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The Augusta News-Review - January 11, 1973, BWaking ( ill 1 w* ll SwjE I j I Dignity H Im J by * rby I[l\Z, jlct il!7ri NOSTALGIA WAS THE ESSENCE OF TWO DAYS IN AUSTIN AS THE OLD WARRIORS OF THE 1960 s CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT MET WITH THEIR OLD EX-CHIEF, LBJ. OF COURSE, THERE WERE A FEW AVOWED DISSIDENT MILITANTS TO GIVE SPICE TO THE REVERIED RETOSPECTION. The young blacks at the conclave were restless and refused to accept the fundamental and pragmatic advice of the liberal political leaders. The place was Austin, Texas at the opening of the Lyndon Baines Johnson’s Library. The occasion was the public presentation of the former President’s civil rights papers. Snapping dogs, electric prods and the dignified Dr. Martin Luther King leading a protest march were the themes in retrospect. The highlight of the meeting was when Ex-President Johnson recited his famed speech of the 1965 Selma crisis, putting emphasis on the beloved marching song, “We shall overcome.” That brought the crowd to its feet loudly applauding. It was a grand two-days convocation for the ailing LBJ, who highly enjoyed the reminiscing of the past glory of his “Great Society”; before the Vietnam war, and the burning of the cities that destroyed the glorious days of racial advancement. Mr. Johnson’s doctor advised him not to make any speeches, but to no avail; he told his friends: “that the store of documents hold most of his very heart and soul.” His short formal speech continued, “1 appeal to /ou to make a compensatory effort in behalf of all blacks, to :ace the awesome task of being black in a white society. The giand-old man of the “Great Society closed with these remarks: “Whit.es stand on history’s mountain, but blacks are still trapped in history’s hollow.” Even at this time tension within the small group of young blacks began to raise its ugly head. Rev. A. Kendall Smith demanded that the anti-establishment members be given a hearing also. At this point the “common cause” of the 60s was giving-way to the divisiveness ot the impatience of the younger breed. The former Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, Earl Warren’s speech was wildly acclaimed and the manifestation of a shared experience, not just for two days, but of the previous decade. Those who had spent most of their professional lives promoting the cause of civil rights could agree only on one goal; that a new “agenda” was needed, one that would resurrect the old coalition of minority interests that had maintained the Demorcratic Party in or close to, national power since the New Deal of Franklin Delano Roosevelt; and which now has been badly battered by President Nixon’s landslide re-election. After a brief battle of charges and counter-charges, CORE’S head man, the noted separationist Roy Innis joined the bearded militant Rev. Kendall Smith for equal time at the microphone to ad-lib a blistering appeal to blacks to get themselves together, and agree upon a program of demands, and take it to the President. There was deep suspicion that the black cause had gone out of style in American politics. CHALLENGING THE YOUNGER AND MADDER BLACKS WHO ARE COMING TO POWER, BECAUSE OF THE JOHNSONIAN ERA TO HELP TRANSFORM WHAT WAS KNOWN AS THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT INTO A CAUSE THAT WOULD BRING BACK PAST BLACK PROGRESS. But this plea upset the young black at the symposium, and threw them into disarray. Senator Hubert Humphrey, the happy battler did not bite his tongue in telling the dissidences, about ultra-conservative mood of the nation at this time. He declared: “It seems clear that any political appeal that appears, rightly or wrongly, as favoring one group or class of people over another is going to be rejected by a majority of the American electorate.” “I would argue,” he continued, “that the civil rights movement got into trouble when more and more people came to see it as an effort to give blacks a special break that was afforded no other group in American society. We know this perception is wrong. But it exists, whether we like it or not.” (BROADEN THE CIVIL RIGHTS SPECTRUM) “As I see it,” the old veteran of human rights urged, “we must identify the struggle for civil rights, as an all-embracing struggle for the rights, privileges, and duties of all Americans.” In other words, Mr. Humphrey was suggesting to the new black leaders, and those others at the dedication, that in order for blacks to build upon the gains of the 1960 s and achieve new ones, they must broaden their horizons beyond purely black interests -- or those of Chicanos, Indians, and Puerto Ricans, for that matter. They must seek out common ground with the more traditional components of the Democratic Party. There just aren’t enough blacks, Chicanos, Indians, and Puerto Ricans to < orm an electoral clout. What is needed is the creation of a min- ity coalition; that will identify, a good many times, with the leasonable majority. To some of the younger blacks, this suggestion implied appeasment. Yvonne Brathwaite Burke, newly elected Congress-woman from C: ~>rnia violently rejected the proposition. “I see this as a ans of getting back the Wallace people, the hard hats, the M uy people, and Middle America.” She declared, “No matt: now you slice it, what is really being said is that sor . of the commitment to blacks is being abandoned.” To others, the suggestion held, merit but left them dumbfounded. Julian Bond, the handsome Georgia state legislator, delivered an eloquent speech on the plight of black people in these United States; he recognized the need for blacks to form coalitions with others. But when someone in the audience asked Mr. Bond for a strategy, he replied, “I don’t know.” Richard Hatcher, the mayor of Gary, Indiana, did a little better. Sure, the 1970 s will require a higher degree of sophistication on the part of the blacks to find common ground with other groups.” Other participants were Rep. Gonzalez of Texas. Burke Marsliall, deputy dean of the Yale University, spoke for the white ethnics, Vernon Jorda - * r *’ e Urban League, and elder stateman Roy Wilkins, spoke tor the moderate black society. BLACK POWER is in the voting box this vear. Page 2 I L-J Speaking I I From I I MF? Jb Athens | I ■ ‘4E I SI By fu Roosevelt Green, Jr. gg The new year should bring on fresh efforts to solve old social problems. However, there is no indication that “business as usual” will not again be the approach for 1973. America is in a very tragic moral stance as the leader of the so-called free world. Democracy has never been on trial in such a critical planner as the present. The Viet Nam war reveals the ruthless nature of this country in a highly hypocritical fashion. The “peace is at hand” lie that was told to the gullible American electorate helped to re-elect a president who is insensitive to anything but racism and power. The war continues with no end to this conflict in sight. The continuation of that war and the current massive bombing campaign widens the scar on the soul of America. Sensible Americans must demand an end to America’s role in that illegal and immoral war. America is becoming increasingly facist with a military like state becoming more of a reality. The systematic extermination of so-called Black “militants” who use rhetoric rather than reason is greeted with silence by so-called civic rights leaders. White policemen are in competition with Blacks in the killing of Blacks each week. Police brutality is becoming an increasing problem for all Blacks of various economic groups. Black communities across the country are over patrolled and under protected by policemen. Blacks who get involved in demonstrations and other overt acts of resistance to racism will find increasingly that they will be victims of violence and suppression. The irony of the police - Black community relations is that white politicians spout law and order slogans to justify white policemen leading the effort to foster Black genocide. The killing of policemen brings cries of “conspiracy” and shouts for legislation to make the killing or murder of policemen a federal crime. The needed increase of policemen’s salaries and training is never considered as crocodile tears are shed about the lives of policemen. The lack of Black policemen in top level positions is glossed over in favor of public relations approaches that is doomed for failure. Blacks are not fools and will not be deceived by police-community relations games. Policemen are generally the victims of power plays and schemes by white community power structures. Policemen cannot solve community race relation problems that demand the attention of white community leaders. Force is not the answer since violence engenders more violence. There is a tremendous need for quality Black leadership that will concern itself with the basic progress and development of Black people. Many of our present day leaders find it easier to use rhetoric or to become silver rights leaders. We must study our communities and their problems so that realistic programs and strategies can be developed. It must be remembered that the white system with its power and money “cools outs” over our leaders. We must not blame the leaders too much but must demand that they produce for us or step aside. We need many Blacks in many policy making positions and just one or two Blacks speaking for the total Black community. Richmond County Commissioner Ed Mclntyre should have been elected chairman of the Richmond County Commission. The fact that he is Black means that he is not “qualified” according to many Augusta white leaders. However, he is overly qualified by virtue of education and training plus experience to hold that position. He is a fine man who may one day become chairman of that governmented body when the Augusta-Richmond County Community becomes more mature in race relations and equality. Let us give Commissioner Mclntyre more support and consideration in the future. He is in a powerful position and can do much for the Blacks and whites of this community if he is given the chance. It is further revealing to note that the new Augusta city administration and the office of District Attorney are in the process of appointing persons to key policy and service positions for the community. It is this writers and other’s sincere concern that Blacks will be appointed to some of the important positions. Since Blacks represent fifty or sixty per cent of the Augusta City •—! "Sty L.ETSUMt&S THU SIGN' 1 ' THE AUGUSTA NEWS-REVIEW PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY Mallory K. Millender Editor and Publisher Mailing Address: Box 953 Augusta, Ga. Phone 722-4555 Second Class Postage Paid Augusta, Ga. 30901 SUBSCRIPTION RATES Payable in Advance One Year in Richmond County $5:00 tax incl. 6 Months $2.50 tax incl. Otie Year elsewhere $6.00 tax incl. ADVERTISING DEPARTMENT Classified Advertising Deadline 12 noon on Tuesday Display Advertising Deadline 12 noon On Tuesday News Items Printed Free populations, Blacks ought to be represented at all levels of city government in proportion to our numbers. One or two window dressing appointments are not sufficient. Adequate representation is also needed in county government. It is amusing to note that whenever a Black person calls attention to the kinds of problems and issues raised in this column, he becomes a “radical” or “Black Militant.” The radical and militant labels are tacked on to Blacks and others as away of not dealing with the issues being raised. It is certain that if many whites could suddenly become Black and assess this country, state, and city from a Black perspective, we would see much more violence and many more “radicals” and “militants.” Any sensible and knowledgeable Black person can not help but become militant and radical when viewing the many dimensions of powerlessness and the Black experience. It is best to refrain from using the militant and radical labels. The basic point to be made in this column is that at some point we must deal earnestly and honestly with the real problems of our times. “Safe and conservative” Black leaders working with devious whites in power positions will not even begin to solve problems. Rhetoric and thirty pieces of silver will not help this bitter cup to pass from us. It sometimes seems that greedy and treacherous people control the destiny of good people. It also seems that the good people die young while the rascals live on. We must learn to listen to those who disagree with us and take hard and reasons calculations about the future. There are more things that find this country’s citizens together as a nation than those that separate us. This writer is more and more convinced that religion or faith in God offers a viable frame of reference for the way out of many of our problems. Orthodox Christianity and neurotic religious obsessions offer little in this context. Neurotic Christian fundamentalism and religious dogmatism of other religious are just as futile. What is needed is viable faith in God and love for humanity. Faith in God goes beyond human reason to the experience of God that comes when one takes a leap of faith. This faith insures a commitment of courage and conviction in the midst of human imperfection. Finally, a number of issues have been dealt with briefly in this column this week. However, the final point about belief in God and love for humanity offers away to transcend many of our human conflicts. This is no reference to moralistic approaches or sentimental religions good will. Respect for human dignity and placing a premium on human life are good alternatives to our racist society with all of its dehumanizing and depersonalizing beliefs and practices. This includes our economic system that causes us to be so competitive and selfish that human values are exchanged for the almighty dollar. Our task is to be more humane and loving while rising beyond ethnic, “racial” economic, creed, and color barriers. Is that too idealistic and too much to ask? Peace beyond power Or advert is nlg~ pays! 1 1 “Keep your eyes wide open before marriage and half-shut afterwards.’’(Benjamin Frank lin) B SUBSCRIBE | TODAY |l_l THE AUGUSTA NEWS-REVIEW P. O. 80X953 AUGUSTA, GEORGIA 30903 K SUBCRIBER ——— ADDRESS |U CITY |||l One year (in county) $5.00 One year (out of county) $6.00 • a 5 years (in County) $20.00 ||||- 5 years (out of county) $25.00 TOBE EQUAL /J3HB > Verno" E. Jordan, Jr. k TO BE EQUAL CRISIS IN PUBLIC HOUSING by Vernon E. Jordan, Jr. The long-brewing crisis in public housing is about to erupt, as several major local housing authorities are teetering at the edge of bankruptcy and nearly forty others may have to throw in the towel before next winter. Thus, the public housing program, which provides shelter for more than three million low-income people and which has proved itself over the past thirty-five years, may be rendered useless at the very moment when the need for more housing is desperate. The crisis has come about because the federal government has put a lid on operating subsidies to local housing authorities. As originally conceived, public housing was to be built with federal aid, but rents were supposed to cover operating expenses. This arrangement became unstuck in the 19605, when rising costs and inflation led to rent hikes that threatened to place such housing out of reach of the very low-income families it was built for. Congress then passed a law limiting public housing rents to 25 percent of a family’s income, resulting in rent cuts which the government made up through payments to the local housing authorities. Such an arrangement is fair and reasonable, but since < the government has failed to release the funds it is obligated to pay, many local authorities may go bankrupt. Basically, they’re left with two alternatives -- to board up their houses, or to turn them over to the federal government. Either would be disastrous. Eviction of hundreds of thousands of tenants and the closing up of sound buildings is unthinkable. A federal take-over would lead to even higher costs and to chaos. If the local housing authorities just try to tighten their belts and save money by cutting maintenance and upkeep, the buildings will deteriorate and new slums will have been created. Caught in the bind between the local housing authorities and federal budget-watchers are low-income families who cannot afford unsubsidized housing, and who depend upon the system of public housing as one of the few alternatives available to them. It makes no sense to abandon public housing now. Congress has set a goal of six million new housing units for low and moderate families by 1978. That goal probably won’t be met. Federal programs to encourage home ownership and to subsidize private efforts in this field have been shot through with scandals that may cost far more than the operating subsidies needed to keep public housing afloat. Even if subsidies continue to rise several times over, they won’t cost the government as much as its present subsidies to middle and upper-income homeowners in tax deductions not available to low income renters. Public housing projects have come in for a lot of criticism, much of it amply merited. But there is evidence that many have learned from the past mistakes and taken as a whole, the program houses are more low-income people in decent homes than any other means yet devised. By-and-large, it has created a pool of managerial competence rarely to be found in the private sector, and has become a source of employment, as well as housing, for many thousands. While the spectacular failures, such as the Pruett-Igoe project in St. Louis have been headlined, the many successes of the public housing program have been relatively ignored. In many instances, the problems of local housing authorities have had to cope with are problems created by the private sector, whose refusal to enter the moderate-cost field leaves low-income families with little choice in housing. Discrimination too, raises public housing costs since it forces more building in high land-cost central city districts. It is clear that the system of public housing must be saved and while further experimentation in housing is in order, this valuable institution should be improved and extended so that decent housing will finally be within the reach of every family.