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Bonaparte's Speech to his new Parlia
, ment.
Paris, June 7.
Gentlemen of the Chamber of Peers ,
Gentlemen of the Chamber of Represent
tatives .
“ For three months past circumstan
ces and the confidence of the people in
vested me with unlimited power.’ At
this moment the most anxious wish of
my heart is accomplishing. I have just
commenced the constitutional monar
chy.
Men are too feeble to secure the fu
ture .* instructions alone fixthe dgstinifes
of nations. Monarchy is necessary to
France, to guarantee the liberty, the
independence and the rights of the peo
pie. -v; ‘
Our constitutions are scattered ,• one
of our most important occupations will
be to consolidate them into one bddy,
and co-ordinately to arrange them in
one simple system. This labor will re
commend the present epoch to future
generations. lam anxious to see France
enjoy all possible liberty ; I say possible,
because anarchy still leads to absolute
government. A formidable coalition of
kings assail our independence : their ar
mies arrive on our frontiers.
The Melpomene frigate has been at
tacked and taken in the Mediterranean,
after a sanguinary action with an En
glish vessel of 74 guns. Blood has been
shed during the peace 1
Our enemies rely on our internal di
visions* They excite and foment civil
War. Risings have taken place, commu
nications are held v, .ui Ghent, as with
Coblentz in 1792. Legislative’ measures
are indispensable. I place unreserved
confidence in your patriotism, your in
telligence, add your attachment to my
person.
The liberty of the press is inherent in
the existing constitution ; no change
can be made in that restect without al
tering the whole ofour political system;
but repressive laws are necessary, more
especially in the actual state of the na
tion. 1 recommend this important Sub
ject to your meditations.
My ministers will acquaint you with
the situation Os our affairs.
The finances would be in a satisfacto
■ ry state, but for the increased expendi
ture tendered requisite by existing cir
cumstances. Nevertheless, all might
be met, if the receipts comprised in the
budget would all be realised the
year ; ray minister will direct your at
tention to the means of arriving at this
result.
It is possible that the first duty of the
prince may soon call me, at the head
of the children of the nation to combat
for the country. The army and myself
Will do our duty.
Do you peers and representatives,
give the nation , the example of confi
dence, energy and patriotism ; and like
the senate of the great people of antiqui
ty, resolve to die rather than survive the j
dishonor and degradation of France.
The sacred cause of the country shall
triumph I** * v
This discourse was followed by loud
applause.
From the New-Hampshire Patriot,
/ The Objects of the War Obtatnad •
JExttact from a Sermon delivered at Hancock,
N. H. April 13, 1815, being the day of Na
tional Thanksgiving. By the Uev. Reid
Paige. ~..*V‘
To us it is an Interesting question,
whether the causes, for which we had
{Sectored war had ceased when peace
ATHENS, , THURSDAY , AUGUST 17 1815
was negociated, or whicftisKKHK9Pi
the same thing, whether the objects for
which war was declared, are obtained.
An enquiry into this subject is suitable
at this time. For in proportion to the
rights and privileges to which we are
entitled, by the restoration of peace,
will be our obligations of gratitude.
The President’s communication to
Congress, recommending the declaration
of war, and the report of the Commit
tee of Foreign Relations on that com
munication, contain all the causes or
reasons why bur government declared
war., And what are these ? Impress
ment of men from on board our mer
chant vessels, the Orders in Council,
exciting the Indians to a spirit of hos
tility, sending an emissary into our
country to excite a division among the
people, and shedding American blood
on our own coasts. No man has a right
to impute to the government any other
/ reason for declaring war than what is
found in the above named doctinjents.
It was in the view of these that both
houses of Congress voted, that war
should be declared agains Great Briam-
I know not whether it be to lower
down the joy of the people and spread a
gloom through the land, or whether it
be to perpetuate a spirit of prejudice a
gainst pur rulers, or whether it be really
btbeved* that some say. 44 Instead oi
gaining the objects for which we wem
to war we nave ready lost them ** W;
are told that such is the treaty of peace,
that if we be faithful to it, and if Britain
should hereafter impress men from our
vessels, we may not resist her ,* and that
all the objects not specially and particu
larly provided for in the treaty, are bv
us given up. Why do they not as well
say, that all the objects, not specially and
particularly provided for in the treaty,
are by Great Britain given jap • Doe-,
tae treaty apply to one party, and not to
the other ? If Great Britain.claimed the
right of impressing, we denied that
right, and claimed the right of resist
ing* ’* But a peace is settled ; and no
thing is said in the treaty respecting
impressment.’* Does it hence follow,
that we have yielded to this practice ?
Fo establish this, it is said. The law of
nations confirms i* /’? and a passage
from Vattel, or other writers on that
law. has been in proof. The
passage iti Vattel is this, ■• The effect
of the treaty of peace.is to put an end
to the War, 8c to abolish the subject of it.
It leaves the contracting parties without
any rights of committing hostility, ei
ther for the very subject which kindled
the war. or for what has passed in the
course of it: it is therefore no longer
permitted to take up arms again for the
same • cause.** From this passage in
Vattel. or from similar odes in other
writers on the law of nations* it is said,
44 If Britain should hereafter conduct to
- wards Us as she did before the late war*
we cannot resist her and preserve good
faith to the treaty. *
Let us examine this sentiment. It is
readily admitted, that we may not go to
#ar for the same cause* for which the
late war was declared* But what does
this mean ? Does it irfean that we may
never go to’ war with Great Britain, for
similar causes 1 The meaning is evi
dently this, we may notagain go to war
for or upon account of the very acts, for
which our government before declared
it/ i* e we may not hereafter renew it, *
because Great Britain, before its com
mencement, had her Orders in Council,
and Under those orders captured and
confiscated hundreds of our merchant
men ; nor because she impressed or
forcibly took, men from* our vessels j
nor because she excited the Indian
tribes to acts of hostility; nor because
she killed Pierce «n the harbor of New
port ; nor because she sent Henry to
effect a division of thesfc States. The
peace has bOned all these aggressions ?
and therefore War shall not be renewed
for these Blit suppose Britain shall
hereafter re-enact her Orders in Council
and execute them / or suppose her arm
ed vessels shall enter our porfs and
murder our citizens j or suppose she
shall hereafter impress men front our
vessels, may we not then resist her and’
preserve good faith to the treaty ? ft
will not be taking up arms for the same]
cause, but for similar ones* And is it
possible that there exists a tym in our
who or will say, If the
British armed vessels should enter our
harbors and fire upon and murder our
citizens* we could not resist her, and
preserve good faith to the treaty ? The
murder of Pierce was really a cause of
the war, as or the Or
ders in Council. In the passage before
quoted from Vattel, we are told r thatthe
treaty of peace “ leaves the contracting
parties without any rights of commit
ting hostility,. for. what passed iq the
course of the war.” But does this mean
that the contracting parties have no
right to renew hostilities for similar
th>ngs During the latq war we invaded
her territory, and she invaded ours. If
again we should invade her ‘territoryi
would she have no right to resist 1 Or,
if she should invade ours, should we
have no right to resist her ? To make
the point still more plain, that if Britain
should renew, the practice of impressing
men from out* vessels, we should have a
ri-rht to oppose her by force of arms, I
will state a supposed case. , Suppose
before the late declaration of war* Great
Britain had invaded our territory and
taken forcible possession of the, town of
Boston, and at the conclusion of peace
i remained in her possession ; ana sup
pose there no article in the treaty
of peace which could oblige her to deli
ver i£ up. In this case, she would have
a right to retain it, and we lip right to
renew hostilities to regain it., „» But if
afterwards she should invade and forci
bly take possession of New-York, should
we not have a right to commence hos
tilities ? This would not be goipg to
war for the same cause / but it would
be of a cause perfectly similar. ,
But there is yet another very impor
tant reason wh)r if Britain should renew
impressments we should have a right to
resist, and yet have true and full faith to
the treaty of peace. Vaitel tells us that
“ things not mentioned in the treaty
are to remain as they were at the con
clusion of it.** But neither when the
treaty ot peace was negotiated, nor
when it was ratified, was Britain impres
sing men from our vessels. . That prac
tice ceased with the cessation of war m
Europe. ‘lf therefore, “ all things not
mentioned in the treaty are to remain
as they were at the tiihe it was
ded*’* then is not Britain bound to cease
from future impressments I In the same
connexion, Vattel tells us, any change
to be made, in the state of things at the
instant the treaty is to be.held legitimate. ‘
requires an express specification ,in the
treaty.’* And ip another place he tells
us, j Treaties by which we siinply en
gage not.to.do any evil to an ally to ab
stain, with respect to him.from all dam
age, offence and injury, are nbf necessa
ry, apd .produce no new right; each
having already, from nature, a perfect
right not to suffer either damagd, inju
ry, or any true offence.** r
. It would seem also that those Amer
ican seamen who have been impressed
into the British service are to be deliver
ed up., The treaty stipulates*’ that « all
prisoners of war taken on either , aide t
as well by land as by sea, shall be resto
red as soon as practicable, after the ra
ti ficationof this treaty.” And although
I have no evidence from any official do
cument, yet from other sources there is
some evidence at least, that Britain, du
ring the late, war, did release many of
them as prisoners of war. » I here qudte
a statement made in (he New-EbgJand
Palladium of March ?4, 1815 i “A
letter from Capt. J. Odiorne, of Salem,
dated at Dartmoor Prison, Nov. I, 1814,
states, that there were then in confine
ment 4700 Americans/ of which 2100
had been released from British, men of
of war.** It would seem that those 2100
who were released from British men of
war, must have been men who had been
; impressed > for the*other prisoners must
! have been carried to Great Britain in
ships of war. Be this, however as it
• may / yet, as when the treaty of peace
: was negotiated and ratified, impressment
ihd the Orders*in Council were both at
4h end, so the great objects for which #e
went to war are obtained. We did no#
.take dp arms* or enter into the war ? e£-
\ peeling to restore the muidered Pierce
to life, nor any of those unhappy .men,
who fell a sacrifice to Indian barbjp-ity ;
but we went to war principally upln ac
count of impressment Z \ the Orders
in Council ; and both of these ceased
before peace was concluded. It re?
mains for future times to see, whether
Britain will venture to renew both or
either of them.
Again : like the people spoken of in
my text, we ought to trust in the Lord
and not be afraid. The people, men
tioned in my text, seem to be led to this
resolution, from a deep consideration of
the salvations God had already wrought
for them, , l his encouragement is not
peculiar to that people ; it is common
to others. As because God hath pardon
ed and received into favor many sinners
whe repented and fled to Christ for re
fuge, is fas all must acknowledge ) a
great encouragement and strong induce
ment for other sinners to repent and
repair to him for eternal life ; so the
salvations which God hath wrought for
any nation* should encourage that nation
to make the Lord tHeir trust and not be
afraid. •
And the salvations God hath brought
for this lahd, are strong and powerful
inducements for this nation to trust in
»f 6 W d M time3 ’ and ““Ibe afraid
of man., Numerous and great are the
Oeorfe°How o<l ft hath WroUgbt for thi *
people, How often were our ancestors
involved in war with the Indian tribes *
Uve r . e khd^h the mUltii>licityof the na
tives, and when our ancestors were few
with U n^ e, !i they ?' ght be read y to say
r h s , urely shall one day
perish by the hand? of these men. But
the Lord was with them in all their af
flictions, raised thpir, above their ene
mies, and was constantly lenethenine
& widening thejr habitation. Although
a great salvation, for this land. He cau
sed the war to close on such .condition*
as were for the safety and interest of the
then colonies,. But t;he land had rest for
a -fiTr arS 4 < ]ai * cloud loaded
with thi eaten ing evils* rose lu on unex
pected quarter of the world ; and soon
this land was involved ip war v with its
naother country.,, And although we ex
def an< * suffered se
vere disasters ; and although many of
our countrymen died in camp, or Jell m
battle, qr perished in Captivity,, yet the
Lord raised up for i».great and power
ful allies.. Lrancej, Spain, apd Holland
ed i ,n Wv , Russia
and the nothern powers formed an arm
ed neptrahty and were preparing to
upon our
enemy., ,The Lord carried us through
the arduous struggle,, ca W d our inde
pendence to beacknowledged, peace
restpred, and a vast extent of territo
ry to bp ours. Again have evil* arisen
ppgain h * s assailed our impor
tant apd essential ngots-?and again hav*
we ,bpen involved ijn war wjth her. In
former wars we wer*. not alone as to
human aid. While we’ were .colonies,
Britain wap qp otir side. In,the revolu
tionary war we had powerful allies
But in thq late .war, which has now
come to a happy close, we were single*
handed and alone* I will, not say, we
had inreriml enemies 5 but I ought to
by reaspn of the division of the peo
pie as so the propriety and justice of the
w.ar, and py reason of resolves passed
and measures adopted, by some state le
gislatures an awful gloom,’ horrid dark
ness, and fearful apprehensions, spread
over the land. But, behold ! the AL*
MIGHTY came for, our defence, and
for our salvation. Behold him, on lake
Champlain and at Plattsburg, bestowing
his blessing on our arms, and granting
to oUr navy and arpif splended vict<£
ries. >Behold him present at New-Or
leans l and a on the eighth of January
directing wftli unerring aim, the ipstru- }
ments of death against the enemy, but
: covering the heads of our army in thei
day of battle! 1* vain shall we loot
for such signal interpositions of tiod in
any of the in which phis country
has been involved* And almost in vain
we turn over the voluminous pages
.of history to find ap equal* v
an< ! great salvations which
: -God hath wrought for this land, arc
strong inducements and powerful mo
tives to Urge thofplersand the people of
ihis nation to put in God* and
not be afraid when/men shall rise up a
gainst theft*
NO. LXXJX.