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The Augusta News-Review - January 6, 1979
Mallory K. Millender Editor-Publisher
J. Philip Waring Vice President for Research and Development
Paul D. Walker Special Assistant to the Publisher
Robert L. Darby».Advertising Manager
Mrs. Brenda Hamilton Administrative Assistant
Mary Gordon Administrative Assistant
Mrs. Geneva Y. Gibson Church Coordinator
Ms. Barbara Gordonßurke County Correspondent
Mrs. Clara WestMcDuffie County Correspondent
Roosevelt Green Columnist
Al IrbyColumnist
Marian Waring Columnist
Michael Carr Chief Photographer
Sterling WimberlyPhotographer
Roscoe Williams Photographer
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Mailing Address
Box 953 - Augusta, Ga. • Phone 722-4555
Second Class Postage Paid Augusta, Ga. 30903 i'S
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Parren Mitchell’s
Black Media Inc. Editorial
One of the most significant moves by
the black membership in the United
States Congress has been the creation of a
formal organization by means of which
the black congressional leaders could
work together more effectively.
The organization has commanded
national attention and respect as the
Congressional Black Caucus.
During its first few years the Caucus
functioned primarily as a means of
keeping open the channels of
communication between the
Congressional Black Caucus members,
Then, a highly effective staff was added.
Leadership of the Caucus meanwhile
rotated among the Caucus members who
were seen as normally serving a teo-year
term. The term of the Caucus chairman
ran concurrently with each two year
session of the U.S. Congress, thereby
assuring a continunity of leadership
during the period in which current
legislation was pending.
This arrangement represented a giant
step forward for the Caucus, as it sought
to work as efficently as possible “on the
behalf of all black Americans.”
Over the past several years, however,
something remarkable has happened to
the Congressional Black Caucus under the
dilligent and brilliant chairmanship of
Baltimore’s Congressman Parren Mitchell.
Parren Mitchell has brought to the
Congress a much-needed sense of
structure. He has formalized relationships
with local, state and regional
constituencies through the creation of the
Caucus Brain Trusts. Through the Brain
Trusts, highly knowledgeable blacks from
every sector of our nation’s life have been
able to advise the Caucus members on
needed legislation and to help the
Congressional Black Caucus in developing
new ways to meet more nearly all of the
needs of black Americans.
Mr. Mitchell has brought a fresh sense
of solidity, strength and permanence to
the Caucus. Through his providing
priority attention to the affairs of the
Caucus, the Congressional Black Caucus
today has an unparalleled place of
esteem, loyalty and respect as a major or
ranking institution in black American life.
Blacks In American civilization
Origionally set up to have taken place
on the Second Sunday in July of 1822 at
Charleston, S.C. was the second major
slave conspiracy of the nineteenth
century in the United States. The leader
of this fight for freedom was Denmark
Vesey. A carpenter by profession, Vesey
had purchased his own freedom in 1800,
the year of the Prosser campaign. His
immediate lieutenants in this campaign
were Peter Poyas, Mingo Harth, Rolla,
Gullah, Ned and Monday.
It was no accident that the day chosen
for the movement to have commenced
was a Sunday. Several aspects of this
drive for freedom was symbolically tied
to the Christian religion. Vesey had
admonished many of his followers, while
often quoting from the Bible, that they
had God on their side in their pursuit of
freedom.
A man who it is said had reached the
point where he could not even tolerate
the presence of whites in his midst, Vesey
also distrusted malattoes and “house
niggers.” Ironically, the downfall of the
Vesey movement for freedom came
because a house slave of a Col. J.C.
Prioleau, a state legislator who was
known for his having sponsored several
pieces of anti-Black legislation, informed
leadership
It was due, in no small part, to Parren
Mitchell’s diligent attention to the work
of the Congressional Black Caucus that
perhaps the most significant single bill
before the Congress in this century on
behalf of black Americans was passed.
That bill has come to be known as the
“District of Columbia Amendment”
legislation which would virtually assure
permanent places for two black
Americans in the United States Senate.
If power - where power counts most -
is what black Americans want and need
most urgently, then the ratification by
the state of the “District of Columbia
Amendment” may be seen as the first
priority of all black Americans over the
next seven years.
In the minds of some, Parren Mitchell’s
leadership - which has brought solidity
and a new thrust toward far more
proportionate power for black Americans
-- ought to be extended for the next two
years. Two such years would, in this view,
help to carry forward the new thrusts and
give greater strength to the new structures
created or emphasized during Parren
Mitchell’s leadership.
We are deeply mindful of human
imperfections and also of the need for all
black Americans to support the
leadership which the members of the
Congressional Black Caucus - in their
studied and closer range wisdom - may
choose. We would, nonetheless, hold
before both the Caucus and our
readership what may be a reasonable
immediate alternative to patterns
inherited from the past.
Our belief is that the continuation of
Parren Mitchell’s unique leadership
should at the very least be given the most
serious consideration. As black Americans
awaken their concern for the “D.C.
Amendment” and as they seek to build
new political sights and loyalties in
earnest, it is important that the Caucus
serve in the most efficient and
imaginative ways possible “on behalf of
all black Americans.”
In this light, we ask our readers to
share their opinions right away on the
issue of Caucus leadership with the
members of the Congressional Black
Caucus.
Prominent 19th
century slave
uprisings
By Howard James Jones
on Vesey and his followers.
A man who spoke several languages,
and had compared his undertaking with
that of Moses, Denmark Vesey and at
least thirty-six of his followers were put
to death for their attempt to have won
the freedom of their Black brethrens.
Execution of the freedom fighters lasted
from June 18 to August 9, 1822. The
state followed upon the heels of these
executions by passing a series of laws to
secure “domestic tranquility” and
preserve the “peculiar institution.”
Newspapers in New York, Philadelphia
and Boston congratulated the State of
South Carolina for its forthright actions
taken.
The colored informers collected their
“pieces of silver” from the state
legislature. One was given an annual
pension of $50.00 and another, Pencell, a
“free” Negro, was given a reward of
$1,000.00.
Going to his death, Peter Poyas advised
the freedom fighters to “die silent, as you
shall see me do.” Thereby, many other
lives were spared. So ended another drive
for freedom, right and decency where the
credo of the freedom fighters had been
“he that is not with me is against me!”
(to be continued)
Page 4
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The year 1978 brought many news
happenings to Georgia and the Augusta
area. It will be necessary to utilize
another column for my personal review.
Today will be a brief highlight.
There were many positive things to be
happy about. Some of them would
include: (1) The local United Negro
College Fund campaign at Paine College
went over the top reaching the $50,000
mark. This is laudable effort by black and
white citizens and again shows the strong
leadership by Dr. Julius Scott. (2) Two
giant new shopping malls were
constructed, Broad Street did not die,
work continued on the coliseum-civic
center, the Federal government
announced plans to remove downtown
railroad tracks, and restoration of historic
buildings continued. A welcomed new
twist by two new historic planning
committees will not take in a section of
the black community for historic land
marking. (3) The Greater Augusta area
was viewed as second only to Atlanta.
The economy was strong.
STRIDES IN THE BLACK COMMUNITY
(1) The T.W. Josey basketball team
won a state championship, thousands of
faithful members programmed significant
projects at local churches such as
anniversaries and the annual Men’s and
Women’s Day, etc. (2) The CSRA
Business League sponsored its eighth
annual dinner which highlighted
recognition to minority business firms.
Nub of the dinner program, however, was
the stirring address by Dr. Joseph Lowry,
president of SCLC, who thoroughly
examined black-white relationships. (3)
The local National Association of
University Women brought in former
Augustan Romaine Baine from the White
House to speak.
The local Zeta Phi Beta Sorority
presented a successful regional meeting,
The Ladies Service League, under the
leadership of Rev. Essie Mclntyre,
presented a plaque to the YWCA
honoring Phyllis Wheatley and both the
Augusta Women’s Civic Club and The
Links held programs which reported on
worthy community service projects. (4)
William Brown 111, gave leadership in
establishing the Laney-Walker Boulevard
Restoration Committee and James Young
111, the Laney-Walker Museum. (We must
support both).
BLACK FESTIVAL OUTSTANDING
The Black Festival presented several
needed and important cultural, dramatic,
musical and sports programs throught
1978. Its parade saw the participation of
many elected officials, white and black,
several integrated school bands from
McDuffie, Aiken and Burke counties as
well as Richmond. This organization over
a four-year priod has demonstrated a new
thrust in “outreach cultural affairs.”
We are happy that the organization
decided to request Revenue Sharing
Funds again for several reasons. First,
literally hundreds of black individuals and
Happy New Year!
THE ROAD TO SUCCESS
Going places
By Phil Waring
Happenings
during 1978
organizations disagreed with the Festival
when it decided last year to terminate its
request. The Festival did nothing wrong,
met every test in the courts and otherwise
in creditability, fiscal nonesty, meeting
program objectives, etc. We urge the
organization to hold its ground in
requesting Federal funds, and, if
necessary, go into the courts to get its fair
share.
BARRIERS FACING BLACKS
Despite some of the progressive
movement noted above, many serious
problems and barriers still face the
Augusta Black Community. We’ve
previously noted the elimination of Ed
Mclntyre, the loss of Dr. C.S. Hamilton,
the huge shortfall of elected blacks on the
school board, city council and among
state legislators, etc., coupled with a
shortage on various boards, and
commissions. The infamous at-large
voting system actually prevents blacks
from getting a minimum fair break at the
polls. There has been a local legal suit
filed to eliminate it.
One of the most important items for
1979 is to give financial support to this
effort. There should be a major fund
raising campaign mounted to accomplish
this.
Unemployment is still high.
1,500 MILES OF TRAVEL
May I share some of my 1978 activities
which include (1) A flight down from St.
Louis to attend the splendid golden
anniversary for Dr. and Mrs. James E.
Carter Jr., (2) The long-to-be remembered
retirement reception for me in
mid-January sponsored by the St. Louis
Urban League and various other groups,
(3) Thence on to Augusta and Valley
Park for retirement, (4) My appointment
as News-Review vice-president and
subsequent efforts to recruit additional
staff members, (5) Welcome home
reception sponsored by The News-Review
and Ed Mclntyre which also brought in
lifelong friends Dr. and Mrs. Clarence
Morgan from Columbia, S.C., (6) I
traveled to Atlanta on February 16 to
attend the second annual GABEO Day at
the state capitol and we represented
Augusta at the unveiling by Governor
Busbee of a sculpture saluting black
legislators, (7) Special trips made both to
Nashville, Tenn, to participate in the
NAACP “March At Vanderbilt University
Against Apartheid” and to the
Southeastern Regional Convention of the
NAACP in Chattanoga, (8) In the interest
of The News-Review or Association of
Black Journalists special field visits were
made in Savannah, Macon, Columbus and
Atlanta coupled with local trips to
McDuffie, Burke and Aiken counties.
Since returning home we’ve made over
1,500 miles in travel in the interest of
advancing Augusta. Because of health
conditions, however, there will be a cut
back on many activities.
Support your News-Review. Happy
1979!
To be equal-
&JH '■B
By Vernon E. Jordan <
1978 was a year marked by a righward
drift in America that blocked the
resolution of long-standing problems.
And it was a year of continued hardship
for blacks, Hispanics and other
minorities.
It was a year of economic recovery -
for everyone but black people. Despite
the reduction in white unemployment
figures, blacks were as badly off as in the
previous year. Black jobless rates
remained at their incredibly high levels.
The only change was that last year people
were alarmed at the high unemployment
rates, while in 1978, they were
indifferent.
That’s another example of America’s
willingness to tolerate conditions among
blacks that would not be tolerated among
whites. If white unemployment were
anything like black joblessness -- with a
quarter of the labor force out of work -
there would be massive programs to
revive the economy.
But since such joblessness is primarily
confined to blacks, the response is to
slash the number of federally-created jobs
by over 100,000 in 1979.
The rightward drift can be seen in
Washington. Last year the Administration
came up with an urban policy, a welfare
reform program, and the beginnings of a
national health plan. Now it is talking
about cutting social programs and
preaching “austerity.” That’s a big
switch, and it’s one that promises a rough
year ahead.
1978 was symbolized by two events
that indicate the rightward drift in the
country. One was die Supreme Court’s
Bakke decision.
Actually, that decision fudged the
issues and did not substantially harm the
concept of affirmative action. But by
blurring the edges of the issue, the Court
gave people an excuse to question the
workings of affirmative action.
Thus the Bakke decision, by not giving
unqualified backing to the University’s
minority admissions program, threw
similar programs into confusion. But it
should be stressed that the confusion was
primarily the esult of the reluctance of
many schools and companies to fully
commit themselves to affirmative action
in the first place. So too many people saw
Our now day begun
By Benjamin Hooks n ■ .ii.ii.!
For black Americans, ever so
preoccupied with the consuming struggle
for civil rights, jobs and equality,
recreational pastimes such as visiting
national parks and monuments often
seem a luxury that are hardly worth the
effort. The simple task of scraping a living
leaves little energy, money or desire to do
anything else than meet in a
neighborhood bar, on a street corner or
visit friends and relatives. But the cultural
and educational loss, as Ira Hutchinson,
deputy director of the National Parks
Service, noted, is real.
Commenting on this gap in the lives of
so many people, Mr. Hutchinson
suggested recently that a national
conference be called to determine why
blacks do not visit thefse areas as much as
whites.
Some people might not be willing to go
as far as calling for such a conference,
seeing no immediate material gain.
Nevertheless, Mr. Hutchinson’s
observations do merit serious
consideration.
Most significant in the continuing
cultural development of blacks, the
traditional victims of racism and
deprivation, is the mere presence of Mr.
Hutchinson in a high policy-making
position in the Department of the
Interior. Federal agencies such as Interior,
Agriculture and State have for too long
been regarded as white preserves.
So his presence here, as well as that of
James A. Joseph, undersecretary of
Interior, should be applauded. Their
positions underscore Resident Carter’s
desire to bring more minorities into
policy-making positions within his
administration. That Mr. Hutchinson has
been able to direct attention to the need
for blacks to visit America’s national
parks and monuments in his capacity as
an official Interior provides even more
reason why demands should be
intensified for more appointments of this
kind.
1978
The rightward drift
the Bakke decision as a chance to escape
their responsibilities instead of an
opportunity to go full speed ahead.
The second symbolic act of the year
was the passage of California’s
Proposition 13. That tax-cutting plan was
aimed at inequities in a revue-rich
inequities in a revue-rich state’s property
tax system. But whatever the localized
reasons, it quickly became the rallying
cry for the so-called tax revolt.
We’re bound to hear more from that
quarter in the coming year. Even though
some states knocked down similar plans
in the November election, opposition to
taxes is still strong enough to frighten
legislators into a fiscal conservatism that
is often unwarranted.
The real target of the tax-cutters has to
be made clear. It’s not cutting taxes that
generates their loyalties - it’s cutting
government spending, especially spending
on services that benefit the pooiest
people in their communities. Past
attempts to cut spending failed so now
they are going about it differently. By
trimming revenues, they hope to force
spending cuts - and it’s the poorest
among us who will bear the brunt of
those cuts.
Another aspect of 1978 bears mention.
Blacks, who elected a President in 1975,
played a minot role in this year’s election.
True, in some states such as Pennsylvania,
Illinois and Mississippi they materially
affected the election results.
But by and large, blacks voted in
smaller proportions than other groups
and by so doing, voluntarily gave up the
political bargaining chips our society
provides. Black people don’t have the
economic strength that makes
power-holders pay attention to their
needs. But they do have the power of
numbers. Translated into votes, that
becomes an inducement to political
leaders to back policies needed by the
group.
So black non-voting in 1978 meant a
dilution of black strength and the
weakening of black people’s ability to be
heard and to have their needs met. That’s
a self-inflicted wound the black
community will have to correct this year
and next.
Significance of
national
monuments
At the same time, one is reminded of
other painful aspects of the American
dilemma. One is the history of Jim Crow
and its continuing psychological impact
on so many American citizens. No doubt,
this history of humiliation affected the
way people continue to behave and the
heritage that is transmitted to upcoming
generations.
It was only a few short years ago that
blacks were barred by law, custom and
fear from drinking at water fountains
reserved for whites, staying at white
hotels, and sharing most other public
facilities that were designated for whites.
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 changed
that.
But up until then, blacks were limited
in their travel by the mere logistics of
having to plan for rest stops where they
knew they would be expected. For
blacks, the mere use of toilet facilities
was a trip (pun intended). Even the lowly
service station most often offered no
comfort. The attendant, of course, would
sell blacks gasoline. But they were barred
from using the restrooms.
Worth mentioning, also, is the severe
flaw in American history. So much of
constructive involvement and
contributions by blacks have been washed
out of U.S. history, that few national
shrines or public monuments have any
relevance or provide an emotional
upliftment for blacks. When it is
remembered, also, that much 'of
American history contains another typv
of pain for blacks - the pam of slavery
and centuries of discrimination - one is
left to marvel that blacks really bother to
visit some of these monuments at all.
Yet, however unpleasant the
experience might be, it is incumbent on
blacks to visit and learn about any and
every American monument and shrine.
History is not only knowledge; but it is
strength, which is a prerequisite for
survival and progress in any culture or
society.