Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

the weekly constitutionalist WEDNESDAY MORNING. MAY 13, IS6S ROBERT RIDGWAY. While Joe Brown ami the latter day loyalists were up to their throats in seees-j sion and blatant about the infamous Union i and the unutterably infamous Yankee, a ' distinguished publicist of \ irginia, Robf.ri Ridgway, preserved a fidelity to the I nion which, through the bitter years of war, never ceased or diminished. However many nyty have differed with him, they always credited him with honesty of purpose and intrepidity of faith. When the war had terminated and its authors proved recreant to their solemnly proclaimed mission, the restoration of the Union and tne Constitu tion—when they drifted from preservers into tell destroyers, Mr. Ridgway stood aloof from them as he had stood aloof from the Confederate leaders, and resolutely strove to win the Radicals back to a sense of justice and honor. He failed in this, as a matter of course, but his record is, at least, pure of reproach, so far as the integ rity of personal convictions are concerned Beside the vaporings and mock loyalty of ex-Confederate Captains and Governors, the brave utterances of Robert Ridgway are worthy of a place. He has written a letter to the people of Virginia, prior to his departure from the State, from which we extract. Speaking of negro rule, he says: “ Is it not monstrous and horrible, beyond example and beyond conception, that the Radical party should have put the law-making power of the South in the hands of a race that, in its native country, never met in convention for any other purpose but to roast and eat its enemies ? “ Was there ever so wild and fantastic, and withal so serious and dangerous a farce enacted on this earth before, in any age or in any land, anywhere beneath the circuit of the sun ? To witness such a spectacle, amid the boasted light and glory of the nineteenth century, is enough to mantle the face of Christendom with a burning blush of shame and indigna tion.” He is naturally disgusted with the South ern turncoats and thus portrays them : “ The white portion of the party is infinitely meaner, more unprincipled, vindictive and brutal than the same party at the North. There, its leaders, at least, are men of talent of social influence, and of personal respectability. Here, on the contrary, they are the very scum and dregs of society.” He does not despair of the Republic, sadly as it has been debased, but rather discerns a silver lining to the cloud that hangs over us. He predicts a signal and decisive revolution among the Northern people and believes the “ gale that sweeps from the North in November next will bring us all the welcome assurance of de liverance and peace.” He concludes that it . is impossible in any country where intelli gence is diffused, and where the ballot is free, such an arrogant, malignant, unprin cipled and reckless political organization as the Radical party can long exist. It has effected untold mischief in the past, and it will doubtless survive long enough to ac complish much more. But, if Truth and Justice are still realities on earth, it will soon pass away, pursued by the scorn and detestation of good men the world over, and embalmed in the execrations of history' forever.” PRESIDENT-MAKING. The great difficulty in the way of De mocratic unity is the hostility existing be tween what are known as the War and Peace wings of the party. The former, very naturally, dislike to confess the late un pleasantness a blunder or a crime; the lat ter proclaim that present events prove the conflict to have been both, and nothing but false pride prevents the misguided tools of Abolition from abandoning a point which is utterly devoid of principle. Os course, we lean fervently to the side of the brave Peace Democrats and trust that they may be enabled to triumph even without the aid of the war faction. But, striving to quell all acerbity and bias, we further trust that the differences prevailing may be amicably adjusted, without wounding the self-respect of either contestant for supremacy in the approaching National Convention. In the event of a split, it is highly probable that Chief Justice Chase will be run as a Con servative candidate, in order to catch the votes of moderate Republicans and such Democrats as plume themselves upon the righteousness and beneficence of the late struggle of arms. If it were a matter of 'pure principle, and if, too, the people were no/ so generally corrupt, a grand and blameless man, like Charles O'Conor, might gloriously compromise the dis cordant elements now so unfortunately in play. But, as the game stands, availability and policy rule the ro Ist, and we are forced to confess that the strategy employed by all parties looks much more like a vehement contest for victory, leaving principle to come in at hap-hazard. If poli cy is imperative and the people gulls, why not shake hands over Hancock and Pen dleton ? This programme comes nearer to placating both rivalries than any other now prominently mentioned, and should serve to bury the hatchet. The National Intelligencer very properly observes that “ the time has come when every patriot must be prepared, if neces sary, to renounce all personal preference and prejudice, as a means of promoting the public good.” We believe that the South is willing to yield many of her grudges for the general weal. It will be a hard case if the two factions of Democracy are not equally magnanimous and patriotic. Poor Sambo.—A Radical paper says Bullock's election will bring tens of thou sands of white settlers to Georgia. May be so, and then may’ be not. But, how many negroes voted for Bullock with such an understanding? WENDELL THE TRUMPETER. Wendell Phillips, apparently satis fied of the demolition ot Andrew Johnson, has. according to his usual custom, blown a sturdy blast on his trumpet for a new gathering of the clans whose oracle and pioneer he claims to be. Step by step, this man has predicted the progress of Radical ism, and, though sometimes a trifle too im petuous for the laggard souls who consti tute the majority of the trooly loil breth ren, he abides with patience until they come up to his points of fresh aggression. He has brought them up gradually to the attempted removal of the President and brooks no thought of failure in that re spect. Nay, so sure is he of Mr. Johnson’s overthrow and expulsion, that he already’ treats the President as a gentleman of a former generation, and issues a manifesto presaging the inevitable future destiny of the faction of ruin. He says : “ After impeachment, the safety aud future of the Republican party demand the embodi ment into law and platform alike, of the prin ciple of equal national citizenship—the same in Michigan as in South Carolina. It must be remembered that the administration which Gen. Grant will draw around him, and more than that, the influences and associations sure to affect his policy, jvill not be of the sort like ly to be affected by what ‘ practical ’ men sneer theories, ideas, fanaticism. IPe must get ow main work done now and during the ten months of Wade's administration —which it is expected will follow his trial. Every day proves the truth of this. Men ot the Fessenden type, grumblers of the Grimes sort, well meaning politicians like Wilson, will have more to do with affairs than, others. But they in their turn will be ovcrslauabed by the West Point ers—not of the red tape school, it is true, but of the abler sort. Grant’s administration is much more likely to seek diversion for the people in a semi-aggressive ‘ manifest ’ destiny sort of policy, than it is to gather the tangled and broken threads of our internal policy, and so weave them over again in the national loom, that they shall come out a perfect web, glow ing with beauteous colors and instinct with the radical harmouies of Liberty, Equality and Fra ternity. “ Let us have one and one only rule of citi zenship throughout the length and breadth of the land. “ Chicago must be made to feel the pressure of the necessity referred to. The platfoim to be adopted there must demand the enactment of equal suffrage. Congress must be required to enact a law that will accomplish this, or it must submit an amendment to the Constitution estab lishing it. The South will be there, in the per son of her delegates, white and colored, to de clare that without such declaration and enact ment by the Republicans in national conven tion assembled, there will be no security for them or their party’ in the South.” Wherefore, the next jump forward will be universal negro suffrage and negro equality for the North as well as the South. Here is a good rock for the party' of great moral ideas to split upon. If it fail to re cognize the unadulterated Ethiopian, it may lose his tremendous Southern vote ; it it should succumb to the unqualified em brace of Sambo, it may sacrifice the Cau casians of the West who have gone to the verge of the pit, but have not the courage, to take the- “ damning leap.” It will be a matter of interest to watch the squirmings of the Chicago conventionists under the lash of Wendell Phillips, who has, in good season, warned them by a blast of his trumpet, that they shall eat black bread or go to bed supperless. True as Gospel.—A correspondent of the Charleston Mercury charges that Seward is the author of all Johnson’s troubles. We have, for years, believed that this bad man was the Evil Genius of his country and of all men with whom he came in contact. The Mercury correspondent says : “ He is hand and glove with Grant, and if Wade comes in, may possibly manage to retain his place. His friendship with Thad. Stevens is of the most intimate character.” If this is so, and we do not doubt it, how blind and bigoted must Mr. Johnson be. Seward played Lincoln tc his death and he has effectually cut the claws of John son. And still, the poor old lion hugs him with his mutilated paws ! Commendable Honesty.—The City Council of Baltimore have expelled three of the members of the First Branch. Their crime was corruption in connection with the issue of bonds to a railroad. Their names are Oster, Charles and Bullock. The Gazette says: “ The miserable pretexts on which the dis graced members sought to justify their conduct were treated with deserved contempt, and we trust a lesson has been taught to all such polit ical adventurers which will deter them from like speculations in the future and protect the honest people of the city. The course of the First Branch in thus repudiating and punish ing acts which were considered legitimate un der Radical rule, entitles it to the warmest thanks of the party which placed it in power.” Probable Change.—ln view of certain emergencies, it is believed that the Na tional Democratic Convention will be called at an earlier day than the 4th of July. The Congressional Democratic Com mittee unanimously recommend the change, and other associations have moved, or are •moving, in the same direction. A New Sobriquet.—The Alta Vela busi ness, in which Butler and Bingham play ed so conspicuous a part through the in strumentality of Mr. Nelson, has earned for them the title of “ Guano Managers.” So, Ben Wade will owe his elevation to a well-known commercial manure. Among the Proudest.—Butler stated in the Senate that lie had signed the Alta Vela papers “ early in February." But the documents proved that he signed them on the \Hb. of March. No wonder Butler likes the Southern renegades. A fellow feeling makes him wondrous kind. The Party of Perjury.—Blodgett’s visit to Washington must have throyyn the apple of discord into the Radical camp. His friend Butler has been severely used, lately, and now poor Senator Fessenden comes in for a share of malignant abuse. The gentleman from Maine said openly’ and boldly that he “ will not perjure himself to please party’ friends.” Whereupon, the Radical journals enfilade him with volleys of hot shot, shouting over each discharge of ammunition, “Renegade,” “Traitor,” etc. In their impetuosity, they’ forget one im portant item, viz : that, taking his remark as a text, prior to voting, they admit that Fessenden can only’ appease party vio lence in one way—the way’ of perjury. A Blaspheming Saint.—No one has any great respect for Tiiaddeus Stevens’ mo rality, though he is a shining light in the church of progress. But the Christian ad herents of Radicalism—if such there be— must have experienced certain nervous sen sations over passages in his late tirade. Speaking of President Johnson, the old sinner said he was “ baser than the betray al of Judas Iscariot, who betrayed only a single individual." According to the Hon. Manager, the Redeemer of Mankind must have been a rather inconsiderable person age. Presidential. —The Norfolk Journal thinks it a matter of madness to nominate Pendleton as the champion of a Restored Union, because he pronounced the Union a failure after Gettysburg and. Atlanta. Judg ing by r the samples of 1865-’6B, we think Pendleton quite right in his judgment. There never has been, there never will be reconstruction in any true sense, unless the people return to some of those first princi ples of Republicanism which Pendleton never abandoned. Hence, as a candidate of genuine Democracy he seems to us the very best man in the ring. Gen. Hancock and Mrs. Surratt.— The National Intelligencer says Gen. Han cock, thousfh commander of the depart-, ment in which the execution took place, had no more to do with the trial and mur der of Mrs. Surratt than the Khan of Tartary. Mr. Stanton, Mr. Holt, General Hunter and General Hartranf were the persons most directly concerned in that sorrowful affair, and as they are all Radi cals, doubtless glory’ in the shame of their respective parts. A Spoon-Thief Tortured.—Mr. Nel sOn’s refusal to lend Butler the Alta Vela papers, unless he returned them, was a just compliment to the Vast Rogue of the nineteenth century. The New York World, commenting upon this episode, says: “ Knowing that his practice has always been never to return the property’ of others credited to his hands, Butler refused ‘em phatically to receive them on such condi tions.’ We thought the conditions would be too much for him.” The Difference. —Forney says An drew Johnson was elected President by John Wilkes Booth. Wade will probably' be elected by Beast Butler. The curious in analysis can determine the difference in leverage between an en thusiastic assassin and a cold-blooded spoon-thief. A Strong Dose. —A correspondent of the Tribune writes that an Arab doctor re solved some copies of that journal into pulp and administered small doses to his patients. The New York Express furnishes the obituary' of these unfortunates—died of black vomit. The South Carolina Reconstruction Scandal- The constitution framed for South Caro lina by the Congo Convention is a beautiful piece of political mechanism. Paupers have heretofore been always and everywhere very properly excluded from the elective fran chise, but by this instrument the pauper population is made the voting power of the Commonwealth. Property-holders and tax payers are either disfranchised or placed in such a hopeless minority that they are voiceless in the government, while the negroes vote without fear of challenge for every' office, and by their overwhelming majorities carry with ease every election.— The capitation and dog tax are the only two for which the negro would be liable, but as he has no property for the sheriff to attach, there is no way to enforce payment except by making default a bar to the bal lot. And so it was at first arranged; but foreseeing the effect of such a provision in reducing the negro vote, the convention amended by ordering that no one should forfeit his right to vote by reason of failure to pay the said tax. And this specific tax per capitum is to be applied to the support of negro schools—schools in which the white population cannot participate, in which they have no interest, and over which they have no supervision or control, and yet which they alone will be required to support. Towards this fund the negro vo ter is not obliged to contribute one cent, although he will be, under his party lead ers, invested with the exclusive control of its disbursement. The honest and un bought white men of the State, including with scarcely an exception all the original Union excluded either by legisla tion or intrigue from the ballot and from holding office, and are forced by the bayo net to submit to any and all the exactions which an irresponsible mongrel Congress and Legislature may impose upon them. — And this in the land of liberty and under the stars and stripes! Can the Gem of the Sea, the misgoverned and unhappy Emerald Isle present anything worse than this in all her sad history of grievous wrongs ? South Carolina, under such reconstruc tion, is eminently worthy (?) an early admis sion into full fellowship with the noble States of the North ! With Radical Bureau- Commissioner Scott as Governor, by League manipulations and negro votes; |with a negro Legislature; with the notorious ex rebel Bowen to represent its metropolis in Congress, and all its offices filled by negroes or renegade whites who would not be in trusted in any decent community North with any position requiring moral probity of character, her star is ready to be added to the flag, but it is a black star in the clus ter, and should so appear. And this is Radicalism1 — N. Y. JKorfci. [From the New York Herald. The Alta Vela Affair—Letters of Judge Black to the President on the Subject. I have just seen the secret correspondence between the President, Jerry Black and other parties, relative to the much talked of Alta Vela rumpus. It is very long, but quite interesting and spicy. Among the letters I find Judge Black’s letter of with drawal as one of the counsel for the Presi dent in the impeachment trial, and two others bearing on the subject. They are as follows: letter from judge black to the pre sident. Mr. President: Your determination to determine nothing for the relief of the own ers of Alta Vela makes it impossible for me to serve you longer as counsel in the impeachment case. They cannot allow their rights to be trifled with, and I cannot advise them to submit in silence to the out rage perpetrated upon them. They must seek elsewhere for the justice you deny them. I am sure you will admit that I have never urged this upon your attention until you had a full opportunity of examin ing it, nor asked you for a decision until you expressed the opinion. that the title was just and legal. Mr. Seward’s little finger, it appears, is thicker than the loins of the law. He and the thieves whose in terests he has guarded so faithfully are welcome to the short-lived victory they have won. My retirement from your cause will not probably diminish the chances of its success. When you first expressed the desire that I should be one of your counsel, I gave some reasons why it might be better for you that I should not consent. Upon Messrs. Curtis and Stanbery these consider ations had some weight, but you overruled them without hesitation. If you will re flect upon them again you will probably see that you have no reason to regret my present decision to retire. But to me it is a cause of sincere grief that I cannot aid in the struggle you are making for truth, justice and the Constitution of your coun try. Ido most devoutly believe that the now made accusation against you by the House of Representatives is unfounded in fact and law, and that.your defense must be regarded as conclusive by every impar tial mind. I know it will be presented with consummate ability. I hope you see plainly that I have adopt ed the only possible mode of relieving my self from the embarrassments and compli cations which would be wholly undeniable if I did not get rid of them in some way. Yours, &c., J- S. Black. Washington, March 12, 1868. LETTER FROM CHAUNCEY F. BLACK TO THE PRESIDENT. Mr. President: We are this morning in receipt of a dispatch from our clients in Baltimore, which informs us, on the author ity of a person in the interest of our adver saries, that Mr. Seward yesterday explicitly stated to him that the Alta Vela claim was settled against us and in favor of St. Do mingo. We are further informed by Mr. Coyle that last night you gave him to un derstand that you had no intention of giv ing effect to the act of Congress of August 18, 1856. If this be the fact, we think we have a right to request that you record your conclusions and give us official notice of the same. We make this application in order that we may seek a remedy for our wrongs elsewhere. I only repeat now what conscience has required us to say many times before, that we cannot suffer Mr. Seward’s corrupt combination to prevail finally over the rights which the laws of our country and of the world have given us. We beg that you will communicate your formal decision without delay, as the vigor of the robbers makes the loss of an hour of vast moment to us. I am, Mr. President, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Chauncey F. Black, for Patterson and Murglondo, claimants. ANOTHER LETTER FROM JUDGE BLACK TO THE PRESIDENT. Mr. President : A dispatch in the Balti more Sun of this morning may be worth your attention as well as mine, because it is supposed to come from a gentleman known to be much in your confidence. It is so incorrect that I am sure you never au thorized it. It looks like another of Mr. Seward’s efforts to make a false defense of the outrages perpetrated on his country men at the island of Alta Vela. The whole statement is false so far as it concerns the status of the case, the nature of the right which the American owners possess and the character of the opposition to it. It is especially and particularly false in this— that it asserts the existence of a counter claim by St. Domingo, whereas, in truth and in fact, the Dominicans have never at any time pretended any right or title what ever ; when formally asked to show their right they alleged none; they have neVer since asserted any. They are naked wrong doers by tlieir own confession; but Mr. Seward,"instead of vindicating the honor of his country, keeping the pledged faith ot his Government, and guarding the just rights of his fellow-citizens, has taken the other side, and has been engaged for years in trying to make a defense for the Dominicans; and the defense he has made is so frivolous and unfounded that they had not the impudence to act it up for themselves. They were not shameless enough to adopt it even after he had made it to their hand. But my object is now to assure you that although I thought it your clear duty to protect these persons as the law requires, by restoring them to their lawful possession, I did not ask you to do so as the condition on which I would appear as your counsel in the im peachment case. 1 never even referred to the embarrassments which it might create until after you had given what I took for your last word on the subject. I told you, too, verbally and in writing, that I did not ask it on the score of personal kindness— for it was no kindness to me—but as a matter of justice to the unfortunate men who were robbed and ruined by Mr. Sew ard’s proteges. The trouble is that your decision, or rather your refusal to decide, places me in a situation where I may be compelled to do what your counsel cannot and ought not to do. This dispatch says the whole subject is before Congress. I think if Mr. Seward takes that tack he will do you a great injury. I repeat what I have said before—that I have the most im plicit faith in the law and justice of your defense to the impeachment, and I believe it will be presented with ability which can leave nothing to be desired. lam perfectly sure that your case is not one whit injured by my retirement from it. I am, with great respect, yours, &c., J. S. Black. His Excellency A. Johnson. March 24, 1868. . It is reported that Senator Fessenden has said, openly aud boldly, that he “will not per jure himself to please party friends.” The more extreme of the Radical papers have al ready opened their batteries upon him as a ren egade and traitor. But are they not a little too fast in drawing this inference from that re mark ? Do they’ not thereby concede that he must “perjure himself ” in order to please his party ? The conclusion strikes us as a good deal too broad.— JV. Y, Times. [From the Richmond Enquirer. National Convention of Cotton Growers and Manufacturers- A convention of the cotton growers and manufacturers of the United States met in New York on Wednesday. The object of the meeting is to effect a national organiza tion to promote the general interests of this branch of industry, to obtain and circulate facts and statistics in regard to the growth of cotton in this country and elsewhere, and to take steps to watch the legislation of Congress on the subject. The delegates represent Texas, Alabama, North and Soutli Carolina, Maryland, Delaware and the ma jority of the Northern States. Gen. Daniel Pratt, of Alabama, was call ed to the chair. On taking the chair the General addressed the convention in a brief but effective speech. He said the South was disposed to unite with the North as heretofore. At the close of the war he be lieved the people submitted to the results willingly; felt as loyal as ever to the Union, and were disposed to continue so. But taking one-half of the property at one dash distracted the whole people. Many who were men of wealth had become bankrupt. But the people submitted without a mur mur. The negroes were freed aud the debt was repudiated. The people took the oath of allegiance and were disposed to be loyal to the Government. But they felt that Con gress had hardly done them justice. When men of education and wealth were disfran chised and ignorant men were enfranchised and put over them, they did not exactly’ like it, but still they were loyal and were willing to unite with the North and be as free and fraternal as ever they were. The following committee on organization was appointed: Messrs. George P. Tiffany, Maryland ; R. Clark, New York ; E. R. Mudge, Massa chusetts, and S. W. Johnson, New York. The committee retired, and on returning reported the following: For permanent chairman, Mr. Richard Gosed, of Pennsyl vania ; for permanent secretary, Mr. Ar thur T. Lyman, of Massachusetts. Mr. Gosed thought the meeting to-day was calculated to give new life to the cot ton interest on this continent. They had, therefore, assembled for the purpose o: or ganizing to carry out the best interests of the cotton manufacturers, and when he saw around him men from Texas and Alabama, and other cotton-growing States, he thought that something would be done. One of the objects of the meeting was to put up cotton properly, and not put two kinds together. Another was to meet socially, and get by conclusions what was necessary. The con vention was not organized for a political purpose, but simply for their mutual bene fit. Heretofore they were as a rope of sand, completely divided. Some had doubtless made money, but he hoped for better times for all. Mr. Mudge, of Massachusetts, then mov ed the following: Resolved, That it is desirable and expe dient that w’e now proceed to take meas ures for a permanent organization of a Cot ton Manufacturers’ Association. Mr. Mudge supported his resolution by some extended remarks, in which he stated that at the recent Paris Exposition Ameri ca was far behind all European nations ex cept England. Gen. Patterson, of Philadelphia, spoke warmly' on this point. He said that no sane man would say that America could not compete with any company in the world. They wanted no protection, but they wanted proper legislation ; they want ed the tax taken oft’ everything except whisky and tobacco, and they wanted more consumers as well as more producers. After a recess, a committee made a re port, the main points of which were as fol lows: The name is to be the National Asso ciation of Cotton Manufacturers and Plant ers. Terms of membership, §lO initiation fee and an assessment of §2 per 1,000 for each manufacturerand §lO for each planter. Meetings to be held annually on the last Wednesday in June. The objects of the association to be the promotion of cotton interests, and the collection and circulation of information relating to finance, manu factures, growth of cotton, and machinery. In the course of the proceedings, it was stated that the yarns spun in the United States equalled any made in Europe, and that American cotton was indispensable to English manufactures, in spite of what had been said of the excellence of East India cotton. Among the officers of the association chosen were the following Baltimoreans: James A. Garey, a Vice-President; G. P. Tiffany, one of the Finance Committee; H. N. Grambrill, on Machinery, and W. H. Baldwin, a director. The convention then adjourned sine die. Fowler and Cooper. strange mixture of love, diplomacy AND IMPEACHMENT. A Radical correspondent of the Chicago Evening Post gives the following bit of Washington gossip: Madame Rumor is in fine spirits now-a days. Perhaps never before in the coun try’s history had she so luscious a time of it. The latest ondit is a mixing up of love with impeachment. Who would have thought that so grave, so stately a question could admit into its good graces and sin gular confidence the tender affection ? We had not dreamed of such in our philosophy. You know how many shafts of wit, sar casm and cruel suspicions Senator Fowler, of Tennessee, has been subjected to ? He has been berated and abused wofully, and the most thorough penetration of the sur gical probe could, contemplating his con sistent Radical record, find no other reason for his recreancy' than mental meekness.— Poor Fowler! His blunder-buss may have been a blunder-buss in truth! He is the pitiable victim of woman’s deceptive heart! —the willing slave of woman’s lips and eyes 1 Fowler is a widower —Mrs. Stover is a widow, and also daughter of Andrew John son. "Poor Fowler is in love with her over head and ears. She demands as the price of her reciprocal devotion his voice and vote against the impending disgrace of her father. Natural enough on her part! But pitiable Senator Fowler! he is the fly in the spider’s parlor, for little vivacious Mrs. Stover would no more think of giving the red-haired radical Senatorial recreant her heart and hand than she would to Ben Butler or James M. Ashley, the “ original” impeacher. Impeachment over, a little “ lover’s quarrel,” cold words, colder kisses, and the love which knows him now will know him no more forever. Moreover, Colonel Cooper, an old confidante of John son’s, is Mrs. Stover’s betrothed. At least this is the established assertion of the col loquial Madame, and has been so often and so long reiterated that I doubt not there is more truth than poetry' in it. Colonel Cooper is nearer the age of Mrs. Stover, and he is a clever and genial gentleman, worthy any lady’s admiration and heart and hand. Fowler isn’t. Scalpel. Thomas D’Arcy McGee is reported to have left his estate heavily burdened with. debt. Subscriptions are now being taken up in the Provinces to pay’ these debts, and the Canadian Parliament has voted to his widow a pension ' of $1,200 annually, and has given each of his | his daughters SI,OOO. I [From the N. O. Picayune. Southern Defects. That newspaper writer of the South is not a true friend to the Southern people who shuts his eyes to their faults and de ficiencies, or, if he sees them, refuses to urge upon them a reformation. It is because we are impelled by a convic tion of the truth of this that we say to them now that they are characteristically deficient in patience and perserverance, and that for their own preservation and future success, they should aim m©re and more at the cultivation of these virtues. We could prove ana illustrate this, per haps, not welcome averment of ours, by many individual incidents and the general conduct and effects of tlieir past struggles, both in war and in peace, did we deem it necessary. They have been gallant, brave, impetuous, self-sacrificing in immediate peril, daring at all times, eloquent in tongue, brilliant in written phrase, burning in sarcasm and invective, in all respects have manifested an indifference to danger and a readiness to resent an insult or con-’ front a direct attack, which has caused them to be universally regarded as a brave, high-souled and chivalrous people. Never theless, in almost all their past aims and enterprises, they have failed of success. We speak of them as a class and not of indi viduals; of their general aims and not of special ones. Why is this so? Chiefly, we think, be cause they have lacked that prudence which should have checked excessive zeal, all extravagance of expectation, all vio lence of language, all bitterness of feeling, and have prevented the useless wearing out of the powers of body and mind in gallant, but hopeless assaults. Therc/s no nation which bears a higher repute for bravery in war or courage in all the difficulties of life than the Scotch ; and yet more than of any. other is prudence its chief characteristic. Our people could, therefore, have been vast ly more prudent and yet have been equally brave. . . That in which they have next chiefly failed, has been in not possessing “ the gift of continuance.” They begin with the ut most enthusiasm, enterprises new here, which have succeeded elsewhere, start often with crude ideas of how or why they are to be adopted, use inefficient instruments sometimes, and sometimes over-do all that should be done, push on bravely aud ear nestly for awhile, but after a brief season of unrequited trial, give up all hopes of success and abandon the field in despair; whereas, if they would learn wisdom from their failure, moderate their expectations, reduce the scale of effort to their reduced means to carry it on, and keep trying, with even such inferior material, they would finally succeed in any ordinarily reasonable undertaking. We would urge, therefore, that our peo ple should cultivate a more patient and en during spirit. Start calmly and carefully in the right way, and then follow it steadi ly and unremittingly to the end. We will never get too much of it. With an over cautious people there might be danger of this. With a dogged and unchanging na tional bent and habit of mind and action, we might need to have more enthusiasm infused into our mind. But we have now so much of this, that our danger lies on the other side. When our people learn to quietly and ob servingly guide themselves by the condi tion of things as presented to them and their probable mutations tor evil or good in the future, when they comprehend the necessity of using the instruments now in in their hands, rather than vainly regret the loss of those which have passed away, when they adapt themselves to circum stances and patiently endeavor to adapt circumstances to tlieir advantage, and when, having found the way of wisdom and ultimate success, thev continue to fol low and work in it, though the rate of pro gress be slow and the labor difficult and tiresome, they will have overcome their greatest enemies, their own impatience and irresoluteness. [From the Louisville Courier. Dying Words of a Patriot and Statesman. GOV. helm’s WILL —A WARNING VOICE. The readers of the Courier will be inter ested in the following extracts we place be fore them from the late John L. Helm’s will, on record in the Hardin County Court. It was written November 15, 1865, after he had been elected to the State Senate and just previous to his taking his seat in that body, and prior to the various Congress ional usurpations enacted since the war: “ Assuming it as probable that the Gov ernment of the United States, by force and fraud, against and in contempt of right and justice, of law and the Constitution, State and national, and all law, civil or moral, deprive my representatives of their labor, I place those who have and may remain on my places at the disposal of my wife and son, John. I request that such as remain faithful and obedient shall remain in the service of the family On such terms as may be agreed on. “ I regard this act of the Government, looking at it in all its bearings and conse quences, the greatest crime of this or any other age. In view of the consequences which, in my honest judgment, would flow from it, I was fixed and unalterable in my opposition to the late unhappy and desola ting war; and now, in the performance of this solemn act, I thank God in the sinceri ty of ray heart that He gave that direction to my mind. No man lived and breathed who was more devotedly attached to the union of the States as formed by the com pact—the Constitution as made by our fathers—than I was. I hold that it was formed by the free aud unconstrained will of the people, and dependent for its perpe tuity on the virtue and influence of the peo ple, the fraternal affection of the sections, and the promotion of their mutual welfare. I was for peaceful adjustment and against war, believing, as I did, and now do, that war would be, and I now believe is, practi cal dissolution, unauthorized, by the Con stitution, and against the spirit and genius of our form of government. The South was conquered, but in my firm conviction the North will sooner or later, learn that they are the whipped party. The race of intellectual giants has passed off the stage. The moral tone of the people is gone ; cor ruption and vice rule the hour and the day. The mass of the whole people have lost confidence in the rulers of the Govern ment ; they place no reliance in its justice and honor. This is a melancholy picture. But my mind is made up, that the future of this Government will have a downward tendency, and ultimately, and at no very distant day, willresult in disintegration or a central despotism. “ This is an unseemly place to introduce my political opinions. Ido it to solemnly impress my family with my opinions, in the firm hope that they will stand by the form government as it came from the hands of our revolutionary fathers, and oppose mo dern reform. I believe the Abolitionists, , as a political party, capable of any crime— possessing no redeeming quality.” The World says it is currently reported that the death of the lamented Cynocephalus was caused by intense grief and mortification at having his honored name in any way associated with that ol a prominent citizen of Lowell.