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VOL I.
PHTWTED WISEKLT,
BY HODGE & DONNELL*
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* Congre.^ianafi
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
debate ov the loan bill.
MR. FORSYTH’S SPEECH.
( Continued.)
We are told by the gentleman
from Nk Y. Mr* .Grosvenor, that the
employment of the Indians was jus
tifiable—that he would have adopted
the same means*. The state of war
is certainly a destruction of the or
dinary rules which govern nations in
their conduct to each other. Even
this state* however has rules which
generous nations implicitly obey ;
rules violated by the employment
of a force whose destructive, effec
cannot be Controled*—The .effect of
the employment of this species o
annoyance had beert proved by pas‘
experience, During the revolution
ary war it was denounced in tne Par
liament of G. B. as destructive &
odious. Modern improvements are
visible on this Suojecti. ~ In England
*t this day it is matter of boast and
joy that the redman mingles in bat
tle by the side of his white friend.
The imagination is delighted by the
picturesque effect of the tomahawk
darkening by the side pf the glit
ter of the bayonet—by the rude
dress of the savage viewed in con
junction with tlie splendid costume
of the disciplined soldier* The
groans of the scalped victim are no
longer permitted to strike upon the
ear—it is delighted by the dramatic
effect of the yell of the savage fil
ing the air, in combination with the
shout of the . civilized barbarian. I
envy no man’s feelings who can be
lieve the employment of an Indian
force justiijable. The conclusion
however may be drawn without fear
of refutation, that it is an evidence
of the regard of Christianity in those
who adopt it.
We are informed by an honora
ble gentleman from Massachusetts,
that our sympathies for Spain ought
to have prevented the declaration of
war : Spain, fighting in a cause holy
and sacred as the cause of our own
Revolution, was injured by our at
tempt to resist encroachments upon
our rights. There is no man who
does not wish success to the Spani
ards——but sir, when we are called
upon to make sacrifices and submit
to injustice on their accoupt, it be
comes necessary to examine the na
ture of the contest and the probable
consequence of thfe success of parties
.engaged in it. What is that«cause
which has been compared to our re
volutionary struggle ? it is the cause
of pride no,t of principle,
which having its foundation among
the genetrous feelings of the human
hea||j, may inspire admiration .and
excite sympathy, but which is re
jected by reason, he memorable
siege of Saragoza was sustained, the
immortal Palafox died, not to extends
or preserve the liberties of the peo
ple. but for the paltry privilege of
choosing th 1 e puppet who wasfto sit
upon the throne—At the commence-. *
inent of the memorable struggle,
Spain was completely governed by
preiich councils aSfirshe had been
an integral part of the empire.- All
her resources Were at the command
of.the emperor. Napoleon might
give great stability to nis power, but
immediately he was to gain nothing
by the change of kings but the grati
fication of his family pride. Won
derful and important controversy,
whether the descendant of a French
man or $ Corsican should sit upon
tiie throne, whetner the political au
tongEph should be of the ancient or
tlfe riew dynasty, a Bourbon or a
%Bnnaparte£of fTTamily
ce!>lo,s ha<f imifptjd ’
lung past, or ot out who had grasp-
IPwitiiMHehr own hands in the
ATHENE THURSDAY; APRIL 38, 1 & 14.
. -s
present days ! \nd what was the
consequence of the struggle which
ensued ? The ■ resources of Spain
became the property of Britain ; no
other effect was produced than'a
change 6f masters. • What differ
<-nce between dominion of one or the
other The people obtain no
privileges arid the United States de
rive no benefits. ‘ To us it cannot be
important, whether ■ the *wires are
moved by an English or a French
juggler; Whether .the despatches of
Spain are issued bt Castlereagh or
Bassano. The comparison of this
with our. Revolution ’is odious and
unjust profanation to the dshes of
Washington and his cotemporary
patriots. The American people
*bught for their own privileges—the
Spaniards'for the privileges of their
rulers. Our fathers fought for tne
right of self-government; for free
dom political and religious; thev
mr the choice of the . foot which is
to trample on their servile necks—
t he- principles of our contest seem
to be as little understood as their
mits of constitutional opposition
in the cause of G. Britain, in the si
tuation of the world, in the affairs
of the peninsula, there was nothing
to demand or require our forbear
ance to seek redress even fpr inci
dental, injuriest But were the or
ders in council* really intended to
injure France, * and France only ?
Far from it; t The decrees of which
they pretended To be retaliatory,
were imperative and useless. It was
the boast of the Brit'sh government
chat they were futile and impotent.
>fa, sir, the object of This system of
retaliation upon France, was to foster
British at the expence of ’> neutral
commerce. The pretence* to cover
this object was the decrees of France.
Flimsy indeed, but still sufficient
for a government which desires* to
cover, if iti does not conceal, its real
intentions from the public view. >.-•
.1; will, fiot turn* to ; the dog eared
volumes of public documents to shew
the correctness of this position ; I
will rely upon the declaration of two
persons of great authority on this
subject, Perceval and Castlereaghi
l might repeat the idea expressed on
and former occasion by a gentleman of
New-Yo,rk< that ihe admission of
your adversary is the best evidence
of the existence of any fact which'is
sought to be proved.’ In I*Bo7, Mr.
Perceval recommended this system
to the then ministers & was seconded
by Lord Castlereagh. Perceval said*
“ You might say , that no goods
should be carried to France except
they first touched at a British;port.
They might be forced to be entered
at the custom house and a.certain en*
try imposed which would contribute
*o enhance the price and give a bet
ter sale in the foreign market to jour
own commodities • ,;«j ,y
The object there distinctly! a
vowed—it is not to injure France but
to give a better sale to English com
modities in foreign markets by*le*4
vying a tax upon neural vessels in
British ports. What was the pre
text ? Gentlemen may sqy, our sub
mission to French encroachments.
Such encroachments had not been
made,on our commerce, or, if made
were not known in this country at
the time the first T>rder was issued.
Lord Castlereagh,. in the debate al
ready alluded to, shews that a pre*
text could be found whether we were
inctude&»in the operation of the
French decrees or were special y
excepted from their effects. I will
qse,his owq words—speaking of tc,
decree of Beylin he says, ‘‘ Since the
publication of this decree, which had
aj first been gimeral as* to all nati
ons* some communications had taken
place between the American minis-;
ter in this country and the French
government, in consequence of which
some practical relaxation of the de
cree had tske«bl»ce.- This was one
ground why we should look upon A-:
merica with jealousy ; it was an ag
gravation that srie had by a secret
understanding with the French go
vernment contrived to tackjp her ship
ping out of the operation of tie de
cree that was at first Our
submission toll’ which did
not a decree admitted to be
useless, was sufficient to justify re
taliation ; being exempts! from its
practical effects,, was an aggravatio n
#hith justified the same system !
Is it unfair under these circumsuu
ces to conclude that these orders
lapulffiiave, been Wjhyid had tne d.-
-crees of France never existed ?
Some other peftext equally,
T ‘ » * -•* * • .• t
would have been defended Here.—
We are not at this day td learn tH&t
the real motives of the acts of that
government are hs opposite to thoke
avowed as Heaven is to Hell. ♦ Fiue
Id their principles, Perceval and Cas;
tlereagh Were no sooner
into the ministry than theplan pre
viously recommended 1 bv them was
acted up|jp. What Was tftlir theorfj
out of administration, Was' 1 their
practice in it, * The order of Govern*
her was substantially what had been
pressed upon the former ‘
when America’ was exempted from
the operation of the French
It may be imagined that thi3 plan
was bottomed upon w some alledged
submission tome decrees, or the ag
gravation of an exemption from then*
effect. Inthe debate on. the subject
of the orders of November, instances
of the execution of the Frenth de
crees are indeed mentioned, but they
are cor*fined to the countries sub
ject to French arms. The occurren
ces;/at Hamburgh are chi'eiiy relied
upon.’ But what is conclusive upon
this point is, they were persisted irn
After the eXciise was taken away.—
Canning in IBli, said the orders in
council had lost their retaliatory
character, were no longer to be jus
tifie’d upon tlfe principlesupon which
they ’ were issued. What said’the
minister ? His answer is to be found
in the letter of Mr. Russell in M&rcn
l»U -
The language of the British min
ister here, corresponding with tint
answer, extingu:sned all hope of a*
voiding a contest: we} were tolcUin
language not to be mistaken, that j
violations of the nation would cont.-
nue until ‘ neutral commerce wis
placed by France on its ancient foot
ing; * until the* continental system
was’abandoned. ‘ Under these cir
cumstances, what was the duty of
the administration of a free people ?
Continue to endure 1 and complain i
To restrict corhnieixe and threaten
vengeance; topursue the ‘tinkering*
system, or resort to arms ? On this
subject hesitation would have
been criminal. Honor, justice and’
generous policy, pointed out the
course to be pursued, arid their com
mands were obeyed. Why Was En
gland selected'? The answer is at
hand. ■* With her all hope of; redress
by negotiation was at an end. With
her adversary it was still alive.’ Faint
indeed was expectation, i Tins pro
gress of orir negbeiation had been
artfutfyv infamously if you please,
retarded ; but the administration, as
in its conduct to Great Britain, clung
to the hope of finally effecting their
just objects * without a 1 rdteort- to
arms. If m* our ‘’intercourse with
these- two powers a stronger lari-*
guage and a bolder tone had been
used, I confess my satisfaction worilci
riot have been * ditriin,ished. But in
governments as with individuals, the
form is nothing when the substance
is preserved. • There is however an
other cause of wari The impress
ment’ ©f our seamen, native and ‘na
turqlized. ;We are repeatedly tolds
emphatically told* that Great Bri
tain does not piaimthe of im-
native Americkna. It is
true she does not claim the right,
she only persists in the practice . No
great injury is said to be done by a
few errors on a’ subject on which to
avoid is next to impossiblc.-
*The American impressed is disebar
ed when he proves his nativity.; The/
opinion of a foolish -midship man or
a surly officer is evidence suiftci
cient to make an Americana sailor
of his 1 Evidence adthehti*
cated and formal, can after process
of years, restore’him to hisJeountry.
1 say nothing of the hardships he
endures during this purgatorial pro
; nation.. it is-enough for him to know
and feel that while his countrymen
are free he is a slave. It nas been
urged on this subject that t..e habeas
; carpus act afforded the means o|Te
lief. Os all arguments tms isglhd
most suprt ridiculous. s Tne
habeas corpus act to relieve a sailor
shifted from vessel jp vessel, and
clime to c|ime i l o day at Cape
riorn, to-morrow at tne Cape of
Good Hope—at one ; time scoi cuing
under a tropical sUn, at auouier
freezing in the polar regions* t Even
if vviinm the reach oi suen relief,
how is he to’ procure the necessary
evidence ? Fhis is worse than
cry. But where is tne (inference
between native and naturalised sea
men l l ney are eqoahy bouna io o
beyjlhe laws of me Culled
the|r arc entitled 1°
I turn. *,'4 he •cousUtuliua auluonsc^
our naturalisation laws and tile go
vernment is bound by every obliga
tion of honor and Justice to protect
those * Who have been incorporated
into but* political society, even tho’
they thay have had the good Tor*tine
first to atfe the light in thd doming
Ons of a king. 1 It is not now a ques
tion whether the la\Vs on this sub
ject’ are dictated by‘sound policy—
enquiry is, what is thfc.duty
pf the government to 1 persons thus
; circumstanced. : The first great du
ty is that of protecting their perions.
There is fid-escaping from the Iprce
of “this 1 obligati bn’ without ‘disrate*
The impressment of Heathen; Was
specially stated as cause of vrari’ not
to'sWell the 4 list of imaginary: griev
ances, not tolilacken the charactei of
our adyersary has-beert’ s‘jggest--
ed herei ; but its a ground of serious
complaint,; a practice affectinjif the
vital principle of independence.*—
Ihe doctrines contended for by the
government have beep called novel
doctrines, and to deeply damn the u\
they have been called French doc
trines.’ It is said* that the ;idea of
France, ’that a vessel is a floating
colonyv is adopted here. I will not
detain the, committee by an attempt
to shew that this doctrine is not of
live present days or to express n.y
contempt for ti ts or any other in
stance ot our exertion to
when reason cauly ought to
be addressed. But I will shew that
this doctrine is as bid as the govern
ment of our Country* *Tj»-e first Pi e
sidentf u hese; narrl^ ’ f, cannot pro
nounce without General
Washington, contended for the ‘doc
trine 5 that ‘the flag of the U. Stklea
should cover and protect, .all thosft
, who sailed under if, with ilic ekeep*
lion of enemy soldiers or despriersi
Mn‘Jefferson in 1792,* undeFndlte dU
retfibn oF the purest and diioit iir*
tuopsj; thief magistrate: ever given
b.y h hind Providence Uo a ghateful
nation; writes jto Mi'. Thos. Pinkney
simplest rule‘Will be, that
the vessel being l American sihall be
evidence that the seamen 1 on board
such.’* The game riiMh’ aU
most it) the same words, ’ is suggest
ed to Mr.’ King Hi ”1796, with this
addition, that ‘ humanity as’ well a*
Interest, powerfully: plead for it si es
tablish brent’ at’ leaisf on the High”
seas.’’ ‘This rule covers seamen of
every idlass,‘niot as an unforeseen
consequence, but as an effect intend
ed to be* produced. Government
then insisted that their flag should*
protect native Americans and natu*
tali zed'Americans; briginally British:
subjacts. ’ Iti demanded stilt more,*
thar.it should protect ’British sub
jects not. naturalized.’ In the latter
already quoted is to be found in the’
following passage. * ‘After enume
ratifig the’pcrsohs about whom there
could” be no dispute, Mr. Pickering
writes— 4 The fduHh class consists of
British bom subjects ; but who or
many of them’ may have 1 bebonte ci
tizens subsequent to. the treaty of
peace, : or who hereafter may be ad
.milled to the rights of citizens* • It
is this class alone 1 about whom any
pretence of right to impress can be
made* With; regard tcPtliese, it may
be attempted to protect them, as
wfelb.in time of war as of peace, ’in
the following case s- First- when they
Shall have served in Americanwes
?el£ public or* private .for the samtf
Si in Which foreigners serving in
ish vessels would acquire the
t of British subjects, - which is
understood to be three years; or,
secondly if so much cannot b# ofc
tained, when these persons origP”
nally British subjects shaft have re
sided five years in-the U. Stales artct
been formally admitted to the rights
of citizens according to our laws.*
I-pass over the intermediate Corres
pondence on this subject, to the fe*«»
ter of a man who stands at thC;t>elid:
of the party called Federal in the -CJ.
States, to Whose intellectual-energy
no praise can*do justice—whose an-*
thontywiH nqt be disputed ay a par
ty who feel and acknowledge his su
perior endowments.. in tw letter
Mi. Kingiw the 20th’ Sepcem >cr,
1800 the Chief Justice,’
ta»y of State, says * The impiess
ment of our seamen is an injury of
very serious magnitude, umich
deeply atfects the ted mgs and honor
of the nation. 4 Ino right io im
press those <who were British suo
jtciSvi)as been ascertained, and the
rigntTo impress of ’evcry
.liter nation not been utaclapiyH
neither the jgjie practice
Ol lie r can b«*jssti lied.’ A
4 ?iiiw juius
* • * -i J 9 . ¥
NX XL