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News-Review - September 9,1971,
THE NEWS-REVIEW
PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY
930 Gwinnett Street - Augusta, Georgia
Mallory K. Millender Editor and Publisher
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Divide And Rule
Part 2
An even more serious problem is unwilling
ness to admit black workers, many of whom
have been certified by state licensing boards
as fully-qualified journeymen, directly into
union membership and union controlled
jobs. On this issue the craft unions refuse to
budge. The EEOC reported that black mem
bership in the building trade unions actually
declined in 1969.
/‘About three-fourths of all the skilled
construction workers in the United
States... do not have to be prepared or
primed or tutored,” says NAACP’s Herbert
Hill. “They learn by doing. It is only blacks
and members of other minority groups who
must climb the slow apprenticeship ladder.”
Nearly everyone agrees that the most
potent instrument for achieving integration
in the construction industry is forcing con
tractors to live up to anti-discrimination
guidelines that are written into every federal
contract. Federal contracts are a privilege,
not a right, and the government could devise
ways to insure that public money is not put
into the hands of unions that practice
restrictive and racist membership policies.
The difficulty lies in achieving compliance.
In 1969 the Nixon Administration devised
its Philadelphia Plan to reform the six
construction trades characterized by the
poorest records of minority employment.
The plan covers all federal and federally
assisted projects of a half million dollars or
more in the five-county Philadelphia area.
Since February, contractors have also been
required to demonstrate compliance with
minority hiring goals on their privately
financed projects as well. This provision is
designed to eliminate so-called “motorcycle
compliance,” by which contractors were
moving black workers from private projects
to federal projects when government in
spectors came to check.
To be considered for a federal contract, a
contractor must include in his bid the
percentage of nonwhite craftsmen he hopes
to employ in his trade. His bid is not
considered unless his employment goals
meet federal standards for Philadelphia. The
standards will allow contractors to gra .ually
increase minority participation over a period
of five years, with the ultimate goal of 19
per cent minority participation in the con
struction crafts in Philadelphia, which has a
minority population of 30 per cent.
John Wilks, who heads the Office of
Federal Contract Compliance, contends that
Philadelphia is well on its way toward
meeting its goal, since nearly 15 per cent of
on-site workers in the six affected trades are
now minorities. He concedes that the
Philadelphia Plan has been less successful in
making union members out of these workers
but argues that union membership, too, will
come in time
“All blacks ind Puerto Ricans who are
members ot the affected unions are now
working,” Wilks told P.I.C. News. “We have
forced equity in that system. As for non
union craftsmen, after they have been on the
job for a specified length of time, they are
entitled to enter a local. It’s a civil rights
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Page 2
violation if they don’t. I think the unions
will want these guys as members, since they
are now in the labor pool. Some black
craftsmen told me they are not interested in
union membership, but that may be just
rationalization.”
In Junie 1970 the Labor Department issued
a plan to increase black constriction
workers in the Washington, D.C. metropoli
tan area. The Washington Flan is modeled
after the Philadelphia Plan, excet«t that
Wasliington is expected to reach a mi ximum
of 25 per cent non-white in the prions by
1974. The Labor Department estii* tes that
this goal can be reached by fillif lone of
every two openings in the craft um. ns with
a minority worker.
OFCC officials say that the such s of the
Philadelphia Plan is “representative” for
Washington as well, where 71 psr cent of
residents are black, and the unemployment
rate for blacks is twice that so« whites.
However, critics of the two plans > question
whether the federal agencies din tly re
sponsible for compliance have es ttively
monitored construction work in c two
cities. The OFCC sets up the m< toring
system but depends on the co; acting
agencies to do the actual site review •
The OFCC has only 31 profess' Ms to
coordinate compliance efforts. O »-seeing
the Philadelphia and Washington I as is a
compliance officer in Philadclphi; with a
thrcc-man staff and several otherii sponsi
bilities. Contractors can rest secure 'hat the
construction project will be over a id their
money in the bank before they project
inspector gets around to checking their
minority employment.
The Wasliington Area Construction In
dustry Task Force, representing a snectrum
of community organizations and civil rights
groups, recently accused the NUon Ad
ministration of failing to enforce the Wash
ington Plan. The task force pointedlout that
federal contractors had failed to Keep re
cords and file reports on equal employment
despite requirements to do so. An advisory
committee to oversee the plan had only
once, with notice to community representa
tives—who were greatly outnumbered by
union and industry representatives—only
hours beforehand. .
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r LETTERS TO EDITOR I
Dear Mr. Millender:
1 want to thank you for
providing an opportunity to
become familiar with your
paper as a result of the copies
that you distributed at the
Race Relations Conference at
Augusta College
The paper contained many
informative articles and ouen
covered viewpoints not
generally available.
Enclosed you will find my
check in the amount of $3.00
to cover a one year
subscription.
I gather that the paper is a
relatively new venture and 1
extend every wish for success
and will be looking forward to
the future editions.
Very truly yours,
John H. Hellweg, Jr.
107 Glenn Place
Aiken, South Carolina 29801
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WITH
DIGNITY
BY
Al IRBY
(BLACK AMERICA SHOULD POOL ITS FISCAL MUSCLE)
A young Black economist from the University of California
speaking before the National Urban League annual convention,
expounded more common sense than is usually heard in these
days, when everyone is trying to excel in shedding crocodile tears
about the poor. I think it was Jesus that said “the poor will be
with us always.” Then another fact, the state of poverty is
relative. Some people with an inflated sociological pathology have
orientated a segment of young Blacks, that the only road to glory
is to show a fake interest in the poor. Well Dr. Richard F.
America is the name of the tall handsome economist, that
electrified the Urban Leaguers.
Mr. America told the convention, that young Blacks should put
a moratorium on all of the nonsense about “BLACK POWER,
and Black is beautiful a>d deal with the cold facts that real
power is economic power, money power.” Continuing he said:
“The Black community can no longer permit itself to be
financially at the total mercy of government or established
foundations and contributers.” He charged: “For political,
cultural and economic reasons, we must increasingly fund our
own advancement.” The time has come for blacks to make a
down payment on their own freedom. The soft-spoken
pedagogue insisted: “Our interests, are in direct conflict with
that of white interests; it is unrealistic to expect white or
white-dominated institutions to underwrite all black activities.”
Mr. America envisaged a national fund with a semblance to the
National Jewish United Appeal. It was spelled out with pithy
perspicuity.
“60% of the roughly eight million black families in the United
States have annual incomes below four thousand dollars.
Consequently the remainder, about three million households,
would be the likely respondents to a systematic, sophisticated
fund raising campaign, although appeals to the poor also very well
be advisable and desirable for reasons of building unity.” The
brilliant young economist made this studious observation: “If
you believe, as I do, that out of three million middle and upper
income Black families and individuals, 50 per cent of them would
respond by donating S2O (not a burdensome contribution), you
can see the potential of S3O million a year from such a
campaign.” He told how this fund could grow to the point that it
would earn enough interests on conservative investments that it
could, after five years, permit the disbursement of $9 million out
of interest alone.
Mr. America believes that if the Urban, SCLC, and the NAACP,
and other major Black national organizations got together in a
joint Black Appeal, a Black United Fund would be practical. It
certainly is an idea worth consideration by all Black People. It is a
big problem, but for a resolute effort, the task of coordination
could be solved. The past decade, events have brought many
Blacks to the realization that if we are serious about the
development of our communities and institutions we will, of
necessity,have to develop some form of central treasuries.
Columnist Louis Martin of the The Pittsburgh Courier, had this
to say of Dr- America’s plan: “This is not black separatism, it is
black self-reliance. Before there can be any true coalition, there
must be something to coalesce with. We live in a pluralistic
society in which each group makes its contributions to its own
and, to the commonwealth. The Black United Fund concept of
Mr. America would provide blacks with the kinds of financial
resources that are provided Jews by the United Jewish Appeal.
While charity does not end at home, it certainly begins there.
The central fact in this young economist’s thesis is that there is
enough wealth in Black America that can be mobilized to free
many of our organizations from almost total dependence on
white handouts, which will mean white surveillance and white
control.”
If Dr. John W. Gardner can develop the current “Common
Cause” to a national position of prominence in such a short time,
Blacks can also build an organization for financial salvation. The
Congressional Black Caucus has already begun to raise a freedom
fund, but with the big three civil rights group, Mr. America’s plan
could become an early realty.
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“THE STRENGTHS OF BLACK FAMILIES”
By Dr. Robert B. Hill
Associate Director of Research NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE
Most discussions of black families tend to focus on supposed
indicators of instability and weakness. With some exceptions
most social scientists continue to portray black families as
iisorganized, pathological and disintegrating.
This preoccupation with pathology in most research on black
families has obscured some fruitful avenues of investigation.
Examining the strengths of black families can contribute at least
as much towards understanding and ameliorating some social
problems as examining their weaknesses.
If, as most scholars agree, there is a need to strengthen black
families, then a first-order priority should be the indentification
of presently existing strengthsand resources.
A new National Urban League report identifies and analyzes
five strengths of black families: adaptability of family roles,
strong kinship bonds, strong work orientation, strong religious
orientation and strong achievement orientation. These five
characteristics have been functional for the survival, advancement
and stability of black families.
Some of the major findings from this report are as follows:
(1) Contrary to the widespread belief in a “matriarchy”
among blacks, our findings reveal that most black families,
whether low-income or not, are characterized by an
“Equalitarian” pattern in which neither spouse dominates, but
share decision-making and the performance of expected tasks.
(2) National earnings data do not support the popular
conception that wives’ earnings in most low-income black families
are often greater than the husbands’. Recent Bureau of Labor
Statistics data indicate that in 85 percent of the black families
with incomes under $3,000, the husband’s earnings surpassed the
wife’s.
Thus, contrary to the stereotypes of black men as “weak,”
“irresponsible,” and “peripheral,” the husband is the main
provider in the overwhelming majority of black families, whether
low-income or not
(3) Most black babies born out-of-wedlock are kept by parent
and relatives, while most white babies born out-of-wedlock are
given away.
In 1969, about 90 percent of black babies born
out-of-wedlock, compared to only 7 percent of the white babies
born out-of-wedlock, were kept by the parent and kin in existing
families. On the other hand, 67 percent of the out-of-wedlock
white babies, but only 7 percent of the out-of-wedlock black
babies, were formally adopted or replaced.
(4) Contrary to the belief that dependency is characteristic of
most families headed by women, recent Census Bureau data
indicate that two-thirds of the women heading black families
work - most of them full-time.
(5) Our study found that most assertions about widespread
desertion in black families are not based on actual desertion rates.
In fact, recent HEW data reveal that not even the majority of
AFDC families can be characterized as “deserted”: only one-fifth
of the black families receiving AFDC in 1969 were so described.
(6) The high achievement orientation of low-income black
families is related in the large numbers of college students from
these families that attend college. For example, three-fourths of
the blacks enrolled in college in 1970 came from homes which
the family heads had no college education.
Thus the overwhelming majority of black college students do
not come from so-called “middle-class” homes with
college-educated parents.
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