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About Athens gazette. (Athens, Ga.) 1814-18?? | View Entire Issue (April 28, 1814)
VOL I. PHTWTED WISEKLT, BY HODGE & DONNELL* f** CONDITION’S; _ Tr f »’ ‘ . a Id. The Annual Snbseription will be theec dollars, half in advance. sd. Subscribers living out of the State will pay the whole subscription upon the deli* Very of the first number. ; 4d.-’ No Subscriptions will be received for less than one year; and no paper shall be discontinued until arrearage* are paid. 4th. Advertisements will be inserted at the I customary rates. | £7* Letters addressed 16 the Eot- Tons must 6c post paid . ; The following gentle ME# Are re quested and authorized to receive Sub scriptions and give receipts for this paper , viz ‘ Watkinsvtlle , Dr. Win. Wright Sc Mr. Joseph Moss. Jackson Capt. Boyle* . Lexington—Vht Post Master* Greene county x Mr* Wyley Gres jfiam, P*>M* Greenesbsso\ Mr. Grant, p. M. Gramspille , and the Post Master, Powelton . . » IVilhes county— Mr. James Wing field, P. M. Washington, and Mr. Robert Grier. Paystille— Mr. John Barnett. Columbia Court-House— .*P• Master. Hancock— Mr. Abercrombie, P. M. and Joseph Bryan, Esq. Llberton— Mr. Win. Woods. Peters burgh— Mr. AleX; Pope. slugusta— Mr. Fraser, P l * M. and Major F* Phinizy. Morgan—FS/iw Cunninghani, P* M. Jasper— Dr. Shorter. Putnam— Brice Gaither, Esq. Milledgeville— he Post Master. Madison county— Mr. Long, P. M. And WiHiam Hodge, Esq. Franklin— Phe Post Master and the Rev. Messrs. Thomas Newton and Sampson Lane. y/ashington county— General Irwin. Warren—• The Post Master* Lincoln— Hie Post Master. Bat nett, Esq. Midway— John E» Fraser, Esq. St. Major Clark, P. M. Abbeville, Sp C*— Mr. Moses W. Dobbins* 5 Without intending any disparage ment to the useful and valuable pa pers printed in Augusta,* MiUedge ville and elsewhere in this State, we •will take the liberty to mention the following considerations as in some degree recommending this to public patronage, and especially in the up per counties. It will he large , and will conse quently contain not only a variety, but a considerable quantity of mat ter—selected with care. It will be puhlised at the Seat of the University of this State, and will derive from that circumstance borne general interest and import ance. It will be published On Thursday In eveweek soon after the arrival of the Northern and Southern Mails at this place, and will contain a condensed summary of the latest and most interesting news From the North and South. .x From a direct communication thro’ Greehville, S. C. St Buncomoe to Tennessee this paper will proba- K derive the* earliest intelligence m Tennessee, Kentucky, Ohio & other Northern &std Western States and Territories. It will contain besides the com mon subjects of & newspaper, some moral, religious and scientific mat ter, which, will|^^re fully selected and made as far %s possible vient to the practice of Christianity and to *he pursuits of common life. The more effectually to attain thrs object, we #l% b’eg leave respectful ly to invite and solicit gentlemen of »cience,4who are man kind, and who would meliorate the condition! of huntan lile, to favor us with their aid. Pieces on toe vari ous subjects alluded tc* whether ori ginal or well selected, will be thank fully received—subject However to the correction and modification oF the Editors. Nothing Sectarian will be, admitted. Not only the if an oT letters, but the plain practical philo sopher, the ingenious farmer and W-chamc may be useful here, — gri culture or the mechanical arts: It is not intended that this paper • ah all be made the vehicle of private or personal scurrility and abuse. *” I*o those gentlemen who have be nevolently forwarded, •by a liberal advance, the publication of the ba zette 9 the Editors beg leave to ten der their grateful acknowledgements --•their future endeavors, they trust, will go to prove that this liberality has not been wholly misplaced. lO® Gentlemen holding Subscrip tlon papers for the Gazette , are res pectfully requested to transmit to the Editors immediately the names of sub scribers■. * Congre.^ianafi HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. debate ov the loan bill. MR. FORSYTH’S SPEECH. ( Continued.) We are told by the gentleman from Nk Y. Mr* .Grosvenor, that the employment of the Indians was jus tifiable—that he would have adopted the same means*. The state of war is certainly a destruction of the or dinary rules which govern nations in their conduct to each other. Even this state* however has rules which generous nations implicitly obey ; rules violated by the employment of a force whose destructive, effec cannot be Controled*—The .effect of the employment of this species o annoyance had beert proved by pas‘ experience, During the revolution ary war it was denounced in tne Par liament of G. B. as destructive & odious. Modern improvements are visible on this Suojecti. ~ In England *t this day it is matter of boast and joy that the redman mingles in bat tle by the side of his white friend. The imagination is delighted by the picturesque effect of the tomahawk darkening by the side pf the glit ter of the bayonet—by the rude dress of the savage viewed in con junction with tlie splendid costume of the disciplined soldier* The groans of the scalped victim are no longer permitted to strike upon the ear—it is delighted by the dramatic effect of the yell of the savage fil ing the air, in combination with the shout of the . civilized barbarian. I envy no man’s feelings who can be lieve the employment of an Indian force justiijable. The conclusion however may be drawn without fear of refutation, that it is an evidence of the regard of Christianity in those who adopt it. We are informed by an honora ble gentleman from Massachusetts, that our sympathies for Spain ought to have prevented the declaration of war : Spain, fighting in a cause holy and sacred as the cause of our own Revolution, was injured by our at tempt to resist encroachments upon our rights. There is no man who does not wish success to the Spani ards——but sir, when we are called upon to make sacrifices and submit to injustice on their accoupt, it be comes necessary to examine the na ture of the contest and the probable consequence of thfe success of parties .engaged in it. What is that«cause which has been compared to our re volutionary struggle ? it is the cause of pride no,t of principle, which having its foundation among the genetrous feelings of the human hea||j, may inspire admiration .and excite sympathy, but which is re jected by reason, he memorable siege of Saragoza was sustained, the immortal Palafox died, not to extends or preserve the liberties of the peo ple. but for the paltry privilege of choosing th 1 e puppet who wasfto sit upon the throne—At the commence-. * inent of the memorable struggle, Spain was completely governed by preiich councils aSfirshe had been an integral part of the empire.- All her resources Were at the command of.the emperor. Napoleon might give great stability to nis power, but immediately he was to gain nothing by the change of kings but the grati fication of his family pride. Won derful and important controversy, whether the descendant of a French man or $ Corsican should sit upon tiie throne, whetner the political au tongEph should be of the ancient or tlfe riew dynasty, a Bourbon or a %Bnnaparte£of fTTamily ce!>lo,s ha<f imifptjd ’ lung past, or ot out who had grasp- IPwitiiMHehr own hands in the ATHENE THURSDAY; APRIL 38, 1 & 14. . -s present days ! \nd what was the consequence of the struggle which ensued ? The ■ resources of Spain became the property of Britain ; no other effect was produced than'a change 6f masters. • What differ <-nce between dominion of one or the other The people obtain no privileges arid the United States de rive no benefits. ‘ To us it cannot be important, whether ■ the *wires are moved by an English or a French juggler; Whether .the despatches of Spain are issued bt Castlereagh or Bassano. The comparison of this with our. Revolution ’is odious and unjust profanation to the dshes of Washington and his cotemporary patriots. The American people *bught for their own privileges—the Spaniards'for the privileges of their rulers. Our fathers fought for tne right of self-government; for free dom political and religious; thev mr the choice of the . foot which is to trample on their servile necks— t he- principles of our contest seem to be as little understood as their mits of constitutional opposition in the cause of G. Britain, in the si tuation of the world, in the affairs of the peninsula, there was nothing to demand or require our forbear ance to seek redress even fpr inci dental, injuriest But were the or ders in council* really intended to injure France, * and France only ? Far from it; t The decrees of which they pretended To be retaliatory, were imperative and useless. It was the boast of the Brit'sh government chat they were futile and impotent. >fa, sir, the object of This system of retaliation upon France, was to foster British at the expence of ’> neutral commerce. The pretence* to cover this object was the decrees of France. Flimsy indeed, but still sufficient for a government which desires* to cover, if iti does not conceal, its real intentions from the public view. >.-• .1; will, fiot turn* to ; the dog eared volumes of public documents to shew the correctness of this position ; I will rely upon the declaration of two persons of great authority on this subject, Perceval and Castlereaghi l might repeat the idea expressed on and former occasion by a gentleman of New-Yo,rk< that ihe admission of your adversary is the best evidence of the existence of any fact which'is sought to be proved.’ In I*Bo7, Mr. Perceval recommended this system to the then ministers & was seconded by Lord Castlereagh. Perceval said* “ You might say , that no goods should be carried to France except they first touched at a British;port. They might be forced to be entered at the custom house and a.certain en* try imposed which would contribute *o enhance the price and give a bet ter sale in the foreign market to jour own commodities • ,;«j ,y The object there distinctly! a vowed—it is not to injure France but to give a better sale to English com modities in foreign markets by*le*4 vying a tax upon neural vessels in British ports. What was the pre text ? Gentlemen may sqy, our sub mission to French encroachments. Such encroachments had not been made,on our commerce, or, if made were not known in this country at the time the first T>rder was issued. Lord Castlereagh,. in the debate al ready alluded to, shews that a pre* text could be found whether we were inctude&»in the operation of the French decrees or were special y excepted from their effects. I will qse,his owq words—speaking of tc, decree of Beylin he says, ‘‘ Since the publication of this decree, which had aj first been gimeral as* to all nati ons* some communications had taken place between the American minis-; ter in this country and the French government, in consequence of which some practical relaxation of the de cree had tske«bl»ce.- This was one ground why we should look upon A-: merica with jealousy ; it was an ag gravation that srie had by a secret understanding with the French go vernment contrived to tackjp her ship ping out of the operation of tie de cree that was at first Our submission toll’ which did not a decree admitted to be useless, was sufficient to justify re taliation ; being exempts! from its practical effects,, was an aggravatio n #hith justified the same system ! Is it unfair under these circumsuu ces to conclude that these orders lapulffiiave, been Wjhyid had tne d.- -crees of France never existed ? Some other peftext equally, T ‘ » * -•* * • .• t would have been defended Here.— We are not at this day td learn tH&t the real motives of the acts of that government are hs opposite to thoke avowed as Heaven is to Hell. ♦ Fiue Id their principles, Perceval and Cas; tlereagh Were no sooner into the ministry than theplan pre viously recommended 1 bv them was acted up|jp. What Was tftlir theorfj out of administration, Was' 1 their practice in it, * The order of Govern* her was substantially what had been pressed upon the former ‘ when America’ was exempted from the operation of the French It may be imagined that thi3 plan was bottomed upon w some alledged submission tome decrees, or the ag gravation of an exemption from then* effect. Inthe debate on. the subject of the orders of November, instances of the execution of the Frenth de crees are indeed mentioned, but they are cor*fined to the countries sub ject to French arms. The occurren ces;/at Hamburgh are chi'eiiy relied upon.’ But what is conclusive upon this point is, they were persisted irn After the eXciise was taken away.— Canning in IBli, said the orders in council had lost their retaliatory character, were no longer to be jus tifie’d upon tlfe principlesupon which they ’ were issued. What said’the minister ? His answer is to be found in the letter of Mr. Russell in M&rcn l»U - The language of the British min ister here, corresponding with tint answer, extingu:sned all hope of a* voiding a contest: we} were tolcUin language not to be mistaken, that j violations of the nation would cont.- nue until ‘ neutral commerce wis placed by France on its ancient foot ing; * until the* continental system was’abandoned. ‘ Under these cir cumstances, what was the duty of the administration of a free people ? Continue to endure 1 and complain i To restrict corhnieixe and threaten vengeance; topursue the ‘tinkering* system, or resort to arms ? On this subject hesitation would have been criminal. Honor, justice and’ generous policy, pointed out the course to be pursued, arid their com mands were obeyed. Why Was En gland selected'? The answer is at hand. ■* With her all hope of; redress by negotiation was at an end. With her adversary it was still alive.’ Faint indeed was expectation, i Tins pro gress of orir negbeiation had been artfutfyv infamously if you please, retarded ; but the administration, as in its conduct to Great Britain, clung to the hope of finally effecting their just objects * without a 1 rdteort- to arms. If m* our ‘’intercourse with these- two powers a stronger lari-* guage and a bolder tone had been used, I confess my satisfaction worilci riot have been * ditriin,ished. But in governments as with individuals, the form is nothing when the substance is preserved. • There is however an other cause of wari The impress ment’ ©f our seamen, native and ‘na turqlized. ;We are repeatedly tolds emphatically told* that Great Bri tain does not piaimthe of im- native Americkna. It is true she does not claim the right, she only persists in the practice . No great injury is said to be done by a few errors on a’ subject on which to avoid is next to impossiblc.- *The American impressed is disebar ed when he proves his nativity.; The/ opinion of a foolish -midship man or a surly officer is evidence suiftci cient to make an Americana sailor of his 1 Evidence adthehti* cated and formal, can after process of years, restore’him to hisJeountry. 1 say nothing of the hardships he endures during this purgatorial pro ; nation.. it is-enough for him to know and feel that while his countrymen are free he is a slave. It nas been urged on this subject that t..e habeas ; carpus act afforded the means o|Te lief. Os all arguments tms isglhd most suprt ridiculous. s Tne habeas corpus act to relieve a sailor shifted from vessel jp vessel, and clime to c|ime i l o day at Cape riorn, to-morrow at tne Cape of Good Hope—at one ; time scoi cuing under a tropical sUn, at auouier freezing in the polar regions* t Even if vviinm the reach oi suen relief, how is he to’ procure the necessary evidence ? Fhis is worse than cry. But where is tne (inference between native and naturalised sea men l l ney are eqoahy bouna io o beyjlhe laws of me Culled the|r arc entitled 1° I turn. *,'4 he •cousUtuliua auluonsc^ our naturalisation laws and tile go vernment is bound by every obliga tion of honor and Justice to protect those * Who have been incorporated into but* political society, even tho’ they thay have had the good Tor*tine first to atfe the light in thd doming Ons of a king. 1 It is not now a ques tion whether the la\Vs on this sub ject’ are dictated by‘sound policy— enquiry is, what is thfc.duty pf the government to 1 persons thus ; circumstanced. : The first great du ty is that of protecting their perions. There is fid-escaping from the Iprce of “this 1 obligati bn’ without ‘disrate* The impressment of Heathen; Was specially stated as cause of vrari’ not to'sWell the 4 list of imaginary: griev ances, not tolilacken the charactei of our adyersary has-beert’ s‘jggest-- ed herei ; but its a ground of serious complaint,; a practice affectinjif the vital principle of independence.*— Ihe doctrines contended for by the government have beep called novel doctrines, and to deeply damn the u\ they have been called French doc trines.’ It is said* that the ;idea of France, ’that a vessel is a floating colonyv is adopted here. I will not detain the, committee by an attempt to shew that this doctrine is not of live present days or to express n.y contempt for ti ts or any other in stance ot our exertion to when reason cauly ought to be addressed. But I will shew that this doctrine is as bid as the govern ment of our Country* *Tj»-e first Pi e sidentf u hese; narrl^ ’ f, cannot pro nounce without General Washington, contended for the ‘doc trine 5 that ‘the flag of the U. Stklea should cover and protect, .all thosft , who sailed under if, with ilic ekeep* lion of enemy soldiers or despriersi Mn‘Jefferson in 1792,* undeFndlte dU retfibn oF the purest and diioit iir* tuopsj; thief magistrate: ever given b.y h hind Providence Uo a ghateful nation; writes jto Mi'. Thos. Pinkney simplest rule‘Will be, that the vessel being l American sihall be evidence that the seamen 1 on board such.’* The game riiMh’ aU most it) the same words, ’ is suggest ed to Mr.’ King Hi ”1796, with this addition, that ‘ humanity as’ well a* Interest, powerfully: plead for it si es tablish brent’ at’ leaisf on the High” seas.’’ ‘This rule covers seamen of every idlass,‘niot as an unforeseen consequence, but as an effect intend ed to be* produced. Government then insisted that their flag should* protect native Americans and natu* tali zed'Americans; briginally British: subjacts. ’ Iti demanded stilt more,* thar.it should protect ’British sub jects not. naturalized.’ In the latter already quoted is to be found in the’ following passage. * ‘After enume ratifig the’pcrsohs about whom there could” be no dispute, Mr. Pickering writes— 4 The fduHh class consists of British bom subjects ; but who or many of them’ may have 1 bebonte ci tizens subsequent to. the treaty of peace, : or who hereafter may be ad .milled to the rights of citizens* • It is this class alone 1 about whom any pretence of right to impress can be made* With; regard tcPtliese, it may be attempted to protect them, as wfelb.in time of war as of peace, ’in the following case s- First- when they Shall have served in Americanwes ?el£ public or* private .for the samtf Si in Which foreigners serving in ish vessels would acquire the t of British subjects, - which is understood to be three years; or, secondly if so much cannot b# ofc tained, when these persons origP” nally British subjects shaft have re sided five years in-the U. Stales artct been formally admitted to the rights of citizens according to our laws.* I-pass over the intermediate Corres pondence on this subject, to the fe*«» ter of a man who stands at thC;t>elid: of the party called Federal in the -CJ. States, to Whose intellectual-energy no praise can*do justice—whose an-* thontywiH nqt be disputed ay a par ty who feel and acknowledge his su perior endowments.. in tw letter Mi. Kingiw the 20th’ Sepcem >cr, 1800 the Chief Justice,’ ta»y of State, says * The impiess ment of our seamen is an injury of very serious magnitude, umich deeply atfects the ted mgs and honor of the nation. 4 Ino right io im press those <who were British suo jtciSvi)as been ascertained, and the rigntTo impress of ’evcry .liter nation not been utaclapiyH neither the jgjie practice Ol lie r can b«*jssti lied.’ A 4 ?iiiw juius * • * -i J 9 . ¥ NX XL
