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News-Review - April 22, 1971 - THE NEWS-REVIEW i PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY 1 930 Gwinnett Street - Augusta, Georgia MALLORY MILLENDER Editor and Publisher Mailing Address: Box 953 Augusta, Ga. Phone 722-4555 Application to mail at Second Class postage rates is pending at I Augusta, Ga. 30901 SUBSCRIPTION RATES Payable in Advance One Year in Richmond $2.50 tax incl. One Year elsewhere $3.00 tax incl. .ADVERTISING DEPARTMENT i Classified Advertising Deadline 12 noon On Tuesday Display Advertising Deadline 12 noon On Tuesday OFFICE HOURS 1- 6 P.M. Monday thru Friday The Most Qualified Man One of the most frustrating aspects of growing up in Black America is being forced to live in segregated, sub-standard neighborhoods, attend suu-standard schools, and then have to compete in an integrated job market with persons having reaped the full benefits of this affluent society. The Black American is still given menial jobs or no job at all, but he is now told that it has nothing to do with his race; most employers profess to be “color - blind.” They say they are looking for the “most qualified man”. The Black American, who bears the scars of a long history of deprivation and discrimination because of his color is now expected to accept the theory of color-blindness as if it were the fairest of all possible hiring practices. That is to say, that he is deliberately kept from getting the training that would enable him to qualify for better jobs, and then he is penalized as if it were his own fault that he didn’t get the best training. Anyone looking at the present economic status of Black and white Americans can see that the two are not equal. Anyone can also see that unequals treated equally remain unequal. Most applicants are qualified for their respective jobs. But it is usually “the most qualified” that is hired. Employers must recognize that there is an infinite number of sociological variables that account for the comparatively lower scores that Blacks make on standardized tests and that these tests are not a reliable means of determining who is in fact the most qualified to perform a given task. Therefore, when an employer considers employing a Black, he must look at his color and the entire range of the environmental factors that figure into his development and particular barriers that he has had to hurdle to get where he is today. The employer cannot close his eyes to the unique experience of the American Black man. The disproporitionate employment picture will not change under the “color - blind theory”. This is just another means of shirking one’s responsibility to make real the concepts of freedom, justice, and equality in the same way that people who fought so hard against the “freedon of choice” concept as a means of integrating public schools now use “freedom of choice” as a rallying cry for maintaining a segregated system. In order for the Black American to gain full equality (particularly economic equality), he must be looked at as a man who had to suffer from centuries of discrimination and brutality because of his color. And special considerations and programs (academic and professional) are needed if he is to overcome the forces that have so long rendered him impotent. The most - qualified theory is morally justifiable only when there is equal opportunity. Part 4 URBAN LEAGUE REPORT As a community service the News-Review will print the entire text of the report and recommendations of the National Urban League concerning the causes of the events of May 11, 1970. It should be made perfectly clear that the text of this report has not been edited or otherwise altered in anyway. Since the report is too lengthy to be printed in one issue, we will print it in a weekly series. We urge you to read it and carefully consider the information found therein so that we may begin to work seriously toward meaningful progress in race relations and human dignity. C. FORT GORDON, GEORGIA - MINORITY EMPLOYMENT PATTERNS It has been well defined and is significant that federal activities, primarily at the Fort Gordon installation, play a very important role in the economic and employment style of Augusta-Richmond County, Georgia. Military Activities Military activities have historically played an important role in the economy og Augusta. Since its earliest days as a trading post, Augusta has been the site of a number of military establishments including the original Fort Augusta established in 1735 by order of General Oglethorpe. Other military facilities since that date include; The Augusta Arsenal, Camp McKenzie, Camp Hancock, and Fort Gordon (formerly Camp Gordon). Both the military and civilian complement at these military establishments have tended to fluctuate markedly over the years. A major facility during World War 11, Camp Gordon became virtuallt a ghost camp following demobilization and in 1949, the installation was placed on a standby basis. In 1950, the camp was reactivated to train men for the Korean War and both the Southeastern Signal School and the Military Police School were established at the Fort at that time. Between 1950 and 1960, the military complement virtually doubled and then doubled again between 1960 and 1965. As of August, 1965, the military complement stood at approximately 25,700 men. Since that date, however, additional expansion has occurred with the base complement now at the level of 40,000 men, (not including an estimated 3320 civilians employed at the base). Under the circumstances prevailing in world affairs at the present time, it is impossible to anticipate what changes might occur in the base complemrnt in future years. Cunent expectations appear to indicate that a peak has been reached in the present build-up, but that it could go even higher if world conditions warrant. Our own expectations are that some cutbacks Page 2 In and Around Augusta EVERYDAY PROBLEMS OF AUGUSTA AND RICHMOND What is a problem? No added interest is attached to an assignment because we call it a problem. Neither is a question a problem. It is not a true problem unless various possible solutions are studied in order to select the right one. How can we select the right ones for our city and county? The study of problems of Augusta and Richmond County must be organized on the basis of concrete problems of vital importance to society and of immediate interest to the people of our great city and county. In order to create interest in the study of the problems of Augusta and Richmond County, you must become involved, and the only way to become involved is to be a first class citizen. Nearly every day that goes by, all of you wonder what to believe and what to reject in statements made by different people or groups. In the morning you turn on the radio, or open a newspaper, or look at a television to learn the latest news, only to be deluged with claims and counter-claims. In short, we are beset on all sides by statements which compel us to wonder what to believe. Truth is always an extremely difficult thing to ascertain because one may have obtained facts from an unreliable or prejudiced source, or one’s reasoning from the facts may be faulty. In following the news, listening to the radio, and looking at television, how can a person push his way through the maze of propaganda and reach sound conclusions? Theoretically, the word propanganda means all efforts to influence thoughts and actions. Actually we usually think of propaganda as including all efforts to influence our actions, for a concealed selfish purpose. Is it any wonder that the less educated masses are sometimes persuaded to follow the leadership of demagogues (false leaders) who promise to cure all of the ills of society by some simple formula. The average person, when asked to define the word democracy, replies that it is a government of, for, and by the people. But democracy is much more than a form of government; it is a complete way of life. It is a talent and personality to the fullest extent so long as he does not interfere with the welfare of his fellowman. In a democracy, government is created to enable the people to operate to do the things which they cannot accomplish individually; to obtain schools, parks, protection against fire, diseases, wrong-doing, and so on. In a democracy, sovereignty is in the people; they possess the ruling power. The people, who are voters, elect representatives to carry on the city, county, and state governments for them. The greater the population, the more difficult it is for these officers to know what the people desire. It is impossible for officials to know what each individual voter thinks. The best they can do is keep closely in touch with a vague force known as public opinion. This is supposed to represent the wishes of a people in regard to a particular issue or problem. Thus public opinion is the medium through which the wishes of the people are conveyed to their elected representatives. The people express their opinions in public meetings by means of signed petitions, legislative hearings, and letters written to newspapers. If a public official wishes to be re-elected, he does his best to keep closely in touch with public opinion. Today almost every economic, political, and social organization supports one or more agencies created to win public opinion. Many groups are working for the achievement of worthwhile goals. Then there are numerous other organizations which are trying to win our support for wholly selfish and vicious programs. In the struggle of the propagandas the average citizen becomes bewildered and confused, and he does not know what to believe or what cause to support. In his search for truth, the scientist sets forth an example of straight thinking which might be followed by all citizens. (1) He begins by freeing his mind from prejudices. (2) Then he sketches his problem so that there shall be no confusion in his mind. (3) He gathers his facts by making many observations. (4) From these facts several possible conclusions are drawn. (5) Finally each possible solution is checked and tested until only one remains. Thus theory, law, or formula represents truth as closely as it can be reached. The scientist always stands ready to modify or reverse his conclusions when more recent data warrants it. So we, too, should be willing to change our viewpoint when additional data indicates that the first one was wrong. Frances P. Harris could occur in the near future and, for purposes of rounding out the estimates, we are assuming a reduction to the 30,000 level by 1970, with continuation at that level until 1985. (*) Currently, Fort Gordon employs 3,484 civilian personnel with minority workers (primarily black) making up 18.7 percent of the work force, or 654 employees. Information obtained from Fort Gordon (on minority employment patterns) has been rather sketchy; but during the latter portion of our stay, communications from General Tillson, Commanding General of Fort Gordon, and interviews with Mr. John Adams, EEOC Official, and Mr. C.H. Vaughn, Acting Civilian Personnel Officer, proved to be extremely beneficial. While minority workers do have supervisory and management positions on the installation and EEOC commitments and programs are carried out on the strength of information that we have received, minorities even at Fort Gordon (a federal intity) find themselves disproportionately on the lower rung of the employment ladder. For example: 1. Os the 186 classified minority employees, 142 (79 percent) are at the GS-1 to GS-4 level.(*2) 2. Os the hourly wage earning employees (minimum wage - $1.86), of the 468 minority employees, 188 of them range from the minimum wage scale to an annual salary level not in excess of $4,499. This constitutes 41 percent of the minority work force that earns its income from the Federal Wage System. (*1) Economic Analysis - Augusta, Richmond County, Georgia, April, 1966. (*2) GS ratings range from GS-1 to GS-18 (see GS pay scales at the end of this section.) As indicated earlier, affirmative action programs that are designed and enforced by Fort Gordon do reflect that blacks can and have reflected upward mobility trends. During our interview with Fort Gordon personnel, we determined that efforts at recruiting black minorities for their Signal Training Program did not always provide the number of applicants that they desired and had job slots for. The basic sources for their recruitment pool was stated to be Paine and Augusta Colleges, along with the Augusta Area Technical School. Competitive recruiters from private industries created some of the difficulty for the Post by offering higher wages for similar skill needs with no restrictive pay scales. We also ascertained that a summer work program was initiated on the Post involving 165 low-income youngsters during 1969, but funds were not available for a similar summer work program this year. We shall also note that reductions in military budgets and changes resulting from Vietnam developments have had a LETTER to the EDITOR Why are we still in Vietnam? In the midst of the national uproar over the verdict of Lt. William Calley, some haunting questions persist concerning the United States’ involvement in Vietnam. Is this another episode of American RACISM and EXPLOITATION on an international scale? Racism? Ask yourself if this country would be as uptight over the verdict if Calley was Black? Would this country be as eager to acquit Vietnamese soldiers for the murder of American soldiers, not to mention civilians? Think about the policy that Mr. Nixon call “Vietnamization”. It reminds me of a quote from the movie BENEATH THE PLANET OF THE APES: “We don’t kill our enemies, we get our enemies to kill each other”. For those who feel this analogy is not valid because we are not the enemies of the South Vietnamese people, ask yourself what characteristic the people of North and South Vietnam share with the people of China and Korea and Japan? Ask yourself where, during World War 11, were the nuclear bombs dropped? International racism against non-white people? Exploitation? Are our soldiers in Indochina dying for ideals or oil? Let me quote from the February 1971 newsletter of Another Mother for Peace: “Those who have been working for an end to this war have been seeking to document the baffling reason for our government’s slavish commitment to the corrupt Thieu-Ky regime (of South Vietnam). “Now, according to the WALL STREET JOURNAL and confirmed in various trade journals, we learned sometime in February seventeen highly sought-after leases to drill for oil off the coast of Vietnam will be awarded by the Thieu-Ky government to international petroleum companies, most of which are American. “Since the early 1950’s our governemnt had declared its interest in the rich oil and other natural resources of Southeast Asia. We not only gave major support to the French military efforts to control the wealth of Vietnam ($1 billion the year before the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu), but have supported puppet regimes in South Vietnam since that time. “The oil-rich islands of Indonesia (Sumatra, Java, Borneo) have long attracted American oil companies. But it was not until the overthrow of Sukarno who was seeking to retain for his country control of their own resources, that the door was open for a major oil boom in the Southeast Asian off-shore exploration. “The quest for oil off Indonesia in the last four years has created an atmosphere reminiscent of the Alaskan-Yukon Goldrush. And while President Nixon assures us that our sons are on their way home in a “phased withdrawal”, we learn that seismic surveys for oil are being carried on off the coast of Vietnam by a subsidiary of Ampex Corporation of Redwood City, California. “Early in 1970 at a meeting in Singapore, David Rockefeller, Chairman of Chase Manhattan Bank, stated that in the 1970’s 6 billion dollars would he invested in U.S. oil development in the Great Basin area (of Indonesia).” International exploitation? And, while many people feel that Lt. Calley should be acquitted, or that the entire military is guilty for engaging in this war, do these same people realize that it is the American tax dollars which are buying the guns? Sixty-five cents of every tax dollar goes for military expenses! This is, indeed, the war of the American people. If this racism, exploitation, and murder is to stop, every American, military and civilian, must say “no”. NOW! John Warren Dear Editor: In April, 1971 I received a letter from the Selective Service System. A letter from people I don’t know and have never seen before. But it is a letter that will have one of the greatest impacts on my life than any other involuntary literature that I have ever received. This letter says in essence that the Army wants to train me. To train me to kill people I have never seen before. I am told that I must kill these strangers to preserve freedom, to stop communism, and to help secure free elections in South Vietnam. Why must I risk my life to preserve something that I don’t know anything about? Why must I try to stop something I don’t know anything about? Please tell me why I must risk my life to support a free election in a country thousands of miles away when it is impossible to hold a free election in any town, city, or state where there is a large concentration of Black people in this country. I am forced to make a great decision. A decision that will , follow me to either heaven or hell. I’ll have to choose whether to serve this country or to serve my people. I’ll have to decide whether to insure the freedom of South Vietnamese or to try and secure the freedom of my people in America. I’ll have to decide if I shall try to stop communism in South East Asia or start democracy in the United States. Also, I will have to decide if it is more important for the South /ietnamese to vote in Vietnam or for Black people to vote in America. continuing effect upon the development of manpower needs and resources on the base. It is anticipated that the Post’s civilian employee operation may be reduced by 300 persons in the very near future. In conclusion, the Fort Gordon data shows: (1) A disporportionate share of minorities in the lower paying job classifications. (2) There is some black participation in middle=level and supervisory jobs. (3) Os the 359 persons who make up the top level of civilian pay operations on the Post, a grand total of seven are minority members. The Minority Employment Table of Fort Gordon follows on the next page. I’ve talked to friends, foes, teachers and preachers. Some say, “Fennoy, go and serve your country and reap from the military’s fringe benefits. Others say, “Fennoy, the army, enough brothers have sacrificed their lives to obtain freedom for another country and the United States has not changed its racist policies. I’ll try not to let any of these opinions influence me because in the final analysis the real decision will rest on my back. But why must any Black man be forced to make this decision? What can a Black man get out of the army except 20 years of brainwashing, if he decides to make a career out of it? Why must we keep sacrificing our lives to create into existance in a foreign country, something that doesn’t exist in the United States? Why not settle the struggle for peace, freedom, and equality at home before stretching a helping hand across the sea.? In the eyes of the White man, Martin Luther King was a brilliant man when he spoke of non-violence in America. But when his followers refused to fight in the war because they were non-violent, they ceased to become good Negroes and became Black Communists. I don’t know what decision I’ll make. But this much I have already decided. Whatever I decide to do, I’ll do for my people rather than this country. John F. Kennedy said, “Ask Not What Your Country Can Do For You, But What You Can Do For Your Country...” My only question is what more can we do for this country before it does something for us. William Fennoy (WARS HAVE ALWAYS PUT THE SUPREME COURT IN) (AN UNTENABLE DILEMMA The United States Supreme Court is the legal and stabilizing force to many million Americans, yet at times it has been proven wrong, and short-sighted. That may be one of the reasons the High Court has shied away from ruling on conditions pertinent to war. There are no issues that test the constitution and the Supreme Court as much as war. The High Tribunal judicially dilly-dallied with the celebrated Dread Scott Case, handing down a weak edict that the Court nor the constitution circumscribed slavery; thus setting the stage for the Civil War. During that war, President Lincoln simply ignored a writ of the court. During World War I, the Court sent unpopular protesters to prison, this inspite of the angry dissent of two of the most brilliant legal minds in our nation’s history, Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes and Louis Brandeis. Another bolt on the court’s conscience is the World War II infamy of hearding Japanese-Americans into detention camps which was proven unnecessary. Now the Vietnam War, and once more the Justices are attempting to balance the exigencies of government against individual rights. The High Court is following the low road of elusive expediency. This is because the court has pussy-footed on the toughest test, since slavery-rulings that might encroach upon a President’s power to wage war. Many cases referring to military connections have come before the Supreme Court, and the court has reluctantly tended toward individual rights. It ruled for example that a draft board had no authority to withdraw a( divinity student’s draft exemption, because he participated in an anti-war protest; also an anti-war demonstrator could not be punished for merely speaking contenetuously of the American flag. These are relatively easy rulings, because the court could uphold constitutional rights, without interfering with the President’s war power. But another category of cases poses a direct challenge-the survival of the country and the power of the Presidency - and the court has resolved them, much less satisfactorily. Conscientious objection, based on the war in Vietnam, but not other wars; because many hold that the Vietnam war is unjust. The High Court pressedabit against the religious establishment with this ruling, that no individual can claim the conscientious objector exemption, whether it is founded in formal religious training, and belief or may have roots in conscience and personality that is religious in character. On this premise the court denied a military discharge to Louis Negre a young man who was educated at a Roman Catholic school and was proven to be a devout Catholic. The court uphe ? wo.y” r p,X sendee tor .efusal to report for inducim. to Guy Gillette, who had no religious training, but his draft board tad aXted the sincerity of his belief. In 1965 theeourt played around with some legal tautology, giving a break, so-called, to those draftees not members of any orthodox sects. Justice Marshall in writing this majority opinion, which really was merely a statutoroy interpret at ion* conceded, “That the law is distinguishing between different types of conscientious objection to war, and this contention of de facto religious discrimination cannot simply be brushed aside.” The Marshall opinion said in part that the law doesn’t violate the establishment clause, because the law speaks of no “sectarian affiliation.” But the good Justice engaged in no intellectual examination of religious beliefs, or constitutional history, he was dealing only in pragmatic considerations. This hard stand brought in the National Council of Churches and other organized churches as friends of the defendants. The only Black Justice on the Christian Church. Justice William O. Douglas, said in his strong dissent, “I had assumed that the welfare of a single human soul was the ultimate test of the vitality of the First Amendment .’’The Supreme Court ducked, and refused, because the President sent troops to Vietnam without a declaration of war by Congress; thus the war itself was unconstitutional. The refusal was over the dissents of Justice Douglas, Harlan and Potter Stewart, the court’s most liberal and most conservative members, who were united in saying the court was wrong in evading the toughest constitutional questions. If history does reach these conclusions.it will say the Vietnam war, as other wars,backs the High Court and the Constitution into an ineluctable corner. (HAS JOE FRAZIER BEEN CAPTURED BY WHITE HATERS OF AU?) Some white Americans have made heavy weight champion Joe Frazier their “Black-White idol.”, since his victory over loquaicious Muhammed Ali. Most whites really would have preferred that Ali’s conqueror had been of another race; but their next best choice is to make Joe into their to that new-breed of Blacks, that talk up to MR. CHARLIE. They don’t like that. Blacks do not envy Joe of his new found honors, because he is a swell guy in his way. We only wonder why nodistinguished Black South Carolinian had not been invited to address the State General Assembly before now. President Nixon takes the Pie by inviting the Champ and his Family to hear, of all people, a white minister; as if we are not the most preached at race in the world. TABLE 14 MINORITY EMPLOYMENT PATTERN FORT GORDON, GEORGIA Minorities Minorities Minorities 30 June 1965 30 November 1969 31 May 1370 Tota I BAA Percent Total BAA Percent Tot a I BAA % All Pay Plans 2,22 1 515 23.2 3,848 796 20.7 3.484 654 18 7 Classification Act |,224 38 3.1 2,499 204 8 2 2,376 186 78 GS-I to GS 4 560 27 4.8 1.223 156 12 8 1 , 123 142 12.6 GS-5 to CS- 11 612 II 1.7 1,168 48 4.1 1.142 44 3.8 GS-5 to GS-8 347 g 2.3 623 33 5 3 605 31 5 1 GS-9 to GS-I I 265 3 II 544 15 2.8 537 ’3 2.4 GS- 12 to GS- >8 52 0 108 0 IQ9 0 Wage Board 997 177 U7 g 1,34*9 592 43.9 1,108 468 42.2 To $4,499 648 366 81.7 322 269 83 5 2*»7 'BB 76.1 $4,500 to $7,999 524 111 2 1 2 746 314 42 I 610 272 44 6 $4,500 to $6,499 454 111 24 6 304 202 66 4 246 171 69 5 $6,500 to $7,999 70 0 442 112 25.3 364 101 27.7 SB,OOO up 25 0 281 9 3 2 250 7 2.8 Non-Appropriated Funds 627 330 52.6 700 318 45 5 WALK WITH DIGNITY BY Al IRBY