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territory from if ha* of the Unitscl States, tho object of the British government was, that the Indians should remain as a permanent harrier between our western settlements and the adjacent British provinces,* to prevent them from Wejng conterminous to each other: and that neither the U. States nor G. Britain should ever hereafter have the right to pur chase or acquire any part of the territory thus recognised as belonging to the Indians— With regard to the extent of the Indian terri tory, an 1 the boundary lines of the Greenville treat y,as a proper basis, subject however to discussion and modifications. We stated that the Indian territory accor ding to these lines, would comprehend a great number of American citizens; not less per haps than a hundred thousand; and asked, what was the intention of the British govern ment, respecting them, and under whose gov ernment they would fall ? It was answered 4 that those settlements would be taken into con sideration when theline became a subject of discussion ; but that such of the inhabitants ns would ultimately be included within the In dian territory, must make their own arrange -7 moots and provide for themselves- The British commissioners here said that considering the importance of the questions we had to decide, (that of agreeing to a provis oinal article) their government had thought it night, that we should also be fully informed of ** Views, with respect to the proposed revision of the boundaiy line between the dominions of O. Britain and the U. States. Ist. Experience had proved that the joint possessions of the lakes, and a right common to both nations to keep up a naval force on them, necessarily produced collisions and ren dered peace insecure.—As G. Britain could not be supposed to expect to make conquests i xn that quarter and as that province was con siderably weaker than the U States, and ex posed to invasion, it wasjnecessary-for its secu rity, that Great Britain should require that the I j. States should hereafter keep no armed ne ural force on the Western Likes from Lake Gntario to Like Superior, both inclusive ; that they should not erect any fortified or mil itary post or establishment on the shores of those Lakes t and that they should not main tain those which were already existing. This must, they said be considered as a moderate demand, since Great Britain, if she had not disclaimed the intention of any increase ofter otory, might with propriety have asked a ’ cession of the adjacent American shores, •f he commercial navigation and intercourse would be left on the same footing as heretofore it was expressly stated, (that Great Britain, arts to retain the right of having an armed qfeval force on those lakes and of holding mil itary posts and establishments oh their shores. 2. The boundary line west of lake Superior and thence to the Mississippi, to be revised; and the treaty right of G- Britain to the navi* w&tion bf the Mississippi, to be continued, when asked, whether they did not mean the line from the lake of the Woods to the Missis sippi, the British commissioners repeated that they meant the line from lake Superior to that dive* : j 3* A direct communication from Halifax and the province of New Brunswick to Que ■ bee, to be secured to Great Britain. In ans wer to our question, in what manner this was to be effected, we were told that it must be done by a cession to Great Britain of that portion of thejiistrict of Maine (in the state f Massachusetts) which Intervenes between ew Brunswick and Quebec, and prevents at direct communication. Reverting to the proposed provisional ar ticle, respecting, the Indian pacification and Boundary, the British Commissioners conclu ded by stating to us, that if the conferences Should be suspended by our refusal to agree ip such an article, without having obtained farther instructions from our government, Great Britain would not Consider herself Bound to abide by the terms which she now* offered, but would be at liberty to vary and regulate her demands according to subsequent events, and in such manner as the state of the war, at the time of renewing the negociations, might warrant. We asked whether the statement made, respecting the proposed revision of the boun dary tine between the United States and the dominions of Great Britain, embraced all the objects she meant to bring forward for dis cussion, and what were particularly her views with respect to Moose Island, and such other islands in the bay of Passamaquaddy, as had been in our possession till the present war, but had been lately captured ? we were an swered that those islands, belonged of right to Great Britain, (as much so, one, of the Commissioners saia, as Northamptonshire,) they would certainly be kept by her, and were not even supposed tohe an object of discussion From the forcible manner in which the de mind, that the United States should keep no naval armed forde on the Lakes, nor any mil itary force on their shores, had been brought forward we were induced, to enquire Whether this condition was also meant as a sine qua non ? To. this the British commissioners de clined giving a positive answer. They said that they had been sufficiently explicit, that they had given us one sine qua non, and when we had disposed of that, it would be time enough to give us answer as to another. ‘ v We then answered that, considering the na ture and importance of the communication made this day, we wished the British com missioners to reduce their proposals to writing, before we gave them an answer; this they agreed to and promised tb send us an official ante without delay. We need hardly say that the demands of Great Britain wiil receive from us an unani mous and decided negative. We do not deem it necessary to detain the John Adams for the purpose of transmitting to you the official notes which may pass on the subject and close the negotiation And we have felt our duty immediately to apprize you, by this hasty, hut correct sketch of our last con ference, that there is not, at present, anyliope of peace ‘ t We have the honor to be, sir, with perfect ftsjec r, youi obedient serrSnts. ADAMS, J. A. BaYaRD/ H. CLAY, JON A. RUSSEL, ALBERI C ALL ATIN. Note of the British Commissioners « Received after the above letter was written- The undersigned, Plenipotentiaries of his Briu&nic majesty, do themselves the honor of acquainting the Plenipotentiaries of the Uni ted States, that they have communicated to their Court the result of the conference which they had the honor of holding with them up on the 9th inst. in w nich they stated that they were unprovided with any specific instruc tions, as to comprehending the Indian Na tions, in a treaty of peace to be made with Great Britain, and as the defining a bounda ry to the Indian territory. , x f The undersigned are instructed to acquaint the plenipotentiaries of the United States, that his Majesty's government having at the outset of the negotiation, with a view, to the speedy restoration of peace, reduced as far as possible the number of points to be discus sed, and having professed themselves willing ■ to forego on some important topics any stipu lation to the advantage of Great Britain, can not but feel some surprise that the overn ment of the United States should not have fur nished their plenipotentiaries with instruc tions upon those points which could not fail to come discussion, Under the inability of the American ple nipotentiaries, to conclude any article up on thesubject of an Indian pacification & Indi an boundary, which shall bind the goVe mment of the U. S. his Majesty’s government conceiv ed that they cannot give a better proof of their sincere desire for the restoration of peace, than by professing their willingness to accept a provisional article upon these heads, in the event of the American plenipotentiaries con sidering themselves authorised to accede to the general principles upon which such an article ought to be founded. With a *iew to enable the American plenipotentiaries to de cide, how far the conclusion of such an article -is within the limits of their general discretion, the undersigned are directed to state, ifully and distinctly, the basis upon which alont G. Britain sees any prospect of advantage it the continuance of the negociations at the ore* sent time. ‘ The undersigned have already had the hon or of stating to the American plenipotentiaries that in considering the points above reseted, as a sine qua non of any treaty of peace, the view of the British government is the perma nent tranquility and security of the Indian na tions, and the prevention of those jealousies and irrttatio u s, to which the frequent altera tion of the Indian limits has heretofore given’ rise. „ v -v, For this purpose it is indispensably necessa ry, that the Indian nations who have been du ring the war ip alliance with Great Britain should, at the termination of the war, be in- • eluded in the pacification. . 0 It is equally pecessary, that a definite boun dary shdnld be assigned to the Indians, and that the contracting parties shoutd guarantee the integrity of their territory, by a mutual stipulation, not to acquire by purchase or oth erwise, any territory within specified limits. The British government are willing to take as the basis of an article on this subject, those stipulations of the treaty of Greenville, sub ject to modifications which relate to boundary ine* As the undersigned are desirous of stating e very point in connection with the subject which may reasonably influence the decision of the American plenipotentiaries in the exercise of their discretion, they avail themselves of this Opportunity to repeat, what they have already stated that G - Britain desires the revision of the frontier between her north American do minion?, and those of the United States, not with any view to an acquisition of territory as such, but for the purpose of securing her possessions,and preventing futuredisputes. The British government consider the lakes, from lake Ontario to lake Superior, both” in clusive, to be the natural rmlitary frontier of the British possessions in North America.— As the weaker power on the North American continent, the least capable of acting offen sively, and the most exposed to sudden inva sion, G. Brittain considers the military occu pation of these lakes as necessary to secu rity of her dominions. A boundary line e qually dividing these waters, with a right in each nation to arm, botfi upon the lakes and upon their shores, is calculated to create a con test for naval ascendancy in peace as well as in war The power which occupies these lakes should, as a necessary result, hive the military Occupation of both shores. In theranceof this object, the British govern ment is prepared to propose a boundary. But as this might be misconducted as an intention to extend their possessions to the southward of the lakes (which is by no means the object they have in view) they are disposed to leave territoriallimits undisturbed, and as incident to them, the free commercial navigation of the lakes, provided that the American government will stipulate not to maintaifi, or construct any fortifications upon, or within a limited dis tance of the shores, or maintain, or construct any armed vessel upon the lakes in question, oif in the rivers which empty themselves into the same. * / If this can be adjusted, there will then re main for discussion the arrangement of the north-western boundary between lake Superi or and the Mississippi, the free navigation of that river, and such a variation of the line of frontier as may secure a direct communication between Quebec and Halifax. ,• The undersigned trust, that the full state ment which they have made of the views and objects of the British government in requiring the pacification of the Indian nations and a permanent limit to their territories, will enable the American plenipotentiaries to conclude a provisional article upon the basis above stated. Shoutd they feel it necessary to refer to the government of the United States for further in- WttetiQfty t& cnsters{gng}fte!it |ncut&l££? V-’ .• , Jf / 1L ‘■’J V qpaji them to terrain* tfce Amexlr:£& jfc ;dj*9- tentiarics, that their government cannot be precluded, by any thing that has passed, fro.n varying the terms at present proposed, in such a manner as the state of the war, at the time of resuming the conferences, may, jn their judgment, render adviseable. The undersigned avail themselves of this oc casion to renew to the plenipotentiaries of the United States the assurance ‘ f their high con sideration (Signed) GAMBIER, HENRY GOULBURN. WILLIAM ADAMS. Ghent\ August i 1 1h, 18 i4. Extract oj a letter from an English Gentleman dated , Paris July 25. * The enthusiasm with which the king was hailed by the troops assem bled yesterday at the ThuiUeries, was altogether unexampled ; there were at least 6,000 of the line* with 4or 5,000 national guards, and a vastxoncourse of the inhabitants of Paris. Officers and soldiers, and guards and citizens appeared to be animated with only one sentiment—> that of personal affection to the mon arch and his family ; perfectly un like the coolness, nay, perhaps more the iromcdPfherriment which was but oo manifest in their reception of him only two months ago. There is in the manner of this prince, when he acknowledges the” acclamations of his subjects, or receives their ad dresses, or takes their petitions from the poorest individuals that stop his way, a mixture of dignity and good ness irresistibly touching. Even the infirmity and evident pain under which he labours, and the placid countenance which shines through his sufferings, adds something of ten* derness to the attachment he inspires. The close and anxious inspection of the military hospitals of Paris the > other dty, by the duke ot Bern, who did not leave a bedunexamined, nor a wounded soldier without some cheer ing word has made a deep impression on the feelings of an intelligent and highly susceptible body of men who require nothing more than a steady hand and upright spirit in their lea ders, to recal them from the species of delirium into which the bacchan alian system of’ Bonaparte had hitherto plunged them. Are you prepared in England for some powerful attempts on the part of M* Talleyrand, to sap the found ation of your Maritime supremacy 1 —whether to be aimed at through the medium of direct stipulations between France and or of general and circuitous reghla* tions of commercial and , maritime principle, to which the other great powers are to be invited to accede —possibly bribed to enforce them—— we shall see before many months. We shall afso see whether new obsta cles will not be very speedily thrown in the way of the Congress of Vienna, r or any Congress at which than three or four hundred thousand ne gociators would be found necessary. You may rely upon it , that the spirit which dictated the nevei -to-be forgot ten expression, €i Biert que le traiie - d'Amiens,” is at this moment more inveterate than ever ; and the actual superiority enjoyed by Great Britain on the ocean is considered by those who lead the French counsels as in compatible with the existence of France* Govern yourselves accordingly „ ‘beat America, or she will soon have friends that may more than double the difficulty of the task—do not trifle away this campaign & incur the necessity of another. From a late London paper. CHARACTER OF BONAPARTE. He is fallen I We may now pause before that splendid prodigy which towered among us like some ancient ruin, whose frown terrified the glance its magnificence attracted.— Grand, gloomy and peculiar, he sat upon the throne, a sceptred hermit, wrapt in the solitude ot his awful or iginality. A mind bold, independent,- and decisive ; a will despotic in its dictates : an energy that distanced expedition ; and a conscience pliable to every touch ot interest, marked the outline’ of this extraordinary character, the most extraordinary, perhaps, that, in the annals of this world, ever rose, or reigned, or fell. Slung, into life in the midst oi a re-~ volution, that quickened every ener gy ?f a people that acknowledged no superior* he commenced his course, a stranger by birth, an l a slight by eharity-!. With no fr : end fcut ti*s sworf, anil ru> fojtßfi?. his talents, he rushed into the lista where rank and wealth, and genius?’ h and atnvived themselves, Sc compel!- . t o , 11 and from him as from the chftnrc o! a ;ri»»\v He knew no motive hot tut* —:ic acknowledged no crite - rim bui success—*he “worshipped no God hut ambition,^and with a stem devotion, knell at the shrine of his idolatry. Subsidiary to this, theta was no creed that he did not profess —there was no opinion he did not promulgate ;in the hope of adv ■, nasty, he upheld the crescent ; for the sake of a divorce, he bowed be fore the cross ; the orphan of 8;. Louis, he became the adopted child of the republic : and with a puriciriai ingratitude, on the ruins of the throne and thfc tribune, he reared the tower of his despotism 1 A pro fessed catholic, he impmsioned the * country ; in the name of Brutus,* lie graspelh, without remorse, ami wore Without shame the, diadem of the Caesars. Through this pantomine of Impo licy iortune played the cißb/n to y his caprit es. At his touch, crowns crumbled, beggars reigned, systems vanquished, the wildest theories took, the color of his whim, and all that was-venerabk, and all that was* novel, changed places with the rapid** tty of a drama Evert apparent de feat, assumed the operations of vic tory—his flight from Egypt confirm ed his destiny—ruin itself only ela.-r vktied him to empire. But* if his fortune was great, hi* genius was transcendant ; decision, flashed upon his councils, and it was the same, to decide, and to perform. To (inferior intellects his combina tions appeared perfectly impossible, his plans perfectly impracticable—* but in his hand simplicity marked their success vin dicated their adaption. His person partook the character of his nun' 1 -*? if the one never yielded in the cabin** et, the other never bent in the field. Nature had no obstacles that he diet not surmount—space no opposition that he did not sjiurn ; and, whether? amid Alpine rocks, Arabian sands or Polar snows, he seemed proof; agaiflst peril, and empowered with übiquity i The whole continent o£ Europe trembled at beholding audacity of his designs, and the mir»| acle of their execution.**- Scepticisni bowed to the prodigies of?fis perform mance—romance assumed the aijf of history—nor was there aught toi> incredible for belief, or too fanciful for expectation, when the world s'avr a gubaltern of Corsica waving his im** periai flag over her most ancient itals. All the visions of antiquity* became common places in his conr_ tempi at ion—kings were his people-** Nations were his out-posts—and he v disposed of courts, and camps, andL churches, and cabinets as If they were the titular dignitaries of chess board* Amid all these changes he stood ’ immutable as adamant. It mattered little whether in the field or drawing •Toom—\\dth the mob or the levee— Wearing the jacobin bonnet or the iron crown—banished a Or espousing a Lorraine—dictation peace on a raft to the Czar of Russia, or contemplating defeat at the gal lows of Leipsic—he \ was still the* same military despot. Cradled in the camp, he was the last hour the darling of the army. Os all his soldiers, not one forsook him, till affection was useless, and their fi**st stipulation safety/ of their favourite. They new well that if he was lavish of them, he was prodigal of himself ; and that if ho exposed them to peril he repaid them with plunder. Fur the soldier he subsidized every people-—to tha people he even made pride pay tKr bute. The victorious veteran glittered with his gains—and his capitol, gor geous with the spoils of art, became the miniature metropolis of the uni , verse. In his urondrrful combina tion his affection for literature must not be omitted. The goaler of the press, he affected the patronage of letter£—dhe proscriberof books, he encouraged philosophy—the prose cutor of authors, and the murder er ofprinters, he yet pretended to the protection of learning—the assassiu of Palm—the silencer of De fyell, and the denouncer of Kotzebue— fie was the friend o£ David—the ben* ‘.’freer, cf &£ —'anti cent his* ••/ - - .