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Radical Congress—Extra Session. Washington, July 13.—House. — Mr. Julian asked leave to introduce a resolution ordering a reconstruction of the committee report on the bill fori feiting lands granted to the Southern States for railroad purposes, stating there were five millions acres of the best lands in the South in the hands of rebel corporations, which poor men, white and black, should have for homesteads. Mr. Wood objected. Mr. Julian moved to suspend the rules. The rules were suspended by a vote of 99 to 35, and the resolution modified so as to embrace only Missis* sippi, Alabama, Florida, Arkansas and Louisiana, and then passed. The Senate Reconstruction bill was reported with several amendments. A rambling debate ensued, during which Mr. Logan, of Illinois, said he had no sympathy with any man who went bail for Jefferson Davis. He asserted, and Mr. Greeley could publish it, that there never would have been any trou ble in trying Davis, either in a civil or military court, except as Logan might organize. He himself would have been the court, and there would be no Jefferson Davis. He would to-day, if he had the power, hang Jefferson Da. vis and every one of his Cabinet offi cers. The only man in America who had nerve enough to hang traitors was •Juarez. Mr. Stevens moved the previous question, and the bill as amended was passed and sent back to the Senate. The House then took a recess till 8 ■o’clock. One of the House amendments to the Senate bill is to the effect that the opinion of no civil officer of the Gov ernment, shall bind the Distviet Com mander or hris subordinates, and ano ther is that all State officers must take the iron-clad oath. The bill, in its present state, .contains fourteen sec tions. Senate. —Mr. Chandler called up • a resolution directing the Committee on Foreign Affairs to inquire how many Mexican soldiers were executed after capture. He said that Maximi. lian’s operations were part of the re. ibellion ; had it succeeded the decree of ’66 would have been inflicted on Union soldiers. Maximilian signed his *own death warrant in signing that de< •cree. He ought wot to have died by the bullet; the officers capturing him should have hung him to the first tree. That this was not done proved the Mexicans a chivalrous people. The course of this Government toward Mexico was cowardly. Mr. Johnson spoke favorably of Masn'milian. Mr. Nye denounced him as an agent -of Napoleon to assist the rebellion. He ‘eulogized Juarez. Mr. Howard thought Maximilian met a deserved fate. Thq jqncStion' •was postponed. offered a bill authoriz ing the Secretary of War to raise tour regiments, and appropriating a million and a half for frontier defence. Washington, Jnly 13.—A large mass of correspondence between tho Admin istration and Gen. Grant and the Dis trict Commanders, have been made public, but as the issues involved are all decided by the bill telegraphed to 'night, it is not thought worth while to burden the wires with it. Tho corres pondence shows that Grant was strong ly inclined toward the latitude claimed by tho commanders under the old bills. A bill passed the House today ap propriating 81,675,000 for reconstruc tion. During the discussion Mr. Kid.- ridge spoke about the extravagaut Dis trict Commanders, alluding to Gen. Sickles as a greater harlequin than the commander at Now Orleans, and had read by the Clerk a newspapor article speaking of the display made by Sickles riding round Charleston in a coach and four. Mr. Dinghain replied that it was fitting a man who had lost a leg in de fence of his government should ride in a coach and four. Nothing important in the Senate to-day, except the passage of the Reconstruction bill, which goes to the president. Mr. Raymond has been nominated jfor Austria and Mr. Bancroft for ’Prussia. •It is now positively known that the Department will wait further develop* mients bofore formally moving in tho '.Santa Anna case. The Reconstruction bill, signed by the proper officers of the two houses, ilias been presented to the President. Maximilian and his Jailor. —Tito •Observador, of Matamoras, states that when Maximilian learned the scntance passed upon him he offored a million ■dollars to Gen. Ribadazcira, the keep er of the prisoner, to bo allowed a chance to escape. Ribadazcira reques ted a written promise from tho Arch duke, and when ho obtained it showed the document to Gen. Escobedo. Gen. Escobedo gave orders at once that in case ho attempted to escape any of the guards might shoot him on his (Esco bedo’s responsibility. Trouble Ahead —Complications with Mexico. —A Washington telegram, of tbe Bth inst., says : “Official dispat ches receieved by the Government to day show it is not improbablo that serious complications may arise out of the conduct of the Mexicans in taking Santa Anna off of the Virginia, and insulting tho American flag. t&F" Punch slanderously says : The £un is called masculine, from his sup porting and sustaining the moon, and finding her wherewithal to shine as she does of a night; and from such a family of stars besides. The moon is feminine, becauso she is constantly changing just as a ship blows about by every wind. The church is feminine because she is married to the State, and Time is masculine, because he is (•rifled with by the ladies. jlou%nt flEntarjmse (SEMI-WEEKLY,) L. C. BRYAN, : : : : Editor. THOMASVILLE, GA.: TUESDAY, JULY 16, 1867. RAIL ROAD MEETINGS IN MITCHELL AND BAKER COUNTIES. We take pleasure in announcing that the citizens of Mitchell county have called for a meeting at Camilla, on Saturday the 3d day of August, for the purpose of taking stock in the South Georgia & Florida Railroad. A meet ing will also be held at Newton, in Ba> ker county, on Monday the sth day of August, for the same purpose. The Hon. James L. Seward and Col. S. B. Spencer of Thomasville, will be present at both meetings, and will address the citizens of those counties upon the merits of the South Georgia & Flo rida Railroad. We hope those gentle men will ccntinuo on to Albany, and bring us more good tidings from the other end of the road. HON. H. S. PITCH. In another place we publish a card from this gentleman, explanatory of his remarks against the Freedmen’s Bureau, in his speech at Thomasville, on tho 4th of July. It will be seen, that while he objects to the language and the comprehensive sweep we gave to his declaration, yet Mr. Fitch bears us out fully in the main points of our report of his speech. We arc content with his limiting his epithets to the “subordinates” of tho Bureau, for we may, on this point, have given too much scope to his remark; but we could not so easily forget the shock we received by the termination of a most eloquent period in a “set of d—d ras cals.” The audience will bear us out in tho fact, that Mr. Fitch was most assuredly “ hurried” into the use of this language. We have no quarrel with him on that subject, however, and forgive his violence to literature and refinement on the score of high wrought zeal battling in a good cause. REGISTRATION. Wo had tho pleasure, on Saturday, of meeting in our sanctum, Capt. A. B. Clark, President of the Board of Registration for tho 7th District, com posed of Thomas, Brooks and Colquitt counties. Capt. Clark is a polite and intelligent gentleman, kind and con ciliatory in his views, and disposed to COftfirre himself strictly to his duty in tho discharge of tho duties of the office of Register, lie reports completion of tho registration in Brooks, and says lie was much gratiGed at the kind treat ment he every where received at the hands of the intelligent citizens of that county. Tho Board will now pro ceed to Colquitt county and leave Thomas for the last, for the better ac commodation of the larger planters of Thomas, who are at this time busy in their crops. Duo notice will bo given at each precinct in the county and also in tho paper, ot the time at which the Board will commence registration. HIGHLY IMPORTANT. The Ordors granting Registration to certain parties Rescinded. To Henry S. Wctmorc, Pro’t Board Registration, Savannah, Ga.: No suoh instructions nro authorized as you announce in tho Savannah pa-’ pers. You will be guided by tho law and previous printed instructions, lto call your advertisement. By order of Major General Pope. J. N. Meuse, General Inspector Registration. Approved : G. K. Sanderson, Capt. and A. A. A. G. 3d Mil. District. Wo copy the abovo order from tho Savannah Republican , which paper was coolly ordered to publish it “with, out comment.” We aro glad to see that tho Republican treated that piece of military impudcnco and presump tion, with contempt and defiance, and proceeded to censure both the order in reference to registration, and tho order prohibiting “comment.” Thanks to Geu. Pope, (not tfi Congress) there is an order prohibiting military interfer ence with newspapers on any pretence whatever. American liborty exists but in nanio, but while tho chief of the military chooses to give lifo to the glorious old Constitutional principle, lot tho press exerciso it to rebuke and hold up to scorn and contempt, the shameless aots of “upstart shoulder straps.” Wc are gratified to sco that, tho Republican docs not support the inccndinry con fiscation radicalism now trying to or ganize in Georgia, but lias taken a bold stand lor reconstruction on con servative ground. Its denunciations of tho faction loaders of the Radicals in Savannah and elsewhere, who are busying themsolvcs getting up the “war of races” by giving evil advioo to the colored people, havo proved truly refreshing, and wo havo no doubt done much good in the country. Has“Thc Registration in Brooks 00. stands as follows: Precincts. White. Colored. Total. Quitman, 321 298 519 Grooverville, 54 213 267 Dry Lake, 47 55 102 Ttillokas, 65 110 175 Morven, 71 89 160 Fifteenth. 74 85 159 Total, 532 850 1,382 Colored majority, . . . 318 ALVIN B. CLARK, Prcs’t Board Reg. 7th Dist. A CARD. Savannah, Ga., July 13, 1867. L. G. Bkyan, Editor Southern Enterprise. Sib In your issue of the 9th instant, under the caption of “Hon. Henry S. Fitch and the Freedmen’g Bureau,” I find the following sentence attributed to me, as ad dressed to the colored men of Thomasville, namely: “They (the freedmen) could not be free, until they get rid of the Freed men’s Bureau and the set of d—d rascals that control it.” This is scarcely the style of invective I have been accustomed to a 'opt or admire. I should bo sorry to believe tlrnt 1 had been hurried, even in the excitement of an ex temporaneous speech, into the utterance of so unbecoming an expression. One thing is certain, I made no such sweeping accu sation against the personal integ ity of the Bureau officers as the above sentence and context would imply. A charge of that character would be even more absurd than unjust. The very head of the Bureau, Gen. O. O. Howard, is pre-eminently honored for his virtues, as well as his valor, and among his assistants in Georgia, I am glad to number many of my friends—gentlemen whose well-earned reputation I would take, great pleasure in defending, but certainly never thought of assailing. My remarks, so fur as they had any personal applica tion, were intended for those unworthy su bordinates, who, “dressed in a Hyde brief authority,” pervert their office to political and speculative purposes. A class of de linquents much more numerous than a kind hearted optimist might imagine. I did maintain and still do, that tho Bu reau itself is an illogical anomaly, and in direct antagonism to the recognized free dom of the negro. The man that is at li - orty to vote for his own candidato, should be at liberty to make his own contract— the citizen intelligent enough to partici pate in the affairs of government, is intel ligent enough to manage his private affairs. I did advise the freedmen and still do, that their first duty, after tho education of their children, was to exercise their con stitutional privilege of “petitioning fora redress of grievances,” and demand of Congress the abolition of that unnecessary and humiliating guardianship, known as the Freedmen’s Bureau. Until that is done, they are not freemen before the law or so ciety, but mere political tools in a quasi state of servitude. I remain, very respectfully, HENKV S. FITCH. ENCOURAGING LETTER. A letter has been received by a gentleman in Thomasville from an in telligent and inuflential gentleman in Albany, speaking most encouragingly of the disposition of tho people of Dougherty county toward our South Georgia & Florida railroad enterprise. If the strong county of Dougherty will unite her strength with that of Thomas, there will soon bo no room for new stockholders. Let tho Dougherty friends of tho road move forwurd in the matter and bring it directly before the people, that they may t"!co part in tho election for Directors. SENATOR WADE’S AGRARI ANISM- Senator Wado has written a loiter, in whlfth he denies that ho advocated an “equal distribution of property 1 ” as ho was reported by tho correspondent of the St. Louis Democrat, in a spcceli at Lawrence, in Kansas. The Demo crat, however, prefers to credit tho statement of its correspondent, rather than Senator Wade, and so they have made up an issue of voracity. The truth is, Ben Wado said what he was charged with ; but finding himself uni versally condeninod, as the Democrat says, is now trying to “wrigglo” out of it. Notes on tho Situation.--No. 7. BY 11. 11. HILL. "lie late civil war did not end by any formal treaty of poace. The IJui. ted States, though recognizing, by all the departments of their Federal Gov ernment, tho Confederate States as a belligerent party, would not recognizo tho right of making a treaty by their enemy lost a sort of seperation or in dependence should bo implied. Wo must, therefore, look to the grounds of difference which brought on the conflict; to tho declaration by the United States of tho purposes of the war as made at tho beginning and during the progress of the war, and to the conditions or stipulations of sur render, for tho torms of poaoo, and tho consequent rights of tho victor and tho obligations of tho vanquished. 'For we must admit that tho doctrines of the issue, as insisted upon by tho Uni ted States, and tho purposes and do uiands of tho United States in making and carrying on the war, and the terms of surrender, were agreed to by us in tho act of surrender, and, therefore, make tho law of the peace for both parties—boing thus demanded by one party and conceded by the other.* The Sonthein States insisted : 1. That tho Federal Constitution was a compact, to which tho States wore partios as soporato and indepen dent Statos, and, therefore, were par ties with tho right, hy virtue of their seperato sovereignty, of withdrawal from tho oompact when, in tho judg ment of the State withdrawing, her in terest or safety required withdrawal. 2. That the administration ol tho common government by a soctional party —sectional because organized on principles of avowod hostility to a right of property held by tho citizens of tho Southern States and recognized in the Constitution —would endanger tho interest and safety of such States , aud, therefore, justified tue exercise of tho right claimed to withdraw. Many in tho South believed this right to withdraw would bo conceded by the party then coming into power in the Uuited States, aud that, tlicrofore, tho secession would be peaceable.— They wero encouraged to believe this, becauso this doctrine, though now and for years advocated at tho South, did really originate in New England and first camo as a threat from that quarter of the Union; because, also, many of the prominent organs and leaders of tho new party did concede tho right, and some declared if tee Southern States chose to exerciso i, they should do so in peace. But this impression pnved to be a very fatal mistake; and tis very cer tain that the United Stales, and every department of their government, in the beginning and tbrougboit the dura, tion of the struggle, anl until after the final surrender, did deny, in every official form, both the right of with drawal, the validity of tie attempt to withdraw, as well as tbosufficiency of the case made lo justify the attempt. Thus the right of a State to with draw from the Union becimo the great leading question of differmce between the parties to the conflict as made by all the official records, and was the main question to be decided by the conflict. The South insis*d the Union was dissolved; the Norfi denied it; they joined in battle t( decide the question. Now let us sie the official proof that this was the iriginal issue In Mr. Lincoln’s list Inaugural Address we find the bllowing lan guage :—“lt follows frou these views “that no State, upon its own mere mo tion, can lawfully get out of the “Union ; that resolves aid ordinances “to that effect arc bynlly void.” * * “I, therefore, consider ffiat, in view of “the Constitution and tho laws, the “Union is unbroken, and, to the ex tent of liiy ability, I slall take care, “as the Constitution itself expressly “enjoins upon me, that the laws of tho “Union shall be faithfully executed “in all the Stubs Here, two things me plainly asser led by the Executive power of the United States: 1. Tlat the Union is not and cannot be brolon by the sep* arate States ; and 2. (That this doc trine shall be maintained. In July, 1801, the Congress of the United States, with alnost cut re un animity, resolved “That this war is not waged, on our part, in any spirit of Oppression, n or for any purpose of conquest or subju gation, nor purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or estab lished institutions of the States; but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union, with all the dignity, equality and rights of tho several States unim paired ; and, as soon as these objects aro accomplished, the war ought to cease.” Now, let us analyze this resolution and wo find that it asserts three very distinct propositions : 1. It declares what is not the pur. pose of the war: It is not “in a spirit of oppression,” nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation. 2. It declares what is tho purpose of the war: “To defend and maintain tho Constitution, and »o preserve tho Union, with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several States unim paired.” 3. It declares when the war shall cease: “As soon as these objects are accomplished the war ought to cease ;” that is, as soon as the Constitution is maintained and the Union preserved with the dignity, equality and rights of the States unimpaired, the war ought to cease. Ten days afterward tho Congress again declared, on motion of a New England Radical, their “fixed deter mination to maintain, the supremacy of tho Government, and the integrity of tho Union gs all these United States.” And, with the single exception of Mr. Breckinridgo, this resolution was unan imous in the Senate. Quotations of like character could he multiplied until there should bo no end of tho books that should be writ ten, but these which I havo made aro so clear, so explicit, so official, nnd make tho single purpose of the war on tho part of tho United States so distinct, that I could not make it more explicit by a thousand additional proofs. That singlo purpose, at that time, was to defeat the, validity of sc cession andpreserec the Union of all the States. Now, I have conceded, and here re* peat, that either party, during tho struggle, may increase his demands, or cnlargo his purposes in waging tho war; and these additional demands or purposes being proclaimed and made known to the other party before the surrender, while “his men and arms remain,” may bo claimed as among the results deoidod by the war, and as making part of tho terms of peaoo.— Such demands, it is true, must be rea sonable, and sncli purposes must bo within tho laws of war. For instance, either party, within tho time pre scribed, may demand the removal of tho cause of the war so that it may not produce a renowal of tho conflict ; or, in case of an unjust war or of un necessary or unreasonable prolonga tion of the struggle, may domand the expensos of tho war; or, in case of re bellion, may insist on excepting from tho amnesty tho authors of tho distur bance to be brought to legal trial; or if a cruel ami barbarous nation were to give distinct notice to rebels that they must expect no quarters; that they must consider, in case of surren der, that their lives or property or botn aro forfeited, the world might be shocked aud humanity made ashamed; but tho rebels ought not to complain, for in that case they are notified they must submit to tho declared will of the conqueror, and ought to fight to extermination. But as such demands are unusually cruel, they ought to be made known before the surrender, with unusual distinctness, lest the weaker party, relying on Qie law of na ture and humanity, to save something by not fighting to extermination, should be entraped into a surrender which accomplishes what they inten ded by surrendering to escape. I repeat, the only demand made by the United States in the begining was, that the people of tho Confederate States should “ lay down their arms, retire to their homes and obey the laws,” because thereby the United States sought to accomplish the only purpose of the war, to.wit. The de feat of secession and the preservation of the Union. The question is, did the United Stater, during the war and before the surrender, make other demands or avow additional purposes and make them known to the Confederates? I have been unable to find any oth er, and believe no other man is able to find any other, legitimate or official demands or declared purposes. I find many individual threats, and I find also acts of confiscation, suspen sion of habeas corpus and such like acts, but then they are declared to be, what indeed their very natures make them war measures —to end with the war, and to make no part of the terms or law of peace' They were adopted as means to accomplish the one great original purpose, to force us to lay down our arms, and thus preserve the Union. * Mr. Ijincoln did promise a liberal exercise of the pardoning pew* er, from which it may be claimed to imply lhat he would except some from the amnesty, but he could only except them for a legal trial, and I suppose even Mr. Lincoln did not doubt the result of a fair legal trial, unless of someone who made war on the United States before the secession of his State. For though the result of the war did decide that secession was void, yet, as intent is the essence of crime, it did not and could not decide, that one who honestly believed that secession was legal, was bound to know it was void before the decision made it so. — And, though the result establishes that secession is and was and must remain void ; yet “he who honestly beleivcd, at the tirn: r that secession was either a Constitutional or revolutionary right, or that h»allegiance was due to bis- Slate when secession was asserted, or who believed tho coercion of a State was a crime, could not become a crim inal by acting on his honest belief.— But if a man, before the secession of his Slate, made war on the United States by seizing her forts or other wise; or, if while holding an office un der an oath to support the Constitu tion of the United States, he used the functions of that very office, by overt acts, to destroy the Union, such a man was a traitor and might, with some show of reason, have been excepted from the amnesty and reserved for trial. I think, however, true wisdom and a peaceful future required entire amnesty for all the past, and careful abslinenco from all oppressive acts in all tho future. During the war, Mr. Lincoln, as President of the United States, issued his proclamation, emancipating slaves in certain States and parts cf States. But this, itself, was declared to be a tour measure only. Afterward the Congress had proposed to the States an amendment to the Constitution, abolishing slavery everywhere. But the States had not ratified it. It wai, therefore, only a proposition undeter mined at the time of the surrender. After the surrender the slave States accepted and ratified this proposed amendment, and thus, hy the act of tho slave States after the surrender, this amendment became a portion ol the Constitution. Therefore, the abo lition of slavery may in fact, though not in legal strictness, be countod as ono of tho things decided by the war, and as being part of tho law of peace. It is a noticeable fact, also, that al though Mr. Lincoln included the ac ceptance of emancipation as part of the terms at the conference in Hamp ton Roads, yet neither lie nor ticn. Grant, nor any other power, alluded to this as part of the terms during tho negotiations for, norat the time of tho acceptance of, tho rurrender. The only conditions of the surrender were to submit to the laws, and not take up arms again against tho United Statos. What, then, did the war decide, and what, by that deoision, is tho law of peace ? Hero it is, and here is all: Secession is void ; the Constitution is maintained ; tho Union is preserved, with all tho dignity, equality and rights of tho several States unimpaired, with the singlo exception of tho aboli tion of slavery through the consent of the original slave States. And when our people, after tho surrender, took an oath to support tho Constitution of the United States and the union of tho States thereunder, they swore to support tho above decis ion, and nothing more. Tho meeting of the Conventions in those States, to conform their Consti tutions and laws to the change brought by the abolition of slavery, was proper, and a result of tho agreement to eman cipate. The appointment of provis ional civil officers by the President to enable those conventions to bo called and to act, was proper machinery to accomplish the {ond. Further than this no reconstruction was ever need ed or was legal or proper. But for the abolition of slavery the States would have boon restored to their old Constitutions and government, as they existed at tho time of secession. Every proposition in these Military Bills has been originated since the war; not ono of thorn was demanded duriug tho war, or was made a condi tion of tho surrender. There is not a respectable publicist or law-writer, an cient or modern, heathen or Christian, which can be quoted to sustain them. By every such authority tho attempt to prescribe new terms after tho sur render is infamous —is a breach of tho peaco ; is anew declaration of war, and is a most perfidious abandonment of the most sacred of national obliga tions iu the tace of mankind. Nay, more; these Military Bills aro disunion bills. Those who propose them are disunionists; those who ad vocate them are disunionists, those who consent to or accept them arc dis unionists. And they are disunionists, too, not, like tbe secessionist*, on a principle—-asserting a simply doubtful right; but they are disunionists in the teeth on the very decision of the war itself; and disunionists who do not seek to accomplish their ends in an open, manly way, but who destroy the Union under protenoeof preserving it; who trample on the Constitution un der oath to support it; who continue the war after resistance has ceased ; who fight an unarmed people, and not their own impoverished victims. * Note.—The reader will observe that 1 do not claim the doctrines and purposes of tho Confederate States as constituting any of the terms of the peace. These were all defeated in the fight and were abandoned by the sur render. Tbe official declarations and purposes of tbe United States, as avow ed before the surrender, were the terms to which the Confederate States agreed to submit by the surrender, and with which the United States arc bound to be satisfied; and, thus, they form the law of peace. Yet, a Geor gian, one boasting of tho honors con ferred on him by the people, in a late speech at Milledgeville, tells os we are out of (he Union according to our own position! ‘When we surrendered, after a gallant fight, we were, upon our own declaration, a conquered fofeign State—subject to the will of the eon* queror V’ as though that very surren der did not defeat our declaration, and make good the declaration of the con -queror that qui secession was void, and that we were not and should not be out of the Union as a foreign State.—• One of our own teachers, who tells us his children are to I’ve among us ma king, in the same breath, our will and and the will of the enemy alike our law, if, hy such contradictory positions, he can harm us in both cases l Such perfidy is surpassed only by the slander that Mr. Davis “made strong efforts to get u perpetual su-pension of Habeas Corpus,” and by the bitterness which quotes the conclusion ol the petition for IlabcUa Corpus—the mere formal conclusions of all such papers —as evidenco of humiliation or incon sistency on- the part of Mr. Davis'!•— And yet he exclaims, a3 if his motive was suspected and needed confirmation: “What interest, then, can I have in misleading you V A great writer gives us an account of a very similar speech which was made long ago by one who had been “often honoredand after quoting the speech, adds this comment: “So spake the false dissembler iinperceired For neither Man nor Angel can discern Hypocrisy, the only evil that walks Invisible, except to God alone.” But that speaker himself afterward, in a soliloquy, gave the explanation ot all his attempts at deception. lie said : “But what will not ambition and revenge Decend to ? Who aspires must down as low As high he soar'd ; obnoxious, first or last, To basest things.” Important from Europe. Paris, July 13. —The French Gov ernment hearing nothing from its Mex ican minister siuce the capture of the city of Mexico, is about sending a strong fleet to Vora Cruz to protect him oj resent indignities offered him. The Tarantula. —Tho Baltimore Commercial says: We have been favored by T. 11. Kelly, Esq., of this city, with a glance at a curiosity in his possession, from California, which is almost startling in tlfe wonderful ingenuity displayed by the architect thereof the famous tarantula. This insect, or reptile, wc would describe to those who havo not seen it, is a huge and frightful species of venomous spider, whose long limbs, bristly covering, and generally revolt, ing appearance would, wo should sup. poso, tend to keep at a distance the most determined entomologist wh o m he might chance to threaton. Poisnous to a terrible degree, and subject to no little romantic speculation as the best remedy for his bite, he is yet the vic tim of another sharp practitioner, against whom, as his especial deadly too, ho constructs tho fortress in ques tion. This oonsists of a long gallery, tunneled in tho hard clay, and ending in a spacious circular hall or chamber, to which, when off duty, the tarantula resorts ; the particular marvel, howev er, being a nico little door of hard clay, lined with a silky material, and hung on a hinge ol the same, which fits so nicely that it requires some skill to detect the ontrancc. Chased hy his enemy, tho tarantula strikes the “double quick’’ for his den, and slam ming the door behind him, wc aro as sured that ho sfeizes hold of it, and keeps it fast till the seigo is raised.— Taken altogether we have never seen a nicer or more striking piece of insect architecture. ATTENTION FIREMEN! " \ SPECIAL Mcetirujof Neptune Fire Coin puny, will be held on Fridnv, July 19, at 8 o'clock, P. M.,nt the Mayor’s Office, for the purpose of nmkimf to receive the Engine- Every member is requested to at tend. Hy order of G- A. JEFFERS, July 16-21 ForeuiHu. Gone up the Spout ¥ F yon dont come to the Book Store and get I Bookt*. nnd nubecribe for *>tne of the many Papent for which we nre Agent, «m*h an the Macon Telegraph, dec, Acc., AUk> thoee wish mg Piano* Tones 1 will have them attended to in due time b? leaving their names at the Book Store with a X or V. J R 8- DAVI9, Bookseller Auctioneer. July 16 ts Thomaeville, Gft. TOWN TAXES. Books now open for recaiving the 1 Ketnrni-ot the Town Taxes. Office noon lrom 8 till I'J o’clock, A M., and from “J till 3 o'clock.!* M \VM. CLINK. C. C Jnly 9 »w ADXniSTRITOR * DICEDw, Far Sale at lM» Olßcc. [FOR the southern enterprise.] TO THE MEN OF COLOR OF THOMAS COUNTY. Numbf.r 2. In my first number I drew your at tion to the politicians of the North,' who pretend to so much kindness to-' wards you, and come such long dis tances and spend so much money to look after your special interests here at the South, and to give you so much good and wholesome advice and in struction, as they sa/1 History informs us that tlrese,your visiters gre the de scendants of a grasping, greedy, mo* ney-loving and unscrupulous set of usurpers, not at all particular as to whose property they appropriated to their own use, or by what honest or dishonest means they may have come into possession of it. That they com* menccd tbeir career in Old England by a revolution, in which they took King Charles the First from his throne, chopped off his head, and then estab lished anew government UDder one of their military leaders. Wbwn their old leader died their government died with him, and the people of England put the son of the old king on his father’s throne again. Then Came uty an old score for settlement betweenlhu Royalist Cavaliers and Crop Ears or Round Heads, afterwards called Puri-' tans, in which the latter were con demned by the people into a large baL ance of political and moral dishonesty, to say nothing of canting• hy and they had to See the country. In an evil hour a portion of them defer* mined to eia-rgrat-j to the Plantations, as the States of Noith America were then ca'led. It is an old saying, that as the old bird sings tho young oner learns; and that what is bred hi the bone cannot be extracted from tfcte muscle. Dr./Dwight, speaking of the American- IndiUtf', .fays, he is an In dian in' his cradle, and remains an In-* dian to his grave. So it was found to' be with these Puritans. They were traitors and usurpers at home in Eng land, and they wore robbers, plunder* 1 ers and persecutors, as soon as they came to this country. Their first step was to come Unasked and take posses. siov> of the soil, without paying or of fering to pay the possessors one dollar' for it—live srest was, to drive out m annihilate the lawful owners, in order" that they might keep undisturbed pos session themselves. SoiiVe of tbe peace ful and honest Quakers and Baptists had come over from about tbe same time. These were also driven out by these loving and affectionate Puritans. Thus these Puritans or Yankees gsrt a foothold in this country, just as a gang of pirates would take possession of a defenceless island. This unscru pulous grasping disposition is a part of their nature; it is bred in them, and they carry it with them wherever they go. To make money and acquire property is always uppermost in tbeir minds, go where they may and do what they will; and you may depend upon it, whatever may le their professions when they come among you, they in tend to make money out of you first or last. They como to the South for no other purpose, tako your Uncle Ben’s word for it. I will not deny that some few of them, a very few, have been re novated by tho Almighty, and turned to honest and upright purposes; but the above is a true history of the genu ine Yankee es ho is in common, I will tell you something more about him in my next. Your affectionate i Uncle Ben. (DbitimrjT. JAJIES C. KOSN, K-q. A few Jays since wc were pained with the intelligence of the sudden death of him whose name heads this brief notice. What a melancholy reflection!—that in the rigor of life, ono who was endowed with such goodness of heart, should, by an apparent accident, lose his life, breathing his last bre tli amid the watery waves wliioh a few moments before excited in him no dread of danger! In his efforts to rescue a boat wliioh he had lost from the shore, at Si.nlmry, Lib erty county, he was unfortunately precipi tated inlo the bay and was drowned. Jambs C. Boss was of a noble, generous nature, with an intellect bright and flash ing, full of vivacity and cheerfulness, and possessing the finest social qualities, which gave him many warm friends. We do not claim for him exemption from error. Frail, erring man, can claim no Btich perfection. Hu possessed some of the highest virtues. Ho never betrayed or deserted a friend; he was brave, courageous and manly. Dorn in Georgia, and feeling (hat the South was oppressed, lie volunteereda Southern soldier in the late unhappy war, and never shrunk from duty when danger was pre sent. Character is to be estimated in learn ing the inward impulses and promptings which oonstitnte true nobleness, more than the external evidences, which are fre quently presented to deceive—resting upon no real virtue. Our friend never sought to deceive, but was always frank and sin cere. His true character was best under stood by those who knew him best. A warmer heart never throbbed or ceased to beat than his. The impulses of his sool were goodness, reflected in a thousand ways through the frail tenement that sur rounded it. He never stained his hea venly gift (the soul) by invoking its noble powers to teach the outward man to be a hypocrite. He was an imperfect type of a good man. When he moved to do good «v»l was present. It was not the inward man. It was sin (the common lot of all) warring in his members. God knows how to deal with His erring children. The great office of mercy reels with God. Be it ours to hope and prepare, under a firm and settled persuasion, that living and dying we are Hie; that life is passed in Mis constant presence—that death resigns us to His merciful disposal. We know not what time death shall call for us! “ Leaves have their time to fall. And flowers wither at the North wind's breath. And sure to set—bat all. Thou hast all seasons for thine own, Ob, Deatht” A FEIIND.