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’ StourjHarul o! nr, as tnucb *a% in your power, to- the list contained in the 4th article of that project. The pictcnsfor. of Great Britain so interdict the* passage of neutral vessels With Cheirxargocs lrorq one n'c.rt to anolhafr port of an enemy, ia nfin ions to the com ipowers. Still more ie attempt tor inter ne from, the port of nation to that of an etence that they are foil will endehvor to obtain, in both inlands asecurity for the petit fat % b*;ht. Upon the whole’ subject your first object wiy t;e a peace will. C ire at are (ri (t t m* o ' l °^’ Tnc-r » the crew. ‘which it may be dorre has be#!iV already, sta ged, with the reciprocal stipulations which yon may epitr into to secure. G.. Britain the injury which she complain*. In tins encroach ment of Great Britain.is notprovded o gainst, the U. States have appealed t& arms iuvuin. If v4(tor efforts toec <smnpfish it slrcuid fail, all futther* lit will cesse, and you will return home without delay. It is possible that some difficulty may beeur in arranging this article res pecting it» duration. -To obviate this the Fresident is willing that it be limited to tiie present war in Eu rope./ ‘Resting, as the United States do, on the ground of right,. it is not pi t fii triable that Great,Britain* especially after the advantage she may derive frdm the arrangement proposed, would ever revive her pretension. In forming any stipula tion on this subject, you will he care iwl not to impair by it the right of the United States, or to sanction the principle of the British claim’. It ia deemed highly important al so, to obtain a definition of the neu tral rights which I have brought to Your view, especially of blockade, find in the planner suggested, but it is rot to he made an indispensable condition of peace. After the repeal ol the orders in .council, and other ‘iiiegal blockades, and the explana lirpS v.*; ending ic, it is not presuma- H<* that Great Britain will revive .*>; ;t‘;d ; do it, u. r 1 piled*- v: ■ will always have a convipon <. •• ‘ pi. in tlu ir own hands. Yon i*i).serv ein ev.f.ry case, -ir. which , . / nm he able to obtain a sat-, - • . , definition of the neutral v ••••?. :ii• * you en. r into none res ,-••• ‘- ;, g lu I gdvttioityfor losses seems to be a for claim on the part of the Uni t. . * utcs. and the British govern-’ nit pt, if et; sirous to strengthen the r lions of friendship, may be wil k> ,l to make it. In bringing the vh >:u into view, you will not let it the primary objects entrusted i you. It is not perceived o:r What pi-pund Cireut .Britain can resist this etiiro. at ki the cases in favor of which she stands pledged. Os these a note .Will be added, ‘Yon afe at liberty to stipulate m the proposed tyenty, the same advan tages in the ports of the United vitale::, in favor of British ships of wav: that may be allowed to tlipsc of the mold favored natrons. Tli|s. sti-- p* ; :> ii must {',o reciprocal. Nr> it l Hit: tlliy can arise from the case of the nonimportation act, which w ;M doubtless be terminated lYi con v.equcnr, of a pacification/ Should c.ny / .pji.hton to that effect. be re fill:'. v , or : und advantageous, you are at liberty to enter into it. Should peaeir he'm.le, you m y, in fixing »he period:, at which it shall take n\ cu in different latitudes and elk p net s, take, for fire basis, the prq v v>oal articles of the treaty of peace v , *’ Great Britain, in 173 with r-. o Iterations os may appear tube “'vutd and reasonable. . charging the duties of the Ltrc.*. coivniitiVd to you, the presi ires that you wilt manifest k tic G degree of respect for the of Russia, and confidence in * ~ / and impartiality of his \ igingf lie question cf ft* , anl every question of Y- md rfigat, you will explain to his \fithouc reserve, the and ci s kg .United States with the Y r v- oii . fi they severally rest. .ig'js'T.dt Yik't and that froth a con mjl and honorable, thfc r ffect will result. i 1 cckokide i>y remarking, <v. CM’ stVSrg ‘pe sontevtumtd that th e irk (Odd y vned: it ton of the empv »- ;• \,V . ;mrh r. w:it form an epoch fill „ fins helNvcen the United sYtcn and iHissia, which will he cx,- :,rrfiyyly kft, and he long and emt gent'v oi dis lie cl by the happy ‘r.*r.d:ns it. Since Yf aY* “atfia bars’ been pivbt on qu•< .'s tis neutral right ily tui ned. i , Ykc ’ucb -hi ‘ e Yikith'bed the world , - * . hjtye * • .-vl, r. J* * ■ with C. Britain and France. These wars have affected distant doitnfriss, especially in their character as neu trals, and very materially the United who took no part ]h promot ing them, and had no interest in the great objects qj either power. I have the honor to b?> See. See. fSjgned] James Monroe. Extract of a letter from the Secretary of State to the Commmissioners of toe United States for treating of Peace yjtlh Great Britain, dated ‘* Department of State, June 23, 1313. “ An opportnryty offering, I ayail myself ot it to explain more fully the views of the President on certain subjects already treated on in your instructions,; and Ifls sentimeffts on some others, not adverted to in them. The British government having repealed the orders in council and the blockade of May, 1806, and all other illeghl blockades, and having declared that it would institute no biockade which should not be sup* ported by an adequate force, it*was thought belter to leave that question on that ground, than to continue the war to, obtain a more “precise defini tion of blockade, after the other es sential cause of the war, that of im pressment, should be removed. ( But when it is considered that, a stipula ted definition of blockade Will cost Great Britain .nothing after having thus recognized the principle, and that such definition is calculated to give additional confidence, in the fu ture security of our commerce, it is expected that she will agree to it.*— It is true, this cause, of war being moved, tne United States are under no obligations to continue it, for the want of such stipulated definition, more especially as they retain in their hands the remedy against any new violation of their rights, when ever made.. The same remark is applicable to -Hug case of . impress ment, for if the British government had issued orders to its cruisers not to impress seamen from our vessels, ‘and notified the same to this govern ment that cause cf war woukl also have been removed. In ‘making peace it is better for botlTnations, that the controversy respecting the blockade, should be arranged by treaty, as well as that respecting impressment. < The omission to ar range it ntaybe productive of injury. Without a precise definition of bloc kade, improper pretensions might be set up on each side, respecting their rights, which might possibly hazard the future good understanding be tween the two countries. « Should a restitution of territory be agreed on, it will be proper for you to make a provision for settling the boundary between the United States and Great Britain on the St. Lawrence and the lakes, from the, point at which the line between them strikes the St. Lawrence, to the northwestern corner of the lake of the Woods, according to the princi ples of the treaty of peace* Tfie settlement of this boundary is im portant, “from the circumstance that there are several islands in the ri ver and lakes, of some extent and great value, the dominion over which is claimed by both parties. / It may be an a'dviseable course to appoint, commissioners on each side, with full adjust, on fair and e quitable, considerations, this bounda ry. To enable you to adopt a suita ble provision for the purpose,, it will lie proper for you to recur tuthe in structions heretofore given on the subject, published in the douments _ in your possession* V Mr. Monroe , secretary of state, to the plenipotentiaries of the United States 5 at St Petersburg. Department of state, Jan. 1, 1814. y C'SIiTLEMKN, I have not received a letter from you since'your appointment to ministers from Great Britain, at St. Petersburg, to nvgociate a treaty of peatre, under the mediation of the emperor of Russia. This is doubt less owing to the miscarriage of yonr despatches- The message of the President, of which I have the honor to transmit to you a copy, will make’ you ac quainted with the progress of the war with Great Britain, to that pe riod, and the other documents which are forwarded,., will communicate what has s:«ce occurred* Among the advantages attending ,nur success v in Upper Canada, was the binpq|t?nt oneof mak : ng capture of gene Si Procter’s baggage, with all the public documents belonging to the British government in his possession, it is probable -that these documents Will be laid before con gress, as they aide.fa nature highly interesting to public. You WiH understand their true characterJ*y extracts of two lettei sTjhvm g \oi. or Cass, u hitfi are tnsiqsed y.t>n By these, it appears that the BHtisli goVeftitneut has e> ercistd its infill <}\rt over the liuiiati tribes within dur limits, as well as elsewhere, ur peace, for hostile purposes towards the United States ; §md that the In dian barbarities, since the war, were ih many instances, known to, and sanctioned by, the British govern ment I have the honor to be, fee. Btc. JAMES MONROE. Mr . Monroe , secretary of slate , to the plenipotentiaries of the United States at St. Petersburg, Department of state, Jan. 8, 1814. Gentlemen, J . I have the honor* to transmit to you a copy of ‘a letter from larf'd Cas tlereagh department, and of a note frma lord Cathcart to the Russian government, with my reply to the communication. / The arrangement of a negociation to be held at Gottenburg, directly between the United States and G. Britain, without the aid of the Rus sian mediation, makes it necessary that new commissions should be is sued correspondent with it, and for this purpose that anew nomiftation should be made to the Senate. The President instructs me to inform your that r you will both be included in it, and that he wishes you to re pair, immediately on the receipt of this, to the appointed rendezvous. It is probable that the may not be limited to yourselves on ac count of the great interests involved in the result; The commissions and instructions will be duly forwarded to you, as soon as the arrangements shall be finally made. In taking leave of the Russian go vernment, you will be careful to make known to it the sensibility of the President to the friendly disposi tion of the emperor, manifested by the offer of his mediation ; the re gret felt at its rejection by the Bri tish government l and a desire that, in future f the greatest confident and cordiality, and the best understand ing may prevail between the two governments. ‘ I have the honor to be, ‘See. See. /Signed ) JAS. MONROE. Mr. Monroe , Secretary of State , to the American Plenipotentiaries at Got tenburg. Department of State, Jan. 28,1814. Gentlemen —The British gov ernment having declined the Russi an mediation, and proposed to treat directly with the U. States, the Pre sident has, on due consideration, tho’t proper to accept the overture. To I gtve effect to this arrangement, it I was necessary that anew commissi* I ‘ofn should be formed, and for that purpose that anew nomination . should be made to the Senate, by ! whose advice and consent this im j portant trust is committed to you. j You will consider the instructions j given to the commission to treat un ; dfcr the mediation of Russia, as ap plicable to the negociation with which you are now charged, except as they may be modified by this let ( ter. j I shall call your attention to the ! most important grounds of the con troversy with G. Britain only, and l make such remarks on each, and op j the whole subject, as have occurred since the date of the former instruc : tions, and* We deemed applicable to ■ the present juncture, taking into view the negociation in which you are about to engage. On impressment, as so the right of the U. States to be exempted from it, I have nothing,ipiw to add. The sentiments of the President have un dergone no change on that impor tant subject. This degrading prac tice must cease ; our flag must pro-/ tect the crew, or the U. States can not consider themselves an indepen ||ient nation. To settle this differ ence amicably, the President m wil ling, as you are already informed by the former instructions, to remove | all pretexts for it, to the British gov | ernment, by excluding all ‘British , ; seametrJrom our vessels, and even to extern the exclusion to all British subjects, if necessary, excepting on ly the few already naturalized, and Stipulate likewise, the surrender of all British seamen deserting in our ports m future from British ves sels, public or private". It was pre sumed bycall dispassionate persons, ’ that the late law of Congress relative to seamen woulti effectually accom plish the object. Bat the President is willing, as you find, to prevent a possibility oi .failure, to go fur ther. Should a treaty be made, it ts pro per,, and would have a conciliatory effect, thrall our impressed seaman who may be discharged under it, . should be paid lbn their services by; the British government, for the time of their detention, the wages which It hey might have obtained in the merchant service of their own couu-. try. .-**-*■'*% ‘ . Blockafft the subject next m point--pf’ importance, which you will ► have to arrange. In the instructions bearing <rn the ,*sth of April, 1813, it was reroaiktcl, that a*-the British ‘government had revoke'll its - orders in council, and agreed that no blockade could be legal which was not supported by an adequate force should be applied to ant* blockade which it might hereafter institute, this cause of controversy see med to be removed. Further reflection, however has added great force to the expediency and importance of a precise definition of the public law on this subject. There is much cause to that if, the repeal of the orders in council had taken place in time to have been known here before the declaration of war -and had had the effect ot preventing the declaration, not only , that no provision would have been obtained against impressment but that under the name of blockade the same ex tent of coast would have been cover ed by proclamatibn as had been co vered by the orders in council. The war, which these abuses and im pressment contributed so much to produce, might possibly prevent that consequence. But it wolild be more satisfactory, if jiot more sale, to guard against it by a formal defini tion in the treaty. It is true should the British government violate again the legitimate principles of blockade in whatever terms* or under whatever, pretext it might be done, the United States would have in their hands a correspondent resort ; but a princi pal object in making pe&ce is to pre-, vent by the justice and reciprocity of the conditions, a recurrence again to war, for the same cause. If the British government sincerely wish to make a durable peace with the U. States, it have no reasonable ob jection to a just definition of blockade especially, as the two governments have agreed in their correspondence in all its essential features. The instructions of the 15th of April, 1813, have stated in what manner -the President is willing to arrange this difference. On the other neutral rights, enu ttierated in the former instructions, I shall remark only, that the cata* logue is limited in a manner to e vince a spirit of accommodation ;. -that the arrangement proposed in each instance is just in itself; that it corresponds with the general spi rit of treaties between commercial powers, and that Great Britain has sanctioned it in many treaties, and gone beyond it in some. >i , fva .; r t* : YrVty f spoliations, I have only tq refer ydil to what was said in the former in structions. I have to add, tjiat should a treaty be formed, it is just in itself, and would have a happy ef fect on the future relations of the two countries, if indemnity should be stipulated on each ‘side, for the des truction of all unfortified towns, and other private property, contrary to the laws and usages of war. It is e qually proper that the negroes taken fit)m the southern states should be returned to their owners, or paid fpr at their full value. It is known that a shameful traffic has been carried on in the West Indies, by the sale bf these persons there, by those Sed to be their deliverers. Os this fact, the proof which has reached this department shall* be furnished you. If these Slaves are considered as non-combatants, they ought to be restored ;> If, as property, they ought to be paid for. The treaty ot peaces contains an article which recognises this principle. < In the view which I have taken of the conditions on which yoti are to/ insist, in the proposed negociationjK you Will find, on a comparison of them with those stated in the for mer instructions, that there is no material difference between them, the two last mentioned claims to in demnity excepted, which have ori ginated since the date of those in structions. The principal Object of this review has been to show, that the sentiments of the President, are the same in every instance, and that the reasons for>maintaining them have become more evident and strong since the date of those instuctions. In accepting the overture of the British government to r treat indepen dently of*the Russian mediation, the . U.’ States have acted on principles which have governed them in every transaction relating, to peace since the war. Had the British govern menFnccepted ttyi Russian media tion, the U. States would have tre ted for themselves, independently of any other power, and had Great Bri tain met them on just conditions, peace would have been the immedi ate result. Had she refused to accede to such conditions, and attempted to dictate others, It knowledge of the views of other powers on those points might have been useiul to the United States. In agreeing to trtac directly fvith Great Britain, not on ly is no concession contemplated, on any point in controversy*, but the same desire is cherished to preserve a good understanding with Russia, & the other Baltic pevus, as if the ne -gociaHfui had taken place undet mediation of Russia. * It is probable that the British gov* ernment may have declined the Rus sian mediation, fjrom the . apprehen sion of ah understanding between the United State': ami Russia, for very different purposes from those which have been contemplated, in the h*pe that a much better treaty might he obtained of the United States, in a direct negociaiioi# than could be ob tained under the Russian mediation, and with a view to profit of the con cession which might thus bemade by the United States in future negotia tions with the Baltic powers. If this was the object of the British govern ment, and it is hot easy to conceive any ofoher, it clearly proves the ad vantage to be derived in the propose ed negotiation, from the aid df those powers* in securing* from the British government such conditions as would be satisfactory to all parties. It would he highly honorable as well as advantageous to the United States, if the negotiation with which ypu are charged, should terminate in such a treaty. I have the hpnor to be, Sec. See, Ogned; JAS. MONROE. Mr* fUonroe, Seer>- lory of State , to the plenipotentiaries of the United enhurg* Department of state, Jan. 30,1814. Gentlemen.. [’ ‘ y” •. In addition to the claims of in- , demnityy staled in your preceding instructions, l have to request youi\ attention to the following, to Which it is presumed there can be no ob* jection. . On the declaration of war by the States, there happened to be in the ordinary course pf commeixe, several American vessels and car* goes in the ports of Great Britain, which were seized and condemned and, in one instance, an Ameficaa ship wluelf Beil frortv Algiers, in con* sequence of the declaration of war by the dey, tu Gibraltar, with the American consul and some publi% , stores qn board, shared a like fate. After tli£ declaration of war, curt} gfess passed an act. allowing to Brit-*, ish subjects six months, from thp date of the; declaration, to remove their property out of the United States, in cotiseqilence df which ma ny vessels were removed with their* cargoes. I . add, with confidence* that, op a liberal construction of, thej • spirit <*f the law* some vessels wen? permitted to depart, even after the expiration of the term specified in the law. T will endeavor to put your possession a list of these cases*. A general reciprocal provision, how ever, will be best adapted to ject in view. 1 have the honor to be,'&:c# See. , s J As. MONROE. Uroin the Secretary pfState to the cp?7i£L miss toners of the United States, for treating with Great Britain, date£ Department of state, Feb. 10,1814. Gentlemek, . * Shoukl you conclude st treaty , and not obtain a satisfactory arrange.-’ ment ofneqtral rights, it will be pro-, per for you to provide that the Uni ted States shall have advantage of any stipulations more favorable to neutral nations, that may be estab-.. Ushed between Great Britain and other -powers. A precedent for such a provision is found in a decla ratory article between Great‘Britain v find Russia, bearing date on the Btlv «pto]>er 1801, explanatory of the 2d section, 3d article, of \ convention, concluded between them on tire sth of June of the same year. / I have the honor to be* See. feigned j i MONROE. Extract of a letter from the Secretary *■ of State to the commissioners of, the 1 United States for treating with G « Britain > dated * Department of state,, Feb. 14, 1814. received last night your letter of the 15th October, with extracts of letters from Mr. plains and Mr. Harris, *of the 22d, and 23d of No vember. “-It appears that you had no knowb* edge at the date, even Os the last let ter, of the answer of the British gov*, ernment, to thooftet which ha|L beei* made to it, a sefcond time, of the Russian mediation* Hence it is to be inferred that the proposition made to the government- by the BramM e wss not only made with- , put your knowledge, but without the saoclion if not without the know!?* edge, of the emperor. Intelligence • from other sources strengthens this inference. If this view of the ccyi duct of the British government is well founded, the- motive for it can not be mistaken. It may fairly be presumed that it was to prevent a good understanding and concert be tween the L lit.ed States apd Russia and Sweden, on the subject of neu tral *ights, \n the hope that by draw ing the negotiation to England, and depriving you of the opportunity of free communication with those pow ers; a treaty less favorable to the U-