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VOL, 1. PRINTED WEEKLY, BY HODGE V M k DONNELL. CONDITIONS. tat. ‘ The Annual Subscription will be TH&BR dollars, half in advance. 3M. Subscribers living oufof the State will pay the whole subscription upon the deli very of the first number. 41. No Subscriptions will be received for less than one yyar; and no paper shall be discontinued until arrearages are paid. 4tii. Advertisements will be inserted at the customary rates. ry Letterk addressed to the Edi tors must be post paid. —U——i»; : mtm ■ ” Tub following gentlemen are re - Quested and authorized to receive Sub scriptions and give receipts for this pajter y viz iVatkinsville , Dr. Wm. Wright Sc Mr. Joseph Moss. Jackson county , Capt. Boyle* Lexington—\'ht Post Master. x Greene County , Mr. Wyley Gres ham, P. M. Gveenesboro* y Mr; Grant, P. M. GrantsvilDy and the* Post Master, Powehon. Wilkes county— Mr. James Wing field, P. M. Washington, and Mr. Jiobert Grier. Raysvillc— Mr. John Barnett v Columbia Court-House— P. Master. Hancock —Mr. Abercrombie, P. M. and Joseph Bryan, Esq. , Elbert on— -Mr. Writ. Woods. Petersburgh—Nr. Alex. Pope. Augusta— Mr. Fraser, P. M. and Major F- Phinizy. Morgan —Mr. Cunningham, P. M. Dr. Shorter. Putnam— -Brice Gaither, Esq. Mtfledgevtlle—T life Post Master. Madison county— Mr. Long, >P. M. And William Hodge, Esq. Franklin— The Post Master and the Bev. Messrs. Thomas Newton And Sampson Lane. Washington county— General Irwin. Warren— .'Hie Post Master. Lincoln—The Post Master. Savannah— Samuel Bat nett, Esq. Af/Wway—John E. Fraser, Esq. St. dry’s—M ajor Clark, P. M. Abbeville, S. C.—^ Mri Closes W. Dobbins., Without intending any disparage- Ktjent to the useful and valuable pa pers printed :n Augusta, ,rMilledge ville and elsewhere in this State, we will take the liberty to mention the following considerations as in some degree recommending this to public pationage, and especially in the up counties. 4 It will be larger and will Conse quently contain not only a variety, t»iit a considerable quantity of mat ter-selected with care. It will be published at the Seat of the University of this Stale, and will derive from that circumstance Wo me general interest and import ance. T It will be published on Thursday Hn every week Soon ‘after the arrival of the Northern and Southern Mails at this place, and #/ill contain a condensed summary Os the latest and most interesting news from the North and South. From a direct communication thro’ Greenville, S. C. & Buncombe ; to Tennessee this paper will proba bly derive the earliest intelligence from Tennessee, iyentucky, Ohio & other Northern and Western States and Territories. > It will contain besides the com mon subjects ol a newspaper, some moral, religious and scientific mat ter, which will be carefully selected And made as far as possible subser vient to the prattice of Christianity And to the pursuits of common life. The more effectually to attain this object, we here beg leave respectful ly to invite and solicit gentlemen of Science, who are friends to man kind, and who would meliorate the condition of humap life, to favor us with their aid. Pieces on the vari ous subjects alluded to, whether ori ginal or-well selected, will be thank fully received —subject however to the correction and modification of Abe Editors. Nothing Sectarian will jse admitted. Not only the man of /letters, buuthe plain practical philo sopher, the ingenious farmer and mechanic may be useful * here.— From them will be gladly received tod attentively noticed any useful discoveries and improvments i*» a- or the mtchanical arts. Tt is not intended that this paper snail be made the vehicle ofprlvate or personal sent rility and abuse. ; - _ Gentlemen holding Subscrip tior\': papers for the Gazette , ertf re s pectfUly requested to transmit to the Editors immediately the hames cf sub scribers. • THEi^STUCnON™^ Eo the Senate and House of Represen taiives of theU. States . now transmit to Congress,Copies of the instructions to the) Plenipoten tiaries of the U. States, charged with negotiating a peace with Great Bri tain» as referred to in my message of the 10th inst. ’ 5 jAMES MADISON. Washington , Oct. 1 3th 1814. Mr, Monroe to the Plenipotentiaries oj the United States , for treating of peace with Great Britain , dated, Department of Slate, April 15, 1814. Gentlemen, ( Continued.) ) The remark contained in the de* claration of the prince regent, that in impressing British seamen from American vessels, Great Britain ex* ercised no right which she was not willing to acknowledge as appertain ing equally to the government of the United States with respect to Ameri can seamen in British merchant ships, proves poly that the British government is conscious of the injus tice of the claim, and desirous''of giving to it such aid as may be deri ved from a plausible argument. The semblance of equality, however, in this proposition which strikes at first view, disappears on a fair exam ination. It is unfair, first, because it is impossible for the United States to take advantage of it. Impressment is not an American practice but ut terly repugnant to our constitution and laws. In offering to reciprocate it, nothing was offered, as the British government well knew. It is unfair, secondly, because if impressment was allowable, a reciprocation of the practice would be no equivalent to the United States. The exercise of a right in common, at sda, by two nations, each over the vessels of the other, the one powerful and the oth er comparatively weak, would be, to put the latter completely at the mer cy of the former. Great Britain, with her Vast navy, would soon be the only party which made impress ment. The United States would he compelled to abstain from it, and ei ther to submit so the British rule with all the abuses incident to power Or to. resist if. But should the Unik ted States be permitted so make im pressment from British Vessels, the effect Would be unequal. G. Britain has perhaps, thirty ships of war at sea to one of the United States, and would profit of the ar rangement in that proportion. Be sides, impressment is a practice in cident tp war,- in Which view like wise, the inequality is not less glar ing, she being at least thirty years at war to one of the U. States. O ther considerations prove that the British government made this ac knowledgement merely as a pretext to justify its practice of Impressment, without intending that the right or practice should ever be reciprocated. \V hat would be the effect of its ad option by American ships of war with British merchant vessels ? An Aiperican officer boards a British merchant vessel, and claims, as Am erican citizens, whom he pleases, flow many British,seamen would dis claim a title which would take them to the United States, and secure them there all the ad vantages of citi zenship ? The rule of evidence, as the ground of impressment iu every instance, must likewise be recipro cated between the two governments/ she acknowledgement of the men would surely be a better proof of their national character than the de cision 61 a British officer who boarded an American vessel, however impar tial he might and strong iis power of discrimination.-when opposed by the voluntary and solemn declaration oi the party. In this way we might draw from the British service the greater part, if not all their seamen. I might further*ask, why was this jycknovvledgmerit made at this late period, for the first time only, after the declaration of war, aqd when on that account it could produce no ef fect ? In the various discussions ot subject, m many of which it ha* i V ** + /*■ . ‘ \ ‘Jr?- , - ■•-)’* V ATHENS , THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 17, 1814. been demanded whether British government wouki tolerajßrsueh a practice from American ships of war no such intimation was ever given. If Great Britain had Found the employment of her seamen in our service injurious! to her, and been disposed to respect our rights, the regular course of proceeding would have been for her government to have complained to the government of the United States of the injury, Sc to. have proposed ’a remedy* Had this been done, and no reasonable remedy been adopted, sound in prin ciple and reciprocal in its operation, the British government might have had some cause of complaint, and some plea for taking the remedy in to its own hands* Such a procedure would, at least, have given to its claim of impressment the greatest plausibility. v We know that such complaint was never made, except in defence of the practice ofinapress inent* and that in the mean time the practice has gone on, and grown in to an usage, which, wLth allots abu ses, had resistance beeh longer de layed, might have become a law. The origin and progress of this usur pation afford strdrig illustrations of the British policy« The practice fit the claim began together, soon after the close of our revolutionary war, and were applicable to deserters on ly. They extended next to all Brit ish seamen ; —then to all British sub jects, including, as in the case of emigrants from Ireland, persons who * would not have been subject to inir pressment in British ports, not being seafaring * men and, finally, to Swedes, Danes, and others, known to be not British subjects, and by their protections appearing to be natural ized citizens of the United States. Other views m*y be taken of the subject to shew the unlawfulness and absurdity of the British claim. If British cruisers have a right to take British seamen from our vessels, without regarding the abuse insepa rable from the practice, they may take from them on the same prin ciple, and with much greater reason every species of property to which the British government has any kind of claim.—Allegiance cannot give to a sovereign a better right to take his subjects than ownership to take his property. There wo’d be no limit to this pretension or its consequences.. All property forfeited by exportation, contrary to laws of Great Britain, ev-, ery article to which her sovereignty, jurisdiction or ownership would ex tend in British vessels, would be lia ble to seizure of the Ignited States. The laws of England will be executory in them. Instead of being a part of the American they, would become a part of the British territory. It might naturally be expected that Great Britain would have given by her conduct, some support to her pretensions ,• that if she had not dis claimed altogether the principle of she would -at least have excluded from her service fo reignseamen. Her conduct, howe ver lias been altogether, at Variance with her prec.epts f She has giveh great facility to naturalization in all instances where it could advance her interest, Sc peculiar encouragement to .tiiat of foreign seamen. She na turalizes by special act of Parlia ment. She naturalizes all-who re side a certain term of years in Brit ish colonies, all those who are %m of British subjects in foreign do minions, and all- seamen who have served a certain short term in the service, and would doubtless pro tect all such as British subjects, if required by them so to do. Her governors of neighboring Provinces are at tfiis time-compelling emi grants thither from the U. States to bear arms against the U. States. The mediation offered by Russia presents ,to- G. Britain, as well as with the United States a fair oppor tunity of accommodating this contro versy with honor. The interposition of so distinguished a power, friendly, to both parties, could not be declin ed by either, On just ground, especi ally by G. Britain, between whom and Russia there exists at this time a very interesting relation* When the British ministers are made ac quainted at St. Petersburg with the conditions on which you are author ised to adjust this difference, it seems as if it wottUT be impossible for G. Britain to decline them* Should she do it, suli adhering to her former pretensions .her motive could r.cd have been misunderstood* lhe cause of the United States would thenceforward become the common cause of nations* A concession by them would operate to the disadvan tage of every other power, i hey wo’d all find in the conduct of G. Bri tain an unequivocal determination to destroy the -rights of other flags, and to usurp the absolute dominion of the ocean. It is presumed that the British government will bud it neither for the ’honor nor in terest of Great Britain to push > things to that extretdity, but will have; accepted this mediation, and have sent a minister or ministers to St. Petersburg with full pow ers to adjust th£ controversy on tair and just conditions. Should improper impressions have been taken of the probable conse quences of the war, you will have ample means to remove them. It certain that from its pfosecutiou G. Britain can promise herself no u<\- vantage, while she exposes herselt to great expenses, and 10 the danger oi still greater Josses. The people of the United States accustomed to the indulgence of a long peace, roused by the causes and progress of the war, are rapidly acquiring military habits and becoming a mili tary people. Our knowledge in na-( val tactics has encreased as has our maritime strength. The gallantry and Success of our Tittle navy have formed an epoch in naval history. The laurels these men have gained, not for themseivec alone but for their country, from an enemy pre-eminent in n&val exploits, lor a ges past, are among .the proudest boasts of their grateful and affec tionate fellow citizens. Our manu factures have taken an astonishing growth. In short, in every circum stance, in which the war is felt, its pressure tends evidently to unite our people* to draw out our resources* to invigorate our means, and to make us more truly an Independent nation, and, as far as necessary, a maritime power. ‘ If the British government accepts jthe mediation of Russia, with a sin cere desire to good intelligence be tween the two countries, it may be presumed that a fair opportunity will be afforded for the arrangement of matiy other important interests, with advantage to both parties. The ad justment Os the controversy relating to impressment onlyi though very important, would leave muen Unfin ished. Almost every neutral right has been violated, and its violation persisted in to the moment that war was declared. Th® President sin cerely desires, and it is doubtless lor the interest of Great Britain, to pre vent the like in future. T inter position of the Emperor of Russia to promote an accommodation of these differences i3 deemed particularly auspicious. A strong hope isi,-therefore, enter tained, that lull powers will be giv en to the British commissioners, to arrange all these grounds ot contro versy in a satisfactory manner. In entering on this interesting part-ot your duty, the first object which will Claim y,onr attention will be that ol blockade. The violation of our neu tral rights by illegal blockades, carri ed on to hh enormous extent by Or ders in Council, was a principal capse of the war. These orders, however, and with them the blockade of May’ 1806, and, as is understood all other illegal blockades, have been repeal ed, so that, that c&qse of the war has been removed. All that is now ex pected is, that the British govern ment will unite in a more precise definition of blockade, and in this no difficulty is anticipated ; for having declared that tio blockade will *be le gal which is not supported by an ad equate force, there appears iv be, ac cording to tiie just interpretation of these terms, no difference of opinion on the subject. /jL The British government bis re cently, in two formal acts, given de finitons of blockade, either ui which would be satisfactory. The first is to be seen in a communication from Mr. Merry to this department bear ing date on the 12:h of April, 1804. The following are the circumstances attending it. Commodore Hood, the commander of a British squadron in the West Indies, in 1803, having de clared the islands of Martinique and Gaudaloupe -in a state of blockade, »without applying'aa/adequate force to mairit;dn it, the secretary of st;« «t iqmonstrutdd aga’nst the iilegAl i,• of the mua h re nun i stru ned « as i.tUi scommission• t rs’ of Jjmgian h wh.j replied, scnl •’ not to cojJpHgflHK^ade <Ft :n.,c islands as in .rosp *ct, of might I. * actually in vest©?T atm then not to capture vessels, bound fo’such ports unless ‘ they* shall pyetknislv hav", been warned not to enter them The second definition is to be Idor and in a convention Great Hr ♦ - ain 8t Russia, In June 1801, 4th sec. 3d art. which declares, “ that in or der to determine whatVh .racteri/.i •» a blockaded'port, tiu: denominaticn is given only to a port vyhera the-;; is by the-vilisposition of the pov,i ;* which attacks it, with ships stationa ry dr sufficiently near, an e*idt £ r danger in entering.V The preside t is willing for you to adopt either c these defmitious, but prefers the (iHt, as much more precise and determin. ate ; and wftett it is s het it was mad £ the criterion by so for mal an act, between the two govern ments, it Cannot be presumed, rn.it the British government will object to the renewal of it. Nothing is more natural after the ■'.'difference:* which‘have taken placode!: we bn the two cd tntrics, on this and other sub* jecis, and the tie pa Uu re fro in this criterion hy <3 real Britauit fur veil* sons which are admitted by her no longer to esist,; than that they should on ilie restoration ota good under stahding, recur to it -again, Sutvh a* recurrence would he the more satis- Gctory to the president, as it would afford a proof of a disposition in uio British government, to compromise a, difference, but to re establish sincere friendship between the two nations. An jnterferaoce with our com-, mcrce between enemies colonies and ‘ their parent country was among the violation ibfioutf r,mitral rights, com mitted by G. Britain in her present war wiili France.—lt took place in 1805, did extensive injury and pro duced universal excitement. In sc suring us against a repetition of it, you wiil attend to an article of thd‘ convention - between Russia and Great Britain entered into on ths day of 180l r to Ui^ llth article of the project of a trea ty with Great Britain that was sign ed by Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney* ‘■ on the 31st December, 180 G, and to the instructions from this department relating to the article of VOth Mu/ UO7. The capture by Great Britain of almost all the islands of her ene mies, diminishes the importance of Imy iegulatioh on tins subject; hut as (hey may be restored by a treaty of peace, it merits particular atten tion. It being understood, however, that unless such a trade can be ob tained in a proper ex.tent and wivhy out a relinquisnuient of the priuci ple contended for by the U. states, it will be best that the treaty be si lent* on the Subject. « j’ - A disposition has been, shewn by the British government to inhibit a trade to neutrals even to a power at peace with G. Britain and her en emy, as for instance China 8c France. The absurdity of, tliis paetensipri may prevent its beipg hereafter advanced, it will not, be unworthy of your attention. ’ • By an order of the British govei*n mem in UKM, British cruize is, were authorised^to take neutral vessels la den with innocent articles, their return from an enemyVpoi t, on the pretence that they-had carried tb* such port contraband of war. This order is directly repugnant to the Jaw of nations, as the circumstance’ of havi-.g contraband goods on board, bound to an enemy’s port, is the only legal ground of seizure. The claim was relinquished by the British g< v eminent in the 9th article in the project above recited, you will en deavor in like manner to prpvidb a gaiust it. Uis the practice of Brit ish cruizers to compel the comm»c t - 1 ders ol neutral vessels which thvy meet at sea, either to board them m person with their papers, or to send their papers .on board iu Uieir boats by an officer* The in justice and irregularity of tins pro cedure need not, be mentioned. You will endeavor to suppress it ,m the manner proposed in the third ai tide of sx project communicated to Mr. Monroe *iit London in his instructions of tie .jib J nuary 1804. You Will Cnda tyr .vo.