Southern enterprise. (Thomasville, Ga.) 1865-1866, May 02, 1866, Image 1

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SOUTHERN ENTERPRISE. LUCIUS C. BRYAN, Editor and Proprietor, t Terms, 84.00 a year in Advance. j Law and Medical Cards, BRYAN & HARRIS, ATTOR\ EI'S AT LAW, TIIOUVtVIM.e, 6A, OFFICE first iloor in second story of Shirk’s Confectionary L. C. BRYAN. R H. HARRIS. Mar 14 II ts S. B. SPENCER, ATTORNEY AT JAW, Thomanville, Gforgia, Will attend “row “Hr to all civil business en trusted to bu care in the Southern Circuit, i ‘ u> h aii l Ware ot the Brunswick Circuit. Jan 31 5 ly* C. P. HANSELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Thoiiia*rillr, (Georgia Jan 31 5-ly ROBERT G. MITCHELL, ATTORNEY AT LA W, TIIOMASVILLE, GA. jfcgr* Ifficc over McLase’s Store. Jan 24 412 m J. K. Reid, .VI. U. W. F. I>e\ itt, VI. U Urs ItEID X UeWITT, OFFER their services to the citizens of Thomasville and vicinity. IW*OFFICE at Dr. DeWitt’sJDrug Store Feb 21 8 ts Or. T. S. HOPKINS, OFF ICB! IN SAVIK LOT will. REMIDEVGE. L. O. ARNOLD, RESIDENT DENTIST THOMASVILLE, GA. ’IAT'ILL be fouml at the old .n “‘"""V. T V stand occupied by him for the last ten years Aug 23-12 tn Dr. W- P CLOWER II AYING permanently located in Thoinas .X ville, otters his ProfcNitiuaal Stervi e to the public. ■ at the Drug Store of W. I’. Clovrer A Cos. C —the house formerly oc <?upied by Dr. Brandon. mar 14 ly Dri 11. W. ASTON Having permanently located in Thomas', ville, respectfully offers his services to the citizens of the Town and Surrounding Country, in the practice of Medicine, Surs gery and Midwifery. Will also pay spe cial attention to the treatment of Diseases of Women. Office R. R. Evans’ old Store Upstairs. j*nl7s3m E . G. FI KG fS O \ , ■ [Graduate of Queen’ s College.) PHYSIC AN, SURGEON, Ac., Boston, Georgia. May be consulted at Mr. Murphy’s near Railroad Station. APOTHECARY TTAT.T,. W. P. CLOWER & CO., DRUGGISTS. Have renovated and refitted the Store next to Young's Hotel, for the purpose of es tablishing a First Class Drug Store. The new firm ask for a shltre of patron age. and invite the attention of the citi zens to their well selected stock of Ulcdicines, Fancy and Toilet Articles, Soaps and Perfumery. Fine Green and lllack Teats, Kerosine Lamps and Oil, DA E STI FFS, Together with every other article usually kept in a well appointed Drug Store. gigs” Physicians’ Prescriptions carefully prepared. 4-ts Jan 24 DRUGS AND ammra. fTthe undersigned having purchased the | elegant Drug Store of Dr. Little, take pleasure in announcing to the people of Thomasville, and the country generally, chat they have just received & full supply of fresh Drugs and Medicines, Paints, Oils, Perfumery. Stationery, et., etc. Call and examine for yourselves. By strict attention to business, courte* ous and honorable dealing with our cus tomers we hope to merit and receive a libe ral share of patronage. WINN & CASSELS. James N. Wiss, Samuel J. Cassels. jan l“tf FRESH DRUGS “rvR. T. S. BOWER has just received a U large stock of fresh Drugs, purchased at the best manufactories in the United States, and embracing every article in the Medical Department. It is Drugs were purchased with the view of supplying the market with the very Best Quality of Medicines manufactured, and the prices were not therefore consulted. lie will nevertheless sell upon easy terms, and feels sure that he can give satisfaction. Thankful for the liberal patronage ex. tended to him heretofore by the people of Thomas County, he hopes to merit a eontin uation of their favors. He may be found at his old Stand opposite Remington & Son. Jan 4, ts P. S. BOWTB. “empire”iair resiorerT A N elegant Pressing, A An infallible restorer of Color, And a wonderful Incigorator of the HAIR. Prepared bv W. P. CLOWER At CO., Jan 31 5-ts Apothecaries Hall. TWO Jlonthti from date, applica tion will b made to LonndesCourt of Or dinary, for leave to sell the Real Estate of Archibald Mclntyre, late of said Conntv. dec’d. ISAAC JESSUP. Mar 21 2m Adm'r. Commission Merchants. GEO. T. PATTEN, COMMISSION MERCHANT, TII OVI AM VI I, f,E. GA. %\’’II.I. purchase andaell Cotton. Raton, Tv Magnr, Syrup, Wool, Ac., Ac.. on Commission, forward Cotton and other Pro duoe to Savannah, and Goods from Depot to other points. Orders and Consignments solicited. Feb 14 7-3m* GEORGE PATTEN, IT* o r w ar ding AND COMMISSION MERCHANT, ’ HA VAN.N AH, GEORfIIA. rvvENDERS bis services to the Merchants of 1 Thomasville. and the Planters of Thomas County, for the forwarding of Goods, the sale of Pro Gee and purchase of Supplies, and re spectfully solicits their patronage. Feb 14 7-3m* J. R. S. DAVIS 8c COT, Auction & Commission MERCHANTS, Next door loB.& L. Goldberry’t* Store. SOLICIT consignments of goods of all de scriptions. Particular attention paid to telling real and personal property. Auction sales on \V ednesdaysand Satur days—day and night. J. R. S. DAVIS, G. A. JEFFERS. Feb 14 7-3tn* _H. BRYAN, A. L. HARTRIDGE, E.W.S. NEFF. Late of J. Savannah Ga., Cincinnati, O. Bryan & Son Savan h, Ga. Bryan, Hartridge & Cos., COMMISSION MERCHANTS BROKERS, No. 163 liny street, SAVANNAH, CSa. Strict attention given to Consignments and Collections. apr 11 Cm F. W. SIMS,) { J. F. WHEATON, I.ate of the > ] Late of the firm of Republican. ) ( Wilder, Wheaton & Cos. F. W. SIMS & Cos., SAVANNAH, CSA., FACTORS AND GENERAL COMMISSI MERCHANTS. DEALERS IN Vferoliamlise, Produce, Tim ber, Lumber anti Collon. Consignments and orders respectfully solicit ed, and whether bv wagon, river, railroad or sea, will receive the strictest attention. The Forwarding Business carefullv and promptly done. mar 7 10-6 m Miller, Thomas & Cos., GENERAXi COMMISSION & GROCERY MERCHANTS, SAVANNAH, . . . . , GEORGIA. A. J. MILLER. SAMUEL B. THOMAS. D. 0. LIVINGSTON. Jan 24 4-6m* J. L. YILLALONCrA, ~ COTTON FACTOR FORfARDIIS Hi COMMiSSIOI Mcrdiant No- 94 Bay Street, jan l-3m 5.4 VANN AH, GA. A. J. BRADY, W.M. SMITH, E.J. MOSES Atlanta. Lexington. Columbus. Brady, Smith & CO., COTTON coMMissios m mmum MERCHANTS, Savannah, : : : : : Georgia Will make liberal advances on Produce con signed to ns or our friends, in New York, Boston, Philadelphia or Liverpool. Agents for FAIRBANKS .V CO., R. HOE & CO., STEARNS & MARVIN, and other Northern Manufactories. Refer to all the leading Merchants of the City. Nov. 8 3m W. Carvel Hall. Jas. E. Myers. J. Hanson Thomas, Jr. Hall, Myers & Thomas GENERAL COMMISSION Mcl’cliants, No. 3, Commerce St., Baltimore, References s J. Hanson Thomas, Prest Farmers’ and Mer chants’ National Bank,Tison A: Gordon. Sav’h Kirkland, Chase & Cos., Jno. Williams &Son, Williams, Bee & Cos.. N. Y., Brien & Car rere. N. Y.. C. Morton Stewart, H. L. Whitridge, D. H. Gordon. Va., Edward S. Myers. .T. P. Plea sants & Son. Thos. J. Carson & Cos. Wm. H. MacFarland, Pre’t Farmers’ Bank. Va. Mar 14 11-6 m GREAT BARGAINS!! AT DAVIS & JEFFERS’ 3XT IE3 W AUCTIOI & COMMISSION HOUSE. Next to (Soldberry's Store. THE attention of the public is called to the large and varied assortment of Goods of all descriptions consigned to us for sale AT AUCTION, or at private sale, at Le than Cost. Ladies are particularly invited to call and examine our fine Goods and Prices. It is our intention to make this the Cheap Store of Thomasville. ry Auction sales on Wednesdays and Satur days—dav and night. } ‘ J. R. S. DAVIS, G- A JEFFERS, Feb ll 7-3m’ THE CIVIC Kit.H I M Kil l. The Bi!l as it Passed Both Houses of Congress and R-passed the Senate over the President’s Veto. Section 1. That all persons born in the United States and not subject to j any foreign power, excluding Indians not taxed, are hereby declared to be citizens of the United States; and such citizens, of every race or color, without regard to any previous condition of sla very or involuntary service, except as a punishment for crime whereof the par ty shall have been duly convicted, shall have the same right in every State and Territory to make and enforce contracts, to sue, to be sued, be parties and give evidence, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold and convey real and personal r.TGT A rtv. and to full and eoual benefit rFJ J i of all laws and proceedings fortheseC!!’ ‘ rity of person and property as are enjoy ed by white citizens; and shall be sub ject to like punishment, pains and pen alties, and to none other, any law, stat ute ordinance, regulation or custom to the contrary notwithstanding. Sec. 2. And that any person who, under color of any law, statute, ordi nance, regulation or custom, shall sub ject orcausetobesubjected, any inhab itant of any State or Territory to the deprivation of any right secured or pro tected by this act, or to punishment, pains and penalties on account of such persons having at any time been held in a condition of slavery or involuntary servitude, exeept for the punishment of crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, or by the reason of his color or race, than is prescribed for the punishment of white persons, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemean or, and on conviction shall be punished by a fine not exceeding one thousand dollars, or imprisonment not exceeding one year, 01 both, in the discretion of. the court. Sec. 3. That the district courts of the United States, within their respec tive districts, shall have, exclusively of the courts of the several States, cog nizance of all crimes and offences com- j mitted against the provisions of this act, and also concurrently with the cir cuit courts of all causes civil and crim mal, affecting persons who are. denied or cannot enforce in the courts or ju dicial tribunal of the State or locality where they may be, and of the rights secured to them by the first section of j the act; and if any suit or prosecution, j civil or criminal, has been or shall be ; commenced, in any State court against i any such persons for cause whatsoever, civil or criminal, or any other person, any arrest or imprisonment, trespasses or wrong done or committed by virtue or under color of authority derived from this act or the act establishing a bureau for the relief of freedmen and refugees, and all acts amendatory there-, of, or for refusing to do any act upon the ground that it would be inconsistent with this act, such defendent shall have the right to remove such cause for trial to the proper district or cir cuit court in the manner prescribed by the act relating to habeas corpus and regulating judicial proceedings in certain cases, approved Mar. 3, 1803, and all acts amendatory thereof. The jurisdiction in civil or criminal matters hereby conferred on the district and circuit courts of the United States, shall be exercised and enforced in con formity with the laws of the U. States, so far as such laws are suitable to carry the same into effect; but in all cases where such laws are not adapted to the object or are deficient in the pro visions necessary to furnish common law as modified and changed by the constitution and statutes or the State wherein the court having jurisdiction of the cause, civil or criminal, is held, so far as the United States, shall be extended, and govern the said court in the trial’and disposition of such cause, and, if of a criminal nature, in the in fliction of punishment on the party found guilty. [The above three sections constitute the gist of the bill, and although we omit much of it, the remainder refers principally to the execution.] — Editor. PRENTICE ON BBOWNLOW Taking oil the Hide an well as Ike Cuticle, [From the Louisville Journal.] Parson Brownlow, the Irreverend Governor of Tennessee, has published one of hischaracteristically low and dir ty articles about us in the Knoxville Whig. In that article, he has not sta ted a single truth, or anything approx imating to a truth. When he sits down to abuse anybody, lies cluster around his pen like blue-bottle flies around a horse'sears in July or August. He lies with his pen, lies with his tongue, lies with his gestures, lies through every pore of his yellow and ’ shrivelled hide. Lies issue from his mouth like the horned locusts from the throat of that other great beast de scribed in the Apocalypse. He is pro bably the “father” of as many lies as the horned and tailed master he serves. The Parson is now a fierce abolition ist. He goes as far in radicalism as the lowest and the worst radical in the nation. He would gladly bathe his hands and feet and wash his face in the blood of any man who is not a radical. In May, 1860, when the fire-eaters, among whom he claimed to be a leader, Tkomasville, Georgia, Wednesday, May 2, 1866. broke up the Democratic party by for cing two Democratic candidates upon it with the settled purpose of getting Mr. Lincion elected, and then using his election as a pretext to destroy the Union, he was probably more ferocious against the radicals, more vengeful and revengeful toward them, than any other editor in the country. The fol lowing from a letter of h:s, dated May, 1860, to the Rev. Mr. Pryne, a North ern man, whom he hated with a fiend ish hate for having defeated him overwhelmingly in a public controver sy at Philadelphia, will show what sort of position he occupied at that t'nie: “But, sir, the South can in two months enter into an alliance with ei ther England or France, commercial and political, offensive and defensive, and in either case it will be utter ruin to the Northern States of this Confed eracy. England ai.d France want our Rice, Tobacco, and Cotton, but they don't want the Manufactures of New England. An alliance between Eng land and these Southern States will break the existing tariff system, dis criminating in favor of New England manufactories, as a rope of sand, and scatter all your hopes to the winds, and coming at once in collision with your ancient competitor, and her low wages, without that protection which has built up all your cities and towns, you must be destroyed. Whenever such an al liance shall be formed, and our cot ton and other products are landed at either Liverpool or Havre, and pur chased again at high rates, New Eng land will see the handwriting on the wall.- ‘ “I, sir, would favor an alliance with France as a means of more efiectually punishing and starving out the Abo litionists ol the North. The far seeing monarch of the French would . unite with us on our. own terms, as it would afford him an opportunity to crush the commerce and manufactures of Old England, and make her feel that she is dependant upon her ancient enemy, as well as atone for villainous treatment of his illustrious uncle, Na poleon Bonaparte. Dissolve this Union, you infamous villains, and we shall make this proposition at once to Louis Napoleon, a most sagacious mon arch, and he would quarter at New Or leans 200,000 Frenchmen, & at Chesa peake 200,000 more; we would then command the Mississippi Valley, whip the Northwestern States into our South ern Confederacy, and we would then turn upon New England States, and cause the hurricane of civil war to rage and sweep from Mason and Dixon’s line to the cod-fisheries of Maine, until we would extinginsh the last abolition foothold on the continent of America; face to face, knife to knife, steel to steel, and pike to pike, we would meet you, and as we would cause you to bleed at every pore, we would make you regret in the hitter agonies of death, that you had ever felt any concern for the African race ! “Sir, if the fanatical, wicked, and infernal course pursued by you and your unprincipled associates is contin ued, the result will be as I have said, and you or your children will live to see it. PJe faced poverty and dismay are staring some of your manufactories and operatives in the face. We are sending our orders to England and France for goods, and driving your hell-deserving freedom-sbriekers into the holding of Union meetings and makiug these against their wills, curse all agitators of the slavery question, and resolve that John Brown and his murderous associates got only justice when hung at Charlestown ! Carry on your war if you choose, death rather than life, and we will stain every swamp in the South with yours and our own blood, and with the vengeance of an in furiated foe we will be upon you in the North, at the hour of midnight, and as long as a lucifer match can be found we will burn up your substance.” Brownlow was for having all these horrors perpetrated if the fanatics of the North should keep up their warfare upon slavery, that is, if they should do exactly what he himself afterwards, and very soon afterwards did —did be fore slavery was abolished by the war. He was for a battle ot sections if the Northern fanatics should continue their clamor; he was for an alliance offen sive and defeusive, in that event, be’ tween the Southern States and France or England; he was for having France place 200,000 men at New Orleans, and 200,000 men at Chesapeake; he was for taking possession of the whole Mississippi valley from the Balize to the Falls of St. Anthony, whipping the Northwestern States into his South ern Confederacy, and then turning up on New England and causing the hur ricane of civil war to rage from Mason’s and Dixon’s line to the cod-fisheries of the North, and burning the Northern cities and towns with the midnight torch. And these were not his views and resolves as a hot-headed boy, or a person in the prime of life ; they were the malignant declarations of a white haired, gray-bearded old man, upwards of fifty, it not full sixty years of age. They were the utterances of a preach er, of a pretended dispenserof the Gos pel of Christ, of one calling himself a man of God. No traitors in all the South have ever exhibited more of the hellish spirit of treason than he. He published the infernal language that we have cited when perhaps no other man in all the world would have defiled 1 his mouth or paper with it to save his neck from the hangman’s halter. He j showed himself a walking volcano, with j snow upon his peak and all hell in his bosom. It is most extraordinary and most disgraceful that any portion of < the people of Tennessee, knowing this man as they all did, voted to make him < Governor of that State. Their only excuse must be, that they were uuder military rule, and so not really free agents in his election. No other State was ever afflicted and disgraced and cursed with such an unmitigated and unmitigable, such an unredeemed and unredeemable, blackguard as her Chief Magistrate He is a parody, a carica ture, a broad burlesque on all possible Governors. He is a monstrosity. He is a thing as much out of nature as Barn urn's woolly horse, or his giants and dwarfs, or his calf with two heads and eight” legs—four of the legs pointing towards the z?nith. His bio id is hellbroth, which Satan will one day sup with a long spoon. — They say there is fire in him, but it is hell-fire, every particle ol it. Though he is but a single swine, there are as many devils in him as there were in the whole herd that “ran vio lently down a steep place into the sea.’ His heart is nothing but a hissing knot of vipers, rattlesnakes, cobras, and cot ton-mouths. He never argued a ques tion in his life, approaching ho subject but with fierce, bitter, coarse, low, and vulgar objurgations. His tongue should be bored through and through with his own steel-pen, heated red hot. This man, as wo have said, calls him self a clergyman He holds forth in pulpits. lie preaches,, prays and ex horts, draws down his face, drops the corners of his mouth, and undertakes to look sanctimonious. And yet he seems always trying in his pulpit dis courses to seo under how thin a dis guise he can venture to curse and swear and blaspheme. lie can’t offer up a prayer in the house of God with out telling the Lord what an infernal scoundrel, damned th es or cursed va gabond this, that or the other neighbor is. From his youth up to his old age, he has had no personal controversies without attacking the wives, fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, children, un cles, aunts, and nephews of his oppo nents. He has sought to strew his whole path df life with the dark wrecks of wantonly ruined reputations. He has never had an hour’s happiness ex eept in the unhappiness of others. He has ever said to Evil “be thou my good !’’ He has always carefully dot ted down all that he heard unfavor able to gentlemen while professing to be their friend, so as to be ready for the day of alienation. He howls ven om, talks venom, breathes venom, belches venom, coughs venom, sneezes venom, spits venom, drools venom, sweats venom, stinks venom, and dis tils venom from his nose. Not the fuliginous exhalations from the bot tomless pit, not the fire-and-brimstone fumes from the sooty throat of the de vil, were ever more blighting and blas ting than his accursed serpent-breath. He never had a friend on earth out side of his own family. No doubt there are those who fear him for his fiendish ferocity, but no human being not of his own household ever loved or respeted him. He will yet have his reward. Sowing in wrath, he will reap in ago ny. Furv and hate may stifle in his heart the feeling of remorse for a time, but Nemesis, with her horrid whip, will yet scourge him around the whole orb of being. All the hairs upon his head will seem to him to be snakes liko the hissing and forked-tongued leeks of Eumenides. When he shall retire, as soon he must, from the noisy and tu multous strifes that have ever engag ed and still engage all his thoughts, he will not have a solitary pleasant and serene memory of the past. On the contrary, a store of bitter and desolate and torturing recollections will corrode and eat up his very heart, until, cut off from all human sympathies, exiled from the pale of all the beautiful ge nialities of life, having no friends or companions around him to soothe him in his moral and physical solitude, de serted by mankind, whose enemy he has been, and loathed by God whose holy temples he has sacreligiously de secrated by his horrid mockeries of re ligion, festering from head to foot with the polluted and poisonous puddle-wa ter in his veins, standing as an outcast and paria on the lone desert of despair, shrinking from the past, agonized by the present, and not daring to gaze in to the future, beholding in fancy upon the door of his own soul the words. “Hope comes not here that comes to all,” shut up by murkiest clouds from every stir that to others lights the path to the tomb, and writhing under myriad curses and execrations piled like a mountain of living coals upon his head, he shall long at last to make his escape from earth—scarcely asking to what more dreadful destiny. “ I say, Mr. aint you Owen Smith ?” Yes, I am owin’ Jones, and owin’ Brown, and owin’ everybody.” A dog lying on the hearth-rug with his nose in his tail is the emblem of Economy. He makes both ends meet. ♦ ♦ ♦ ► This world would be much happier if people would mind their own affairs. HON. A. 11. STEPHEN** BIT’OIIE the reconstruction t on- JIITTEE. His View* on Negro Suffrage. We find in our Northern exchang es a full report of the evidence of Hon. A. 11. Stephens before the Re construction Committee, from which we lake the following, not included in the telegraphic synopsis published in the News and Herald of Saturday. Mr. Stephens’ views in regard to negro suffrage and the constitutional rights of the States will be readjwith universal interest and approval by the people of Georgia. . Q —What is the public sentiment of Georgia with regard to the extension of the right of voting to the negroes ? A. —The general opinion in the State is very much averse to it. Q.—ls a prop sit ion were made to amend the constitution so as to have representation in Congress based up on voters substantially, would Georgia ratify such a proposed amendment if it were made a condition precedent to the restoration of the State to political power in the Government ? A. —I do not think they would. The people of Georgia, in my judgment, as far as I can reflect or represent their opinions, feel that they are en titled, under the constitution, of the United States, to representation with out any further condition precedent. They would not object to entertain, discuss and exchange views in the common councils of the country, with the other States, upon such a proposi tion, or any proposition to amend the Constitution or change it in- any of its features, and they would abide by any change, if made as the Constitution provides; but they feel that they are constitutionally entitled to be heard, by their Senators and members in the Houses of Congress, upon this or any other proposed amendment. Ido not, therefore, think that they would ratify that amendment suggested as a cond - tion precedent to her being admitted to representation in Congress. Such, at least is my opinion. Q. —It is, then, yonr opinion, that, at present, the- people of Georgia would neither be willing to extend suffrage to the negroes, nor consent to the ex elusion of the negroes from the basis of representation ? A. —The people of Georgia, in my judgment, are perfectly willing to leave suffrage, aud the basin of repre sentation where the Constitution leaves it. They look upon the question of suffrage as one belonging exclusively to the States, one over which, and un der the Constitution of the United States, Congress has no jurisdiction, power or control, except in proposing amendments to the States and not in exacting them from them; and I do not . think, therefore, that the people of Georgia, wliiie they are disposed, as I believe earnestly, to deal fairly, justly and generously with the freed men, would be willing to consent to a change in the Constitution that would give Congress jurisdiction over the question of suffrage; and especially would they be very much averse to Congress exercising any such juris diction without their representatives in the Senate and House being heard in the public councils upon the ques tion that so vitally concerns their in ternal policy, as well as all the inter nal policy of all the States. Q. —If the proposition were to be submitted to Georgia, as one of the eleven States lately in rebellion, that she might be restored to political pow er in the Government of the country upon the condition precedent that she should, on the one hand extend suf frage to the negro, or on the other consent to their exclusion from the basis of representation, would she ac cept either proposition and take her place in the Government of the coun try ? A.— I can only give my opinion. I do not think she wouid accept'eith er as a condition precedent presented by Congress; for they do not believe that Congress has the rightful power, under the Constitution to prescribe such a condition. If Georgia is a State in the Union her people feel that she is entitled to representation with out conditions imposed by Congress; and if she is not a State in the Union then she could not he admitted as an equal with the others, if her admission were trammeled with conditions that do not apply to all the rest alike. — General, universal suffrage among the colored people as they are now, would, by our people, be regarded as about as great a political evil as could befall them. Q.—ls the proposition were to ex tend the right of suffrage to those who could read and those who had served in the Union armies, would that mod ification affect the action of the State; A.—l think the people of the State would be unwilling to do more than they did for restoration; restricted or limited suffrage would not be so ob jectionable as general or universal, but it is a matter that belongs to the State to regulate. The question of suffrage, whether universal or restric , ted, is one of State policy exclusively, as they believe. Individually, I should not be opposed to a proper system of restricted or limited suffrage to this class of our population; but in my judgment it is a matter that belongs YOL. VI.—Xo. 18. of constitutional right to the States to regulate exclusively, each for itself. Bat the people of that State, as I have said, would not willingly, I think, do more than they have done for resto ration. The only view, in their opin ion, that could possibly justify tho war which was carried on by tho Fed eral Government against them was tho idea of the Indissolubleness of tho Union, that those who held the admin istration for the time were hound to enforce the execution of the laws, and tho maintenance of the integrity of the Union under the Constitution j and since that was accomplished, since those who had assumed the contrary principle, the right of secession, and the reserved sovereighty of the States, had abandoned their cause, and tho administration here was successful in maintaining the idea upon which it was proclaimed and waged, and the only view in.which they supposed it could be justified at all, and when that was accomplished I say the people of Geor gia supposed their State was immedi ately entitled to all her rights under’ the Constitution. That is my opin ion of the sentiment of the people of Georgia, and I do not think they would be willing to. do anything fur- • tlior as a condition precedent to their being permitted to enjoy the full meas ure of their constitutional righis. I only . give my opinion of the sentiment of the people, at tho time they expected, that as soon as the Confederate cause was abandoned that immediately the States would be brought back into their practical relations with the Gov ernment as previously constituted. — 1 That is what they looked to. They expected that the State would imme diately have its Representatives in tho House, and they expected in good faith, as loyal men, as the term is fre quently used, (I mean by it, loyal to law and order, and to the Constitu tion,) to support the Government un der the Constitution. That was their policy! They did what they did, be lieving it was best for the protection of constitutional liberty. Toward tho Constitution of the United States, as they construed it, the great mass of our people were always as much devo ted in their feelings as any people to any cause. This is my opinion, as I remarked, before they reported to se cession, with a view of maintaining mere securely these principles, and when they found they were not sue ccaeful in their ohjort / in perfect grood faith, as far as I can judge from meet ing with them and conversing with tnem, looking to future developments of their country in its material, re sources, as well as its moral and intel lectual progress, their earnest desire and expectation was to allow the past struggle, lamentable as it was in its results, to pass by, and to co-operate with the trnc friends of the Constitu tion —those of all sections who earnest ly strive for the preservation of consti tutional liberty and the perpetuation of the Government in its purity. — They have been a little disappointed in this, and are so now. They are pa tiently waiting, however, and believ ing that when the passions of the hour have passed away this delay in resto ration will cease. They think they have done everything that was essen tial and proper, and my judgment is that they would not be willing to do anything further as a condition pre cedent. They would simply remain quiet and passive. Q.—Does your own judgment ap prove the view you have given as tho opinion of the people of the State? A. —My own judgment is very de cided that the question of suffrage be longs under the Constitution, and wise ly too, to the States respectivly and ex clusively. Q.— Is it your opinion that neither of the alternatives suggested in the question ought to be accepted by the people of Georgia? A. —My own opinion is, that these terms ought not to be offered as con ditions precedent. In other words, my opinion is that it would be best for the peace, harmony and prosperity of the whole country that there should be an immediate restoration, and im mediate bringing back of the States into their original relations, and let all these questions then be discussed in common'council. Then the represen tatives of the South could be heard, and you and all could judge much bet ter of the tone and temper of the peo ple thanjyou could of the opinions given by any individuals. You may take my opinion or the opinion of any indi vidual, but they will not enable you to judge of the condition of the people of the State so well as for her own rep resentatives to be heard in your public councils, in her own behalf. My judg ment, therefore, is very decided that it would have been better, as soon as the lamentable conflict was over, when the people of the South abandoned their cause and agreed to accept the issue, desiring as they do to resume their places for the future in the Union, and to look to the halls of Con gress, and the Courts for the protec tion of their rights in the Union —it would have been better to allow that result to follow under the policy adopt ed by the Administration than to de ny it or hinder it by propositions to amend the Constitution in respect to guffrage or any other new matter. T [continued on second page ]