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July, 1976 - New National BLACK MONITOR
BLACKS AND BI
CENTENNIAL
YEAR POLITICS
BLACKS: THE
“FORGOTTEN FIFTH”
Black Americans were the
“forgotten fifth” of the United States
population in 1776. By then, our status
of being forgotten had not been
crystallized, as it was later to be, in
the United States Constitution. But
“invisible” to the body politic we
were; and “forgotten” we remain now
that 200 years more have passed.
Who Is
To Blame
But who is it that black Americans
ultimately can blame? There are only
three realistic possibilities in answer
to such a question. One is; the whites.
Another is; the blacks themselves.
Another is: a combination of the two.
Frederick Douglass’
Answer
If it were left to such a distinguished
representative of the best in our past
black political life as Frederick
Douglass, the answer as to whom we
must blame for our benighted and
forgotten state would be instantaneous
and clear: We have only ourselves
to blame. Douglass emphasized relen
tlessly the theme that only to the extent
that a group (or an individual) will per
mit oppression, can others impose
their oppression, exploitation and
alienation from all of the top benefit
levels within the body politic.
The logic of Douglass’ assertion is
not without its own inherently per
suasive force. Douglass, an abused
and enslaved young black man, set his
own clear line on what his master cduld
and could not do. He did not always
win. But he always defined his own
manhood or personhood, even as
every black American should and
must do today.
While many blacks were inspired to
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emulate or to follow Douglass’ exam
ple in deed, others looked approvingly
at his spirit but found “the spirit willing
but the flesh weak” and so remained
enslaved.
Douglass’ spirit must forever light
the fires for freedom within every life
which is oppressed. Still Douglass’
answer overlooks the crucially crip
pling effects of an organized body of
thought and practice -- which today
is known as institutionalized racism -
having the practical result of inflicting
at least a “partial paralysis" upon our
race.
Impact Os
Institutionalized
Racism
The determined hostile assault upon
the minds, hearts, bodies and wills of
black Americans has been of an
almost, if not absolutely, un
precedented nature in human history.
Its earliest institutionalized shakles
were thus called by the white historian
Kenneth Stampp, “the peculiar in
stitution.”
Even the clever invention or use of
the term “slave” served to gloss over,
or to even sanctify, the aberrantly
inhumane American brand of in
dentured servanthood. To use the
term “slave”, as all of us tend un
thinkingly to do, is to succumb to the
oppressor’s game. A “slave” is sup
posed to be enslaved. But if we simply
alter the term to “enslaved man’ ’, “en
slaved woman,” “enslaved child”, or
“enslaved person (or human being)”,
it becomes rather quickly and painfully
clear that men, women, children and
persons should never have been en
slaved in the first place.
Such has been the pervasive in
sidiousness of the peculiarly American
disease of racism which has resulted,
both historically and today, in a partial
black racial paralysis.
In political terms, this has meant
Are you supporting your Congressional Black Caucus and other liberation efforts even/ month?
DUV irom auVftlllSArs that cimnnrf a trba Hlarlr Pracc
that we have been -for 200 years now
-a group of continually “forgotten”
folks.
White Racism
Not Totally
To Blame
The fact of a white instigated and
partially crippling racism does not
place a total blame for our present
relatively powerless plight upon
“white America”. Regardless of what
another may have done to us, it is
always the victim who must initiate
and persistently pursue the righting of,
and restitution for, every wrong. This,
blacks have failed to do.
Some Characteristics
Os Power
Power -- like all forms of healing
and growth - can never be imposed
or begin from without. Power must
always begin from within. Indeed,
“power given” is inherently an im
possibility, since such “power given”
would not have developed -- without
a grappling struggle the muscle
necessary either to wield or to retain
itself.
Suggestions For
Black Americans
This suggests several specific
things, especially appropriate for our
Bi-Centennial year.
1- Blacks must come to the political
maturity of understanding, to use
Douglass’ classic phrase, that “We
must pay for all that we.get.” We
must support all of our presently over
burdened and effective black office
holders with our money and with our
doing every possible volunteer task in
their behalf.
2 - Blacks, who have moved down
ward percentage-wise from about one
fifth to about one-eighth of our nation’s
population, must ask for; indeed,
require one-eighth of every political
benefit and of all political offices in
the nation’s life.
To argue that the letter of these goals
especially may be unreasonable is ab
surd on at least two counts. Gentile
whites -- with their numerical majority
- have for years held disproportionate
representation and control. Our
Jewish brothers -- representing only
a five per cent minority -- have likewise
secured and maintained power far out
of proportion to their numbers.
Against the background of such a
situation, how can blacks -- main
taining any semblance of their own
dignity and deserving set their
political stakes at anything short of
only their presently equitable share of
representative power in political
nation’s life?
Educational Future
Continued from page 5
students. Black Student
Organizations were formed on vir
tually every campus.
In addition to black organizations,
certain other developments took
place. All-black dormitories, wings of
dormitories, floors, lounges, dining
hall tables, etc., came into being.’ 6 ’
Black students turned inward and
began to cling to each other for sup
port. Initially, these segregated
arrangements were accepted, but after
HEW, the NAACP, and the ACLU
began to question these practices,
many were eliminated as in
stitutionally supported activities.
The importance of financial aid has
already been mentioned. However,
when federal and state coffers began
to “run dry”, it had a severe effect
on the black student. The economic
woes of the early 1970’s had the result
of removing college from the realm of
possibility for many black students.
Scholarships grew limited, demands
became louder for tuition increases at
publicly supported institutions, and
loans replaced grants as the major
source of financial assistance. Where
students had been given three years
of aid and one year of loan, the
situation reversed itself. Federal fun
ding which helped initiate so many of
the programs responsible for sup
porting black students became more
and more uncertain until many of the
programs were eliminated, or reduced
to such a point that they no longer ser
ved the students’ needs.
While more black students are going
on to college than ever before, it is
no secret that many predominantly
white institutions have cut back to a'
near token admission of black
students. In the Northeast in par
ticular, institutions that used to boast
large numbers of black students, admit
that black enrollment has fallen off
drastically. One major Northeastern
institution that had been attracting
more than 200 black students a year
for the past four years, admitted only
sixty-eight black students this year all
of whom were in the special program.
Reports seem to indicate that this is
happening on many predominantly
white campuses. If there is a trend,
and it continues, what will happen to
the black presence on these cam
puses?
The Future
Ordinarily one might surmise that
black students might return to the
traditionally black campus. Although
the desirability of this could be subject
to question, it would appear that many
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