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South Georgia & Florida R. R.
Tho connection between Thomasvillc
and Albany may now be considered
almost as certain, and it is for Florida
to say, whether she is willing by ac
tivo co-operation with her elder sister
Georgia, to share in the advantages
and profits of this Western trade. Wo
know that a connection with Thomas
villc was opposed by certain parties in
this State some years ago, under what
we then considered a mistaken impres
sion, that it would injure tho P. & G.
R. R.; the circumstances are widely
different now, however. It is not a
connection with the Savannah road,
but with the great scheme of Western
roads, which will place us in direct
communication with Nashville, Cin
cinnati and other great markets of the
West.
Will not Florida show the same en
terprise and provident foresight which
has been evidenced by Thomas coun
ty ? If Florida will only do what this
single county now proposes to do, she
will do more to develop and enrich our
State than can ever be accomplished
by any other scheme which she could
project.
This place is the nearest point and
on the most direct line contemplated
in the charter granted by Georgia, and
we trust our county, by moving at
once in the matter, will directly secure
all the advantages contemplated. Mid.
die, East and South Florida, are all
directly interested in the matter, and
should, if necessary, act in conceit,
though we believe, if the merits of the
question were theroughly understood,
that Leon, Jefferson and Madison
alone, would take the whole amount of
stock necessary, and find it a profitable
investment. — Monticello Gazette.
Conrgess—Extra Session.
Washington, July s.—ln the House,
this morning, the Speaker announced
the Committee on Reconstruction, as
provided for in the resolution passed
on Wednesday as follows: Messrs.
Stevens, Boutwell, Bingham, Farns
worth, Hubbard, of New York; Bea
man, Payne, Pike and Brooks.
Mr. Payne moved to suspend the
rules so that he might introduce a
joint resolution tendering the thanks
of Congress to Maj. Gen. Philip 11.
Sheridan, for his able and faithful per.
formance of duty as Commader of the
Military District of Texas and Louisi.
ana. The rules were suspended by a
vote of a hundred and ten against
eighteen, and the resolution passed.
A joint resolution of thanks to Gens.
Sickles, Pope and Schofield was adop
ted.
Mr. Schenck offered a resolntion of
thanks to Petroleum V. Nasby and
Attorney General Stanbcrry, for their'
maintainance of the President’s policy.
Pending the question of its reception
the House adjourned to Monday.'
Senate.—A FOsbiution was sub*
nutted- that legislation be confined to
' Reconstruction, and bills relating to it
ensued, during which it transpired that
thirteen Senators, in caucus, had voted
for and favored universal suffrage.—
The resolution restricting legislation
was finally passed—ayes 19, nays 9.
The nays are : —Messrs. Buckalew,
Drake, Fowler, Howe, Ross, Sumner,
Thayer, Tipton and Wade.
Mr. Wilson stated in tho course of
the debate that Mr. Stanton wanted
no legislation regarding the Judiciary,
but needed money to support rccon*
Btruction.
The Senate adjournod £o Monday.
An Omen. On Tuesday night
last, about 11 o’clock, two gentlemen
of this city, quorum pars fuimus, while
engaged in casting for mullet, sud
denly became the entranced witnesses
of an exceedingly curious and sub
lime phenomenon. For an hour pre
vious to the appearance of the impos
ing spectacle, the wind had been blow
ing pretty briskly, and tho waves
dashed with considerable fury against
-our batteau. Denso patches of black
clouds lay in the south fitfully shoot
ing flames of blinding splendor from
their angry losotns. Suddenly tho
gale sunk to perfect quiet; not a rip*
plo was to be seen ; but tho olouds had
collected in ono grand mass and lay
stretched athwart the mid-heavens in
the precise, clearly defined form of a
huge, black serpent, the tail of which
rested upon the Southern horizon,
while the head, with erected crest and
distended jaws, which were set with
rows of fierce fang*, seemed ready to
ho launched at some foe beyond tho
visible boundary of the North. Wo
are not believers in omens, and think
that a sound philosophy has long sinco
ousted from cur mind every species of
vulgar superstition, but while gazing
in silent awe upon the nebulous lcvia
tbian that spanoed tho starry cope
above us, we did mentally exclaim,
“‘lt is the dragon of the South. Long
trampled upon, it has at last uncoiled
in terrific anger, and turns furiously
upon its assailants.”— Brunswick Cou
rier.
J®*The Salt Lake Vidette says:
A wayfarer dropped into the Occiden
tal Hotel in this place, on Tuesday, to
get a square meal. Having planted
himself in a chair at one of the tables,
he was confronted by tho waitor with :
“What’ll you have ?” Tho hungry
one fastened his eyes on the attache
le sunp and said. “What have you got
that’s good ?” “Ob, we’ve roast beef,
corn beef, roast mutton, boiled mutton,
fried ham, and boiled curlew !” “What
the h—ll is curlew?’’ said the stran
ger. “Curlew ? —why curlew is a bird
something like a snipe.” ‘Did it fly ?”
“Yes.” “Did it have wings ?” “Yes ”
“Then I don’t want any curlew in
mine ; anything that had wings, and
could fly, and didn’t leave this d—d
country, I don’t want for dinner.”—
We should judge from this incident
that Salt Lake City was not an invi
ting place to tarry in.
jicmtjmit ((Enterprise
(MLWEEKLY.)
L. C. BRYAN, : : : : Editor.
THOMASVILLE, GA.:
TUESDAY, JULY 9, 18G7.
HON. H. S. FITCH AND THE
FREEDMAN’S BUREAU.
The universally unpopular institu-
tion of the Freedman's Bureau, was
completely demolished by Mr. Fitch,
U. S. District Attorney, in his speech
in Thomasvillc on the 4th of July.
Addressing himself especially to the
immense colored audience drawn to
gether by the announcement of his
presence, he told them that he hoped
to see the time when they would be
free, and enjoy equal political rights
with the white man, but they were not
free noto, and did not enjoy equal
rights, and never would as long as the
Freedman’s Bureau was held over
them. White men enjoyed the liberty
of the civil laws, hut the colored peo
ple were bound to obey tho behests
of every little, ignorant, pettifogging
agent of the Freedman’s Bureau; yfho
could arrest them without warrant, an
nul or destroy their contracts without
punishment, and harrass and annoy
them in every other way suggested by
interest, ignorance and tyranny. They
would not be free until they got rid of
the Freedman’s Bureau and the ‘‘set
of d—d rascals” that controlled it.—
Then, they would have “equal rights.”
They would be able to make and en
force their own contract under the
civil law, like white men—they would
be free from military arrests like white
men, and would no longer be compell
ed to pay out their money to an igno
rant Agent of the Bureau, to insult and
trample their rights in the dust.
We do not pretend to have quoted
the exact language of Mr. Fitch in his
denunciation of the Freedman’s Bu>
reau, but we feel quite sure that we
have not expressed one-half he said,
nor used one-fourth of the harshness
he applied in terms of great force and
eloquence. The colored peeplo kept
tho house in an uproar with their ap
plause, and we thought that one or two
more speeches l(ko that, coming as it
did, from a Northern man, and one
high in authority, would take away
“ Othello’s occupation.” The Bureau
would soon have the contempt even of
the colored men. It was intended for
their good, but it has proved to be an
evil. The Radicals pretended to set
the colored people free, but they onjy
changed their masters QfiCO they
bcJoflgeJ tfr .‘ftratfiern planters, but
now they belong to Northern specula,
tors and office scelce:s. These North
ern speculators and office seekers in
vented tho Freedman’s Bureau and
**««<• *«e tit IIVKTV »•• Vt 11 ttlld
village, as their overseers, to make the
colored people work to suit them, and
to vote the Radical, or speculators tick
et To do all this, of course some ex
pense is incurred, and tho colored men
must pay the expense.
SOUTH GEORGIA & FLORIDA
RAILROAD.
W r o send greetings to our friends in
Mitchell, Baker nnd Dougherty coun
ties, and call their attention to tho no
ble conduct of Thomas county, at her
recent Railroad election. The county
followed tho example of tho corporation
of Thomasvillc, and wo now have
$250,000 pledged in Thomjs county,
to the construction of the South Ocor
gia & Florida Railroad. Our Florida
friends aro waking up on the subject,
and wo now call with confidence upon
tho friends of tho road in Mitchell,
Baker and Dougherty, to put their
shoulders to the wheel. Call your
mootings at onco, organize a vigilant
committee to solioit subscriptions- Call
your people together and discuss the
merits of tho road, that they may know
what wo moan by the South Georgia A
Florida Railroad. Present its advan
tages, and they will not fail to sub
scribe tho stock. Mitoholl, Baker nnd
Dougherty must be represented in the
first stockholders mooting for tho elec
tion of officers, nnd tliero is no time to
be lost. Tho work must be commenc
ed early in the fall, and tho stookhold.
ers meeting must, therefore come off
very soon. Until this meeting is held
nnd tho officers cloctod, there cannot
bo any authority issued to agents or
others; but every man may bcootno an
agent to solicit subscription, nnd work
for tho speedy construction of tho road.
He will be fully compensated in tho
advantages of the road. That is tho
principle upon which wo worked in
Thomas, and we liavo succeeded Let
our friends in the threo counties nara.
ed follow our example. Wo had no
authority savo the charter of the road,
bnt wo have labored to organizo pro.
per authority, and it will soon be ac
complished. Let our friends nmko
haste and delay not to tako stock, that
they may bo represented, as they
should be, in tho approaching stock,
holders meeting.
Dr. J. P. McADAMS & CO-
We call the attention of our readers
to the advertisement of this new firm
displayed in our columns to-day. They
have opened in McLean’s new brick
building opposite tho Post Office, and
are offering fine assortment* of Wines,
Brandies, See., for medical and family
use. Those who deal in these arti
cles, may rely upon tho Dootor’s re
commendation.
I®“The thirsty earth has just been
refreshed by a heavy shower, vyhjoh
was much needed.
They Keep Hitting Us.—Our fa
ctious editorial brethren seem dis
posed not to let us rest, because some
time since we submitted the laudable
proposition of having a Baby Pic Nic ,
in Tallahassee. Our brother Bryan,
of the Thomasville Enterprise, (who
has no pretty babies of his own, if pa
ternal indications are infallible,) and
our brother Witherington, of the Sa
vannah Advertiser , (who has no babies
at all, we believo—fortunately for the
babies,') are throwing, ever and anon,
our own “heavy items’’ back at us,
“ thusly
“The Tallahassee Sentinel calls for
a baby show in that city, saying that
the little dears aic finer, fatter and
prettier than in any other part of the
State, or even in Georgia. Probably.”
“Probably” means a heap, some
times, but there ain’t much argument
in it, sometimes. We don’t want to
profoko a fight with a “Major” and a
“Colonel’’ on this little issue, for wo
are a little man, ourself; but we can’t
stand everything !
P. S. Since the above was written,
the Quitman Banner has also “rounded
to” on the same subject, pouring a re
gular broadside into our innocent sug
gestion, and “hauling off” with the
proposition that we meet him “half
way” to settle tho vexed question. Wo
won’t go—a stop ! Tho weather is too
hot, yet awhile When oooler weather
comes, he can “count us in,” to estab
lish any “little” fact we assert — Tal
lahassee Sentinel.
Wo think brother Oliver is mista
ken about our throwing his “heavy
items” back at him. We have too
much respect for tho babies, and hav
ing enjoyed the pleasure of a “baby
show’’ in Thomasville, we were anxious
that our longing cotemporarics should
also taste, or rather witness, for alas !
they can never taste it again, the feli
cities of youthful innocence. It is
well for brother Oliver that he used
the parenthesis in his allusion to our
babies, for thou indeed would he have
written his own condemnation ; but he
rejoices that “paternal indications are
not infallible,’’and thereby leaves room
lor boasting. If, how ver, ho still en
tertains.a doubt of our having “pretty
babies of our own,” we challenge him
to the Georgia and Florida line, grant
ing him a* the same time, tho privi
lege of bringing as many babies as he
can carry in a two horse wagon.
The Execution of Maximilian.
New Orleans, July 2.—The follow
ing particulars of Maximilian’s execu
tion is received from General Rey
nolds.
The trial of Maximilian, Mejia and
Miramon, ended on the Mth s!t.
Tho sen (once was to have been exe
cuted on tho 16th, but Juarez sus
pended it for three days till the 19th,
when they were shot at 10 o’clock,A.M.
The Colonels are sentenced to six
years imprisonment, Lieutenant Col
ony's to live years, minor officers to two
years. Brigadier Generals and excep
tional officers will be tried by court
martial.
The. City of Mexico surrendered to
Diaz on the 21st.
Juarez scut him a congratulatory
note, with directions as to the disposi
tion of prisoners, saying: “Tho native
prisoners you will transfer to your own
command, and put at liberty, accord
ing to the circumstances in which you
find thorn. Tho Foreign prisoners you
will retain for further disposition by
the Government.’’
Among the archives taken upon the
occupation of Qucretaro were some do
cuments relative to the last will of
Maximilian, wherein in case of his
death, Theodosia Larez, Josia Maria
Lacunza, and Marque*, tho assassin ol’
Tumba, are deolardea Regents.
Escobedo writes from Querctaro as
follows:
“By the exocution of those master
traitors, 1 have made terror ho order
of the day everywhere; 1 have imposed
large contributions on the rich, and
confiscated their property and their
all. Where I could not do it in per
son, my delegates liavo strictly com
plied with my orders, nnd 1 iiopo be
fore closing my military career, to seo
the blood of ovory foreigner spilt that
resides in my country.”
There is a report that Maximilian
was shot in tho face, and the Mexican
Generals in tho back, as traitora.
Belli the Liberal und Imperial pa
pers in Brownsville condemn tho exe
cution. Tho Ranohcro comes out in
full mourning,
Boriozabol, the Governor of Mata
moras, had all tho bells rung, and
rockets firo-T on tho reception of tho
news of tho execution. I have sent
official information of the fact.
J U All V. 7 A XIM 11,1 an. —A Wash -
ington date says it is believed Juarez
reluctantly consented to tho execution
ol Maximilian. When the messenger
hearing dispatches from our govern
ment relativo to sparing tho life of
Maximilian delivered his packages to
Juarez, tho latter informed him that
ho was disposed to spare the life of
Maximilian, but tho pressure from the
Mexican leaders and people fir his
exocution was so great, that it would
be almost impossible to resist it.
The Nashville Union & Dispatch
says as an expression of tho general
sense of abhorrence which all civilized
Scople must fool at this useless trago
y, it may be worthy of consideration,
whether all other governments shall
not at once suspend all diplomatic in
tercom se with tho present government
of Mexico, and leavo it to its misera
ble destiny, the subjeot of its own
barbario leuds, or tho lawful prey to
any power that may subjeot it to civil
izod rules.
Da m- lonu-awa y-off-ski . — Sitka.
—lt is ascertained from Gen. Rous
seau, who is tho Commander of tho
Department of Oregon and Washing
ton, that our recently acquired Russian
American territory is to be attached to
his military jurisdiction.
Notes on tho Situation.—No. 0.
by b. n. HIM..
Os all the pretexts which have been
used to justify the oppression of the
Southern people, none is so faithleßS
in character or so destitute ot founda
tion in truth and law, as the one that
the Southern States and people, being
conquered, are subject to the will of
the conqueror. It is time our peo
ple fully understood this question.—
They need the information to protect
them from the very deceptive purpose!
of their own active Southern born
counsellors. )Ye might be surprised
at tho ignorance, if wc did not know
the treachery of the motives, of those
who, in this day of civilization, labor
so earnestly to fix in the minds of our
people tho idea that where one party
yields to another in a war, the yiel
ding party submits thereby all rights
of person and property and of political
government to the will of the con
queror. And that such advice should
be given by those among us who pro
fess to be actuated for onr good caij
be explained only on the hypothesis
that the real purpose is to betray for a
consideration.
The late war was either a rebellion,
or it was a civil war, or it was a for
eign war. Eaoh namo has its advo.
cates. Othera, again, give the war
either or all these characters by turns,
as the giving of either or all can be
supposed to justify some oppression to
the unsuccesssful party to the conflict.
I shall not stop to prove that it was,
what history can only call it, a civil
war. Whether it was the one or the
other, there is no question in all inter
national or municipal law better set
tled, or settled on more manifest foun
dations of natural reason, social justice
and public faith, than is the question
of rights and powers of the cc nqueror,
and the obligations and duties of the
conquered. r
All conflicts, whether between a
sovereign and his subjects, or between
two parties in a government or repub
lic, or between two independent na.
tions, arc founded on some question,
some difference, making an issue be.
tween tho parlies which reason has
not been able to settle. The parties
take up arms to solve the question and
sttle the issue.betivocu them.
Every war ends by compromise, or
by one party yieldiug to the other ei.
ther on terms or without terms. If
tho end is by compromise, tho terms
of the compromise constitute the law
of the peace. If one party surrender
on terms, the law of peace is the issue
of thi! fight qualified by the terms of
the surrender; if the surrender is
without terms, then all questions in<
volved in the issue are settled in favor
of the conqueror; but no question riot
distinctly involved is settled or affec
ted.
Now, two things must be distinctly
understood and fixed in tho minds of
the reader:
1 Where must we look In find *!»n
terms on which the conflict ends, and
which make the law of tho pcaoe be
tween the parties?
2. At what time must those terms
be made known or agreed upon ?
Wars between independent nations
are usually onded by treaty, and, of
course, we must look to tho .treaty of
peace to find tho terms of tho peaco.
What is not founded in the treaty is
not settled. So, also, in civil wars,
treaties aro sometimes made and have
the same force and effect as when
made between independent nations.—
Usually, however, treaties are not
made between parties to civil war or a
rebellion, because the sovereign or
party claiming to be tho legitimate
government will not treat with those
whom they persist in calling rebels,
because to trfcat with them is to admit
a sort ofitnpVed independence or au
thority. In all such cases, in order to
find the terms of peace, we must look
to tho causes or differences which ac
tuated the parties in taking up arms;
to the declarations and demands of tho
parties at the time of beginning and
during tho progress of tho struggle ; to
tho promises made or assurances pro
claimed by tho victor to induce the
adversary to lay down big arms ; and
to the negotiations and terms of tho
surrender. Whatever is not there
found is not settled, and forms no part
whatever of the terms of peace. 1
need not add that all the treaties, do.
durations and promises are to bo in
terpreted, not according to the discre
tion of cither party, but in tho light
and according to the rules of tho laws
of nations and tho established princi
ples ot natural justice and good faith.
In the next plnoe it must be stated,
that whatever either party, in case of
compromise or treaty, or the victor in
ease of a surrender, intends to demand
as a condition of the peace, must be
uiado known before or at the time the
treaty is made, or before or at the
time the surrender is accepted. No
party agrees to what is not made
known, or surrenders to what is not
claimed. To demand new guarantees,
alter a treaty has been made, is a
breach of the treaty ; and to prescribe
new tors of surrender, after the surren
der has been accepted, is doomed in
famous by all mankind, and in both
eases is held to be anew and just
cause of war. And when such con -
duet is exhibited toward an adversary
who has given up his arms and sub
mitted to tho victor, and is thereby
nnablo to ronew tho war, tho party
guilty of it has no claim to tho confi
dence or respect of any people, for lie
brings the faith of promises into dis .
repute.
“ The faith of treaties—constancy
in fulfilling cur engagements —is to be
held sacred and inviolable, and if man
kind be not wilfully deficient in their
duty to themselves, infamy must ever
bo the portion of him who violates his
faith.” * * * “And, in general,
the sovereign, whose word ought ever
to be secured, is bound to the faithful
observance of every promise ho has
made, even to rebels —l mean to such
of his subjects as have rebelled with
out reason or necessity.’’ * * * *
“ But tyrants alone will treat, as sedi
tious, those brave and resolute citizens
who exhort the people to preserve
themselves from oppression, and to
vindicate their rights and privileges.
If a good prince has justice and his
duty at heart—if he aspires to that
immortal and unsullied glory of being
the father of his people, let him mis
trust the selfish suggestions of that
minister who represents to him as
rebels those citizens who do not stretch
out their necks to the yoke of slavery,
who refuse tamely to crouch under the
rod of arbitrary power.”
“And if there existed no reasons to
justify the insurrection (a circuit
stance which, perhaps, never happens),
even in such case , it becomes necessary,
as we have above observed, to giant
an amnesty when the offenders are nu
merous. When the amnesty is once
published- and accepted, all the past
must be buried in oblivion —nor must
any one be called to account for what
has been done during the distur
bances.”— Yattel.
There are cases in which a party to
a conflict may increase his demands |
during the conflict, or he may make
these demands during negotiations for
peace. lie may demand the removal
of the causes which, in his judgment,
produced the conflict; or lie may de
mand securities for the observance of
promises ; or the expense of the war;
or any other terms which may reason
ably tend to ftiuke the peace perma
nent. But. in all cases, such demands
must be distinctly made before the
treaty is agreed to, or before the sur
render is accepted. To make such de
mands afterward is a base treachery,
of which any power, great enough to
boa victor, ought to bgdeemed totally
incapable. Even in cases of revolt,
when the revolters are subdued and
sue for peace, amnesty may except the
authors of the disturbance ; but even
then only that they “may be brought
to a legal trial and punished if found
guilty.”
“At the present day it seldom hap
pens that either of the belligerents
perseveres to the last extremity before
he will consent to a peace. Though a
nation may have lost several battles,
she can still defend herself; as long as
she has men and arms remaining she
is not destitute of all resources. If
she thinks fit, by a disadvantageous
treaty, to procure a necessary peace—
if by great sacrifices she delivers her
self from imminent danger or total
ruin—the residue which remains in
her possession is still an advantage for
which she is indebted to the peace ; it
was her own free choice to prefer a cer
tain and immediate loss, but of limited
extent, to an evil of a more dreadful
nature, which, though at some distance,
she had but too great reason to appre
hend.”— Vat tel.
llut how does she have a “residue
of rights remaining,” according to the
terms ol the peace, if new terms of to.
tul ruin may be prescribed after the
peace ? How is the extent of the loss
“ limited ” by the terms of her surren
der, if unlimited exactions may be
made by the victor afterward ? W hat
ever the conqueror demands be must
demand while his adversary has ‘‘men
and arms remaining.” A conquered
people are never “subject to the will
of tho conqueror.” None but barbar
ous people and Northern Radicals and
Southern renegrades ever said so. A
conquered people arc subject to the
terms of the conqrst made known and
demanded before or at the time the
conquest is admitted, and to no after
terms or will whatever; and none but a
treacherous conqueror would demand
more; and none but a more treacherous
and Very base conquered would con.
cede more. Rapacity only claims
more than the bond. Servile cowar
dice alone consents to more. “If an
unjust and rapacious conqueror sub
dues a nation, and forces her to accept
of hard, ignominious and insupportable
conditions, necessity obliges her to
submit; but this apparent tranquility
is not a peace; it is an oppression
which she endures ouly so long as she
wants the means of shaking it off, and
against which men of spirit riso on the
first favorable opportunity. * *
* Will any man pretend that a peo
ple so oppressed would not be jnstifia
blo in seizing a convenient opportuni
ty to recover their rights, to emanci
pate themselves, and to expel or exter
minate tho liordo of greedy, insolent
and cruel usurpers? No! Such a
monstrous absurdity can never be seri
ously maintained. Besides, were you
to preach up the contrary doctrine,
which is so repugnant to all the feel
ings and suggestions of naturo, whore
could.you expect to make proselytes ?’’
Yattel.
Must the answer to tho above qos
tion of this noble writer —who lived in
a former generation and iu tho midst
of European despotism, be that prose
lytes to a doctrine is repugnant to the
foelings of naturo as found here in
free America —in proud Southern
America. Yea. more; that here, in
Georgia, men olaiiuining to be leaders,
favorite advisers of tho people, long
trusted by the people, are to be found
teaching the people that they are not
only bound to submit to hard and ig
nottiinous term* which they have ac
cepted, but they are bound to submit
and ought to submit to such terms
when they have not accepted them,and
that they aro bound to submit and
ought to submit to whatever the will
of a conqueror may demand after they
have laid down their arms ? Still more
not only submit but cousent to accept
and defeud and justify such terms of
the conqueror ! terms that abrogate
their governments and adopt new gov
ernments made by their former slaves
to please and suit ouly their oppress
ors.
I wish to call the reader’s attention
to one rule to be observed in ascertain
ing the terms of peace, and then wc
will proceed to apply the rules to as**
certain the terms of peace between the
parties to our late civil war, and what
aro the rights of tho conqueror and
.the obligations of the conquered. Tho
rule is this : So far is it from being
true that the will of the conqueror ,1s
the law of the conquered, that all
points of doubt, in ascertaining the
terms of the peace as fixed before the
surrender, are to be constructed against
the conqueror.
“In case of doubt, the interpreta
tion goes against him who prescribed
the terms; for as it was, in some meas
ure dictated by him, it was bis own
fault lie neglected to express himself
more clearly, and by extending or re
stricting the signification- -of the ex
pression to that meaning which is
least favorable to hyn, we either do
him no injury, or Only do him that
to which be ha© willfully exposed
himself; whereas, by adopting a con.
trary mode of interpretation, wc would
incur the risk of converting vague or
ambignou* terms into so many snares
to entrap the weaker party in the con-
who has been obliged to sub
scribe to what the stronger had dicta
— Yattel.
So we see, in all wars, the conqueror
must not Only make known his terms
before his.advcrsary’s surrender is ac
cepted, and “while his men and arms
are remaining,” but he must make
known his terms distinctly, and if he
fails to be distinct, tho injury shall
result alone to the conqueror, because
a contrary rule would entrap the wea
ker pUrty. What would become of
the wrecked party if the conqueror was
not only rcleivcd from the duty of
making known his terms beforehand,
but was allowed to prescribe terms ac
cording to his own will after the peace
was declared ? The very thought is
horrible to all honorable minds, wheth
er of the conqueror or the conquered.
Whether the late war was a rebell
ion, a civil war, or a- foreign war, the
terms of peace are not doubtful. They
were prescribed by the conqueror —the
United States —most solemnly prescri
bed, while the “arms and men” of their
adversary “were remaining.” They
induced thousands to lay down their
arms in advance even to desert their
colors. They prevented the indepen
dence of the Confederate Spates by
giving strength to internal treachery,
and now to insist upon other terms,
having no law but the will of the con
queror as expressed by a fragmentary
conclave of Congressional members, is
to insist upon a treachery which would
shame the tyrannical conqueror of the
unfortunate Montezuma. To these
terms of peace the reader’s attention
will bo invited in the next note.
Hon B. 11. Him of Georgia.—
We continue the reprint of the “Notes
on the Situation,” by this distinguish
ed Georgian, because we can find
nothing equal to their logic and simple
etoqueneo on Hie great questlun of the
day. Wc trust that when completed,
these papers may be published in
pamphlet form, and we would that the
political gospel light that comes in
floods from them could be shed upon
every house and hamlet in the South.
The American revolution, which has
been progressing for six years, ha*
now reached its most vital and infer,
esting crisis. The nation is at the
turning point, and trembles between a
restoration of constitutional authority
and the permanent establishment ol
military rule. The latter will not bo
ripe until a fearful interval ot anar
chy, resulting from theexpiriug throes
of free government.
The South is the battle-ground be
tween the opposing forces of political
good and evil; but the whole country
will rejoice in the blessings of the tri
umph of one, or groan under the cur
ses of tho other.
As Mr. Hill tells us, there is but
ono ark of safety—one plank to cling
to in these warring elements—the
Constitution ot the United States. If
that fails, then is chaos come again.—
Mobile Advertiser Sf Register.
“Tile Cuurcii of tile StraNi
ger&,” New York: Rev. Dr.
Deems, Pastor. —Strangers visiting
Now York are respectfully informed
that a congregation composed of Chris
tians of the different denominations
has been organized under tho pastoral
chargo of Rev. Charles F. Deems.
The services are held morning and
night in the large Chapel of the Uni
versity, two blocks west of the New
York Hotel.
The pastor’s residence and post of
fice address is 221 West 34th street.
Strangers in tho city who are sick or
in distress may freely call upon Dr.
Deems for pastoral service. When
any member of any church comes to
New York, let him call promptly on
the Pastor of the Cl uroh of tho Stran
gers. Especially lot this be done in
the case of young men, who will have
a cordial weloomo.
Newspapers friendly to this enter
prise are respectfully requested to copy
his n< tice and allow it to staud.
could be more painful
and discouraging to the patriotic heart
than the sad spectacle which is to-day
presented by the adherents and sup
porters of the Republican party in this
section of Georgia. We use the term
sad in its fullest sense, for what sad
der sight could be witnessed than the
angry spirit, tho heated discussions,
mutual bickerings and spiteful jeul*
ousy which divides the members of
the Republican party in Savannah.—
Sttv. licpublican.
A woman said in a police-ccart the
other day, that before marriage, her
husband pretonded to be much struck
with her, but now she was every day
struck by him.
Hon. 11. S. Fitch.—\jre see by a
correspondence in the En
terprise, that this gentleman, IJ. S.
District Attorney, Resident at Savan
nah, will address the citizens of Thom
asville on the 4th instant, on “Recon
struction.”
We bog to suggest as a text for his
discourse, <he noble words with whiclV
he close*his letter to Mr. Gue.
W%<hank him for his brave uttcr<
ance, and adjure him by the memory
of the past, in which no stauncher de
fender of the Right was found in all
the great Northwest than himself, to
stand by it. In his memorable speech
es against Judge Douglass, in the State
of Illinois in 1858, he painted in col
ors that even now are fresh in the me/
mory of thousands at the South who
only read his speeches, the dangers
and efisgraee that inevitably wait upon
a departure from principle. Let him
tell Georgians now what he told his
own people then/ And he could not
better do it than to takey as we haVtf
suggested, for his them© these words ’-r
“Next to usurpation of power there
is no higher grade in political crime
than a timid abandonment of rights. ;/
—Macon Journal if Messenger.
*&*lf you must use medicines, usd
Professor Kayton’s remedies.
Far sale at Dr. P. S. Bowers’, Thom
villc.'
TOWN TAXES.
r |*HE Hooks are now open for receiving the
I Returns of the Town Taxes. Office home
trom 9 till 12 o’clock, A. Iff., and from 2 till 5
o’clock, I*. M.
WM. CLINE, C. C.
July 9 , 3tw
Buggy for Sale,
BAM HAMMOND, (Freedman,) having.fail
ed to pay for »lie repairing of a Hit
done to ins order l>y tl-e atidorargired, notice 1*
hereby given lhut unless redeemed, Raid Bug
gy will be sold at the Auction Room ill Thoui
asville, on the First Saturday in August next,
which is thirty days after tliis notice, to the’
highest bidder, for Cash.
TAYLOR & DEKLE.
July 3, 1857 . 30d
CHOICE WINES
ANp
LIQUORS!
New House ! New Firm!
WE have just received from New York, a
splendid assortment of Choice Wines,
ICruuHie-s Gins, Whiskies, Ac., impor
ted expießsly for
MEDICAL AND FAMILY USE.
Particular attention is called to our
FRENCH BRANDY
AND
OLD BOURBON WHISKER
Warranted lo he superior to any in the country.
have opened in M- la-an’s new brick
building opposite tho Post Office.
J I*. McADAMS & CO.
July 9 Cm
VARIETY
WORKS!
rrUIE undersigned having purchased tl-e in-
A torestof Muj. Josi.ua TAYi,OH,in the
VARIETY WORKS,
Heretofore carried on in Thomasvillc, by the
firm of
TAILOR & DLltl.E,
Is now KOI.K PitOF It Hi l ull, and Will
carry on the business as heretofore,
IN EVERT DEPARTMENT.
Having purchased a
mmu mm
Ho is now prepared to
GRIND CORN
AND MAKE
GOOD MEAL
In connection with the Mill he will also make
to order,
SASH, BLINDS
DOORS,
RIP, DRESS, TONGUE AND
GROOVE FLASK.
CARRIAGE
DEPARTMENT.
The undersigned b alao an*! will
mako and repair KH;«IKS AND CAB*
KIAfiKB of all kind*, lo ordor. Will a»*k*
any kind of a vehicle that rtisti an whe«l#,
from a wheelbarrow to a hone wagon.
Constantly ou band.
CARRIAGES & BUGGIES,
For sale ot the late** style*.
BUILDING
Contracts.
The undersigned will also continue to eon
tract foi building, a* heretofore. Thankful for
past favors, be hope* to merit > coMioouc* of
the same.
All orders n toting lo -Ai r ot the above
l-runche* will be filled with promptness, sod
by the best of workmen
in.titn prki.c.
JuH 9 If