Benj. F. Butler.” “ I concur in the opinion expressed above by Gen. Butler. John A. Logan. “And we concur i J. A. Garfield, Thaddeus Stevens, W. H. Koontz, J. G. Blaine, W. Moor bead, John A. Bingham.” Col. Shaffer, to whom this letter is ad dressed, was formerly chief of staff to Gen. Butler, and is now counsel for the Alta Vela claimants. At the time of delivering this letter, (March 16,) Judge Black urged with great earnestness immediate action in the pre mises ; but the President, at this same in terview, firmly and positively declined to act in the matter, and Judge Black with drew, evidently offended at the refusal. On the 19th of March Judge Black transmitted to the President his letter of that date, withdrawing from the defense of the im peachment case. On the 22d of March he sent a second letter, of that date explaining his action, and subsequently another of a later date of the same tenor. In the mean time the counsel had inquired of the Navy Department the mode of procedure in re ference to sending United States war vessels upon such service as was desired, and urged this information to strengthen his appeal to the President for immediate ac tion. The President felt most keenly the desertion of Judge Black, and only the allu sion to it made by Manager Boutwell would have induced any reference to the details of the circumstances. This is a plain, unvarnished statement of the facts. It will be seen that this letter of the managers and. witnesses for the prose cution, urging the President, under the menace of desertion by his counsel, to do, at that moment and under existing circum stances, an act of at least very questionable propriety, at any time, was not, as stated by the Tribune correspondent, written “ some time before the impeachment pro ceedings were initiated, and without date,” but was actually dated and written after the summons to the President to appear and answer had been served upon him, and that another copy of the letter, with addi tional signatures, was delivered to him after his appearance by counsel to defend himself against the charges exhibited against him by these very managers, whose signatures are appended to the letter. Comment upon these facts is not needed to show the character of this transaction, in which it appears that the principal pros ecutors of the President, having charge of the prosecution against him, and actually engaged in it, are found endeavoring to take advantage of their relative position towards the accused to compel his assist ance in carrying out an immense lobby scheme, failing in which, they proceeded to push the prosecution with a degree of vin dictiveness attributable only to personal rancor, instead of devotion to public duty. It will hardly be credited anywhere that the man who had the firmness and unswerv ing fidelity to duty to decline, as Mr. John son did, such overtures from his prosecu tors under such circumstances can be guil ty of any of the charges made against him, or be injured in any way by the malevo lence ot the prosecution, unmistakably prompted by his refusal to aid its managers by the unlawful use of executive power in promoting their great lobby scheme. The spectacle is presented of men prose cuting articles of impeachment against the President for acts of the most trivial char acter, and at the same time urging him to the commission of an act which would be clearly and undeniably a usurpation on * AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, MAY 13, 1868. his part of the war-making power of Con gress while that body is in session, for which he would have been justly liable to impeachment and conviction. [From the New York Times (Rep.), 24th. Belief from Disabilties. The Constitutional Convention of Geor gia has appointed Messrs. Blodgett and Par rott a committee to visit Washington and confer with the Republican leaders on ques tions of importance to the party in the State. The presentation of certain names whom the convention recommended for relief from political disabilities, was one of the duties with which they were charged; and thus they refer to it in a published address to their constituents: “ Congressmen seem to be somewhat cau tious about relieving persons in rebel States from political disabilities, and we are in duced to believe that very few, if any, will be finally relieved until our election is over and it is known how the election has gone, and how those desiring and needing relief have stood in the contest. “ We are assured by leading men in both Houses of Congress, and high officials in the military and judicial departments of the Government, that should Georgia ratify the constitution and elect sound Union recon structionists—the regular nominees of the party— to fill the offices of the new govern ment, there will be no difficulty in having any true and worthy man, who used his influ ence to bring about that result, relieved from all disabilities. Any man who may be elected to office on the reconstruction ticket, and can show that he supported in good faith the ratification of the constitution, and sus tained the regular candidates of the party in the election, will be relieved in time for him to enter upon the discharge of the duties of his office. While this is true, we also deem it proper to state that from what we are told by controlling members of the domi nant party iu Congress, it will be entirely useless for any man to aspire to official po sition who is ineligible under existing laws; for such will not be relieved, nor allowed to hold office, if he opposes restoration or the friends of reconstruction.'" What is this, freely interpreted, but a declaration that the continuince or re moval of disabilities is a matter to be man aged with exclusive reference to partisan considerations ? As a question of justice, it is not recognized. As a measure largely entering into the permanent pacification of the South, it has no place in Congressional counsels. The only aspect in which it is entertained is that of a recompense or re ward, to be doled out with sinister intent by a partisan majority. Those of the Southern whites who vote for the ticket presented by the convention, and for the constitution it has constructed, will have a chance of obtaining the party favor. They may be freed from disfranchisement and made again eligible for office. Al! others must make up their minds to remain out in the cold. It will be of no avail, evidently, that men are able honestly to avow themselves favor able to the Union, or to reconstruction ac cording to the law, if they are not prepared to endorse, without reservation or qualifi cation, the whole work of the convention. They may plead—as Judge Irwin might plead—a consistent Union record before, during and since the war; yet, if they con demn the provisions of the proposed consti tution which are intended to prevent the collection of debts, or if they oppose the candidates with doubtful reputation who appear in some instances as nominees of the convention, they will seek in vain for relief. To obtain a hearing at Washington, those who though excluded from office are not disfranchised, must show that they swear by whatever the convention has said and done; w’hile those who have neither the franchise nor eligibility to office, must be in a condition to prove that they shouted loudly for the convention, and helped to execute its commands. The case is stated explicitly and emphat ically. None will be relieved who “ op poses restoration or the friends of recon struction ” —the latter comprising the entire Hunnicut family. On the other hand, any man who can present the certificate of the managers of the convention as to his party zeal and orthodoxy, “ will be relieved in time for him to enter upon the discharge of the duties of his office.” The threat and the-promise are sent forth together; bribe and punishment are held up in juxtaposi tion as keys to the position which the party leaders who for the time control reconstruc tion have takeff in regard to disabilities. The exhibition*was scarcely needed after the discussion which took place recently in the House ; but it is opportune because of the light it throws upon the close relations which exist between the present tactics of the Southern extremists and the ulterior purposes of Congress. The assurances given to Messrs. Blodgett and Parrott could not be limited to Geor gia. They are published as applicable to the whole South. The title to relief, then, is declared to be party fealty ; and the test of party fealty is the thick-and-thin support of everything done by the conventions and of every candidate whom the conventions have respectively set up. The conjunction proves that Congress will be satisfied witli .10 half-wav support. With mere Unionism it will not be content. It requires unadul terated Radicalism. A discrimination be tween candidates it will not tolerate. It exacts votes for candidates of the conven tion, and opposition to all beside. In Geor gia the conditions might not be intolerable. Ih Virginia, however, they involve the in corporation of the test oath into the con stitution, and the elevation of a host of Hunnicutts to local power. A policy so flagrantly partisan on a ques tion into which justice so largely enters, is as unfortunate as it is unwise. Mr. Blod gett’s own case proves the necessity of lay ing down some other rule than that which, for party reasons, he proclaims and ap plauds. Mr. Butler, in the Court of Im peachment, eulogized his Unionism—we dare say deservedly; yet because, as the captain of a Georgia volunteer company, he was compelled to serve in the Confeder ate army, he is under the law ineligible for office. It is a hard case, Mr. Butler thinks —and so do we. But it is not harder thau that of Judge Irwin, whom Gen. Meade ruled off the track as Conservative candi date for the Georgia Governorship; nor harder than the cases of thousands in the South, whom the law disfranchises and dis qualifies for some technical—and morally blameless—participation in the rebellion. Is it just to consign these men to indefinite exclusion from the franchise or from office, unless they join the Radicals, and send ne- groes or white adventurers to Congress or the Legislature ? Is it decent to use penal ties enacted in the name of loyalty as par tisan appliances, or to degrade and punish sincere friends of the Union because they refuse to bow .to the decrees of a conven tion controlled by negro votes? Is this a I policy which is likely to promote the only reconstruction that can last, or even to strengthen the hold of the Republican par ty upon the judgment and conscience of the country, North or South ? [From the Richmond Ecquirer and Examiner. The Democratic Nomination for the Presi dency- The New York Sun, whose ability is not questioned, but whose Radical partisanship is equally we* known, is taking a great deal of unnecessary trouble to figure up the “Democratic Prospects” in the Presiden tial election next fall, and determining who will be the Democratic nominee. It seems to have convinced itself at least that Mr. Pendleton will be the man, and thrown down the gauntlet of argument to all who question the accuracy of its calculations. Now, we do not propose to discuss the con clusions of the Sun ; that is to say, we are not prepared to prove that Mr. Pendleton will not be the nominee, but we do deny the correctness of the calculation on which the Sun relies to prove that he will be. For instance, the entire vote of the Southern States is put down for Mr. Pendleton, and failing to find any expression of choice whatever in the entire South on the subject of a nominee, the Sun jumps over this diffi culty at a bound by making the gratuitous assertion that the Southern delegates “ will all go for the peace and greenback candi date in preference to a man who slew their sons in the war, and who has no platform at all on tbe all-absorbing question of fi nance and taxation.” Now we think that our information in regard to Southern sentiment is quite as accurate as the Sun's, and we have no hesi tation in declaring that the Southern peo ple are not at all disposed to permit such feelings as the Sun pretends to suppose ex ist, but which it is really trying to create, to exercise any control over the action of the delegates in the Democratic National Convention. We will tell the Sun the true state of the case, and it would be well for that paper to remember in its future calcu lations. The Southern people will vote for any man whom the Northern Democracy may choose to nominate, whether he be a so-called Peace Democrat or a so-called War Democrat. The only questions we ask are in regard to his course since the war. If he has supported the Constitution and the laws thereunder since the war, and has popularity enough in the North to beat the Republican candidate, he is our man, whether his name is Hancock, or Pendle ton, or McClellan, or anything else. We are perfectly w'yi!ng to leave “"the all-ab sorbing questiofi of finance and taxation to be regulated by a Democratic Administra tion upon the well-known principles .of right and justice which have always char acterized that party. And in considering all these things we desire to take the hint suggested in Mrs. Glass’ famous re cipe for cooking a hare—“ first catch the hare.” We desire first to get a Democratic Administration, and everything else can be attended to afterwards. In regard to the action of the Democratic National Convention, our conviction is that the nomination of that body will be be stowed upon whomsoever is the dunce of the Northern Democracy, for we believe that the Southern delegates will be wise and pru dent enough to vote en masse for what ever candidate is known to have a majority of Northern votes, and we shall not be surprised if the Democratic nominee for President is nominated by the unani mous vote of the convention on the very first ballot. Does the Sun understand what that means ? The Southern people, in common with the whole country, have too much at stake upon the issue of the next Presidential election to permit mere personal feeling for any man to interfere with the plan of battle against the revolutionary, proscriptive, confiscating and general destruction party, in whose behalf the energies of the Sun are employed. Let the Sun remember that, and let it also be informed that when it and the Tribune, and other such journals want the Democracy to nominate any particular man whom they hope the more easily to beat, the Democracy will be pretty apt for that reason to nominate some other man who can the more easily beat them. Does the Sun understand that ? A Man Commits Suicide Because His Wife Kissed Another.—A Mr. Bnced, of Union City, and who was well known to the citizens of Memphis, committed suicide by taking laudanum, a few days ago, under the following peculiar circumstances: Sneed was a man forty years old, and had recently mar ried a young lady of Union City. Having oc casion to visit Mobile on business, on his re turn he pressed his wife fondly to his bosom, kissed her, and expressed satisfaction in know ing that he was the only man that had ever en joyed that privilege. Upon which his wile re plied : “ You are very much mistaken ; I have kissed divers and sundry men in my life.”— Sneed replied, in a kind tone, “You told me I was the only one, and I believed you.” To this bis wife made answer, “ 1 told you that I loved ; I have kissed and hugged him of- ten, and felt just as free with him as if we had been married.” After this cruel confession, Sneed wandered about town like one deranged. He disappeared on Friday morning, and was found, a short time afterwards, dead, having committed suicide by taking laudanum. The Crops.—From all the information we can get from the farmers of this and the adjoin ing counties, the wheat is doing very well. The wet weather made corn planting backward, and fears were entertained that some of the corn already planted had rotted, but the clear weather of tbe past few days has enabled the farmers to get most of their corn in. Fruits are doing very well, and from present prospects there will be a fair yield. In Washington county, the Jonesboro’ Flag says that about one-half of the fruit was killed by the frost in the blossom. This leaves plenty, and will make the fruit larger and finer, without breaking the k trees to pieces, as is tbe case when there is a more prolific crop. The editor of the Flag says that he has traveled through two-thirds of the counties of East Tennessee —from Johnson to Hamilton —and can safely say he never saw a more excellent prospect in his life tor a splen did wheat crop, it looks rank and green, and although thin in some places from being frozen out by the severe winter, it will only make the grain larger and better. Unless we have some unforeseen blight, the wheat harvest will be most abundant. Although very poor in poli tics, our readers may safely take his word about crops.— Chattanooga Union. [Correspondence of the Charleston Courier. The Latest Presidential Favorite. New York, April 25. Democratic efforts to find a suitable man to act as the party standard-bearer during the coming Presidential campaign are tak ing some shape at last. After having pass ed in review Pendleton, Seymour, Commo dore Vanderbilt and General McClellan, and dismissed one after another from their thoughts, the leaders, who make the Man hattan Club their headquarters, have at last secretly decided upon a candidate, and he is none other than Senator Hendricks, from Indiana. The reasons in his favor are, that although a Western man, he is not bit ten with the greenback mania, his votes on this point, in the Senate, having always been most j udicious. He does neither share the odium which rests so heavily on Pen dleton, of having opposed the war during its progress, neither has he committed any sins since the close of the war. He is a man of talent, fine presence, pure personal character. With Hendricks placed in the field, the West can take no umbrage at the non-nomination of Geo. H. Pendleton. After carefully considering the subject from all its bearings, the Democratic leaders think it best to stick to a straight party nomina tion, leaving all shoulderstraps aud dissat isfied Republicans to find comfort in the Radical camp the best way they can. At the same time they fully appreciate the im portance of placing on the ticket men who cannot possibly be objectionable to the mass of moderate Republicans, now await ing a chance to vote outside of their own party. Such a ticket, it is thought, will be found in the nomination of Senator Hen dricks, of Indiana, for the Presidency, and of Governor English, of Connecticut, for the Vice-Presidency. Governor English has twice made a most gallant fight in Con necticut, and he has equal strength in the great State of New York. His vote while in Congress, on the abolition of slavery, has helped him considerably with the Republi can party, and ever since his elevation to the gubernatorial chair he h is, by an up right and fair administration, increased the number of his Republican friends even in Radical New England. Having thus furnished you with the latest developments in the Democratic inner cir cles, it will not be out of place to give the following speculation in regard to the first ballot as it will take place, with slight va riations, in the Democratic Convention, which is to meet in this city on Saturday, July 4th. I advise your readers to cut it out, and see how the events will justify the table hereto annexed, and how easily the leaders will be enabled to slip in their pre arranged ticket ns compromise candidates. For, undoubtedly, the first ballot will be as follows: Pendleton. McClellan. Illinois ...16 Delaware 3 Indiana IS Maine 7 lowa 8 Massachusetts. 12 Kansas 3 New Hampshire.... 5 Kentucky 11 California 5 Michigan 8 Oregon 3 Minnesota 4 Rhode Island 4 Nebraska 3 Vermont 5 Wisconsin 8 Missouri 11 Colorado 3 West Virginia 5 Ohio 21 Nevada ... 3 106 53 Hancock. t Horatio Seymour. Maryland 7 New York 33 Virginia 10 New Jersey 7 Tennessee 10 Connecticut 6 Alabama 8 Arkansas 5 Louisiana 7 Mississippi 7 North Carolina 9 South Carolina 6 Pennsylvania 26 Texas 6 Florida 3 Georgia 9 115 46 Neither Hancock nor Pendleton can ob tain the required number of votes in the Convention. Then will be brought forward the compromise candidate. Not a man of the Pendleton stamp, but still a Western man, and that one with Eastern principles. Such a man is Senator Hendricks, of Indi ana. And he will be nominated with the concurrence of the entire Convention, after it shall have been demonstrated that neith er the West nor the East can find any hope of success for their first choice. [Woman’s Word Book. Economy.—Spending five shillings to save six pence. Eden.—A garden where bonnets were un known and scandal uninvented. Woman soon gave notice to quit. Employment.—Something that must be found for the poor. Engaged.—Occupied for a time in making a fool of a man. Enough.—Obsolete. Eve.—The only woman who never threat ened to go and live with her mother. Face.—A sketch given us by Nature to be filled up in colors. False.—A stern reality now-a-days— e. g., chignons. Family.—Laurels or olive-branches, as the case may be. Fan.—An article without which no lady’s dress is complete or decent. Fascination.—The art of nailing an admirer to bis seat. Part of the Old Serpent’s legacy. Fashion.—The modern Juggernaut, always asking for new victims. Father.—The only author who does not ex pect his works to pay. Feather.—The only thing she wants to be the lightest of creatures. Female.—As much an insult to a woman as “ black man ” is to a nigger. Fiction.—Tales of constancy. Fig Leaf.—Crinoline before the fall. Eve’s first dress with a trimming. Flattery.—A refreshment she can never have too much of, with or without butter. Flirtation.—Trotting out the favorites for the Maiden Stakes. Future.—Past thinking about for the pre sent. I —I The performance of “ Ten Nights in it Bar room,” at the theatre in Henry, 111., was an nounced from the pulpits of that town, and the respective congregations were recommend ed to attend. VOL. 27. NO. 20 Ritualism- High Church Ritualists and Irish Ro manists —Letter from the British Premier. The following letter, addressed by Mr. Disraeli to Rev. Arthur Baker, Rector of Addington, Bucks, a constituent of the right honorable gentleman, has been for warded to the London Times for publica tion : Hughenden Manor, > Maundy-Thursday, 1868. ) Reverend Sir : I have just received your letter, in which, as one of my constituents, you justify your right to ask for some ex planation of my alleged assertion that the High Church Ritualists had been long in secret combination and were now in open confederacy with Irish Romanists for the destruction of the union between Church and State. I acknowledge your right of making this inquiry; and if Ido not notice in detail the various suggestions in your letter, it is from no want of courtesy, but from the necessity of not needlessly involving myself in literary controversy. You are under a misapprehension if you suppose that I intended to cast any slur upon the High Church party. I have the highest respect for the High Church party; I believe there is no body of men in this country to which we have been more in debted, from the days of Queen Anne to the days of Qeen Victoria, for the maintenance of the orthodox faith, the rights of the Crown, and the liberties of the people. In saying this I have no wish to intimate that the obligations of the country to the other great party in the Church* are not equally significant. I have never looked upon the existence of parties in our Church as a calamity ; I look upon them as a neces sity, and a beneficent necessity. They are the natural and inevitable consequences of the mild and liberal principles of our eccle siastical policy, and of the varying and op posite elements of the human mind and character. When I spoke I referred to an extreme faction in the Church, of very modern date, that does not conceal its ambition to de stroy the connection between Church and State, and which I have reason to believe Ifss been for some time in secret combina tion, and is now in open confederacy with the Irish Romanists for the purpose. The Liberation Society, with its shallow and shortsighted fanaticism, is a mere in strument in the hands of the confederacy, and will probably be the first victim of the spiritual despotism the Liberation Society is now blindly working to establish. As I hold that the dissolution of the union between Church and State will cause permanently a greater revolution in this country than foreign conquest, I shall use my utmost energies to defeat these fatal > machinations. Believe me, reverend sir, your faithful member and servant, B. Disraeli. Rev. Arthur Baker, A. M., Rector of Addington. Church Choirs. Both pastors and organists have hitherto experienced much trouble and annoyance with the freaks of operatic or concert ar tists whom they engaged for their choirs.— Besides the enormous salaries which these people demanded, they have been constant ly in the habit of disappointing their em ployers, and sending incompetent substi tutes in their stead whenever some lucra tive concert engagement»might tempt them from the church. There is a movement on foot at present in a large number of the me tropolitan churches of all denominations, which will not only remove this evil, but will considerably accelerate the progress of music in our midst. It is suggested by some pastors of churches that the organist shall, for the future, endeavor to organize a choir composed of members of the congre gation alone who may have musical tal ents. The experiment is one attendant in the beginning with much difficulty, but is nevertheless worth a trial. The result of it, premising, of course, necessary ability, energy and good will on the part of the musical director of each choir, will be that, instead of a single quartette of voices, a church choir will have a double one, with a large chorus to assist. A desire to im prove themselves in music and render them selves worthy of singing the great works whica composers in every age have writ ten for the service of God, will be engen dered among the young people in every congregation by the opportunity thus af forded them. Now, it often happens that persons who are gifted with excellent voices and great musical talents are kept entirely in the background, not wishing to compete with artists whose names are more prominently before the public. When they receive the encouragement that is due to them, and are properly trained, both pas tor and organist will be astonished at the success of their experiment. There is a mine of musical talent lying perdu in this city, and this is the only available means to bring it before the public. The expenses of a choir will be also considerably lessen ed by such a course; for volunteers may be obtained by the dozen who will work more faithfully in the service of the choir than any of those extravagantly paid ar tists who regard the church, opara and concert as one.— N. Y. Herald. The Virginia newspapers indicate a move ment on the part of South Carolinians, and re sidents of other Southern States, to remove Northward, with tbe view of escaping negro supremacy. In Virginia they find the whites already in the ascendant, and plans are on foot which point to large accessions of population in that State from Southern sources. The ob stacle to migration on an extensive scale is in ability to sell where they are, and to buy where they propose to go. Partly to meet this diffl culty, efforts appear to be making in Virginia to induce the offer of liberal terms bj’ landed proprietors; and these efforts are not unsuc cessful, if we may judge by the reported ar rivals of new settlers from points further South. Chambers' Journal relates an anecdote of an application received by a lady who had adver tised for a parlor maid. The person who ap plied in answer to the advertisement appeared to be quite satisfactory, but the lady, wishing to say something kind at parting, remarked “ 1 am sorry to see by your black dress that you have been in trouble lately.’.’ “O, no mum, thank you, not at all,” replied the wo man ; “ it’s only for my late missus. I have beetr particularly fortunate in service, mum. My three last missuses have all died while 1 was with them; so I got mourning give me every time.” It is hardly necessary to say that the young woman was not engaged.