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SOUTHERN ENTERPRISE. LUCIUS C. BRYAN, Editor and Proprietor. \ Terms, 84.00 a year in Advance. J Law and Medical Cards. BRYAN & HARRIS, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, THO n V*Vlfil,E, fi t. first door ta second story of Stark's Confectionary. L. C. BUY AX. u. n. HARRIS. Mar II 11 MITCHELL & MITCHELL. ATTORNEY* AT LAW, THOMABVILLK, : :’ r” GEORGIA. Office over Me lean's store—opposite lutyre A Young's. w. D. MITLUKLX. II G. MITCHF.t.t June • 1 S. B. Spemieu. C- I* ilasseLl. Spencer & Elansell, attouxeis at law, THOMASVILLE, GA. Will Lrive prompt attention to all legal bu.-i ----eairiisU-<l to their care in tlie counties of ■*li So ■ ill ■ <.’ rn I'irenn Western- ati<i Clinch, Ware ami Appling, of 4li ; Brunswick ( ireuit. j ■ ’Office over Mes.-rs. \\ oil! & Broil a i * Store. jrtly 4-ly ROBERT G. MITCIIELL, ATTO RN E Y A T hA W, THOMASVILLE, GA. jgtgj°Offiea over McL.vsb’s Store.**"©B J— 24 . ; , ■ M2n O. C RICHARDSON, ixi iv'iuvji jl . AX I* . • UoUNSKLLOU AT LAW, TIIO.UASYILLE, A. Jnnr fl j. it. M,M. i>. H.E. in H iu. M. l llrs. REID & DtW ITT, OFFER their services to the citizens of Thomasville mid vicinity. OFF ICE at Dr. Dc Witt'* Dm” Start Feb Jl 8 ts Br. T. 8. IIOPRIIVS, OFFICE IN NARK I,O'l’ will KIISI lF NT I!. I . O. ARNOLD, RESIDENT DENTIST THOMASVILLE, GA. Y\7 ILL l>e found at the old g ..m ■ -x, t f stand occupied by him for * --. the hist ten years y Aug 23-12 u Dr. W P. CLOWER II WING |M*rnianently lH‘ated in Thomas A villr, it/li-ij hie I'roA-cioiml Slrrri. ei to the ptiMic. I - *?'OFFICE at the Drug Store of \V. P. Glower cY Cos. DKXCE—the house formerly oc cupied by Dr. Brandon. mar 11 ly FEESH DRUGS! OU I*. S. BOWEIi lias just returned from New York and Philadelphia, with a large stock of FHISH ill RELIABLE lUEI Purrliased with a great deal of care from the Lest manufacturers in the country —emhraeing I every article in the Medical Department— which he proposes to s.-il on as good terms as can he had in this market. He would cull particular attention to his largo supply of FANCY ARTICLES, Such AS, Soaps, Cologne, Perfumes. Pomades, Cosmetics. Hair and Tooth Brushes, Combs, nil of which lie can sell at reasonable prices, considering the quality of the articles. He has some preparations which will restore to the bald head a beautiful suit of hair, turn gray hair to its healthy and natural color, and restore the bloom of youth to the faded visaee. He would call special attention to his large stock of Plialou s Night Blooming Cerens, and Laird's Bloom of Youth. (lire me a Call. P. S. BOWER. June 20 25-ts APOTHECARY HAT.T.. I W. P. CLOWER & C0.,1 DRUGGISTS. Have renovated and refitted the Store next to Young's Hotel, for the purpose of es tablishing a First Class Drug Store. The new firm ask for a share of patron age, and invite the attention of the citi zens to their well selected stock of MetlirineK. Fancy anti Toilet irtielcs. Soaps it nl Per lit in cry. Fine Green anil Biai k Teas, Kerosine Lamps anil Oil, DYE STI FFS. Together with every other article usually kept in a well appointed Drug Store. F-gT Physicians’ Prt'scrifli-ns carefully prepared 4-ts Jan *2l SUM Giro. The undersigned having purchased the elegant Drug Store ot Dr. Little, take pleasure in announcing to the people of Thomasville, and the country generally, that they have just received a full supply of fresh Drugs and Medicines, Paints, ‘Oils, Perfumery, Stationery, et., etc. Call and examine for yourselves l>y strict attention to business, court e ous and honorable dealing with our cus tomers we hope to merit and receive a libe ral share of patronage. WINN A CASSELS. ■James N. Wins, Sami el J. Cassels. jan 17tf gIXTY Days from dale application will j be made to the Court of Ordinary for ! nndes County, for leave to soil the Real Es tate of Matthew A Jackson Vickers „ MATTHEW VICKERS. Jnne 20 60d AdmY 1 ADDRESS OF THK National Union Convention OF PHILADELPHIA. j To the People of the United States: Having mot in convention, at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, this 10th day of Au gust, ISGG, as the representatives of the people in all section?; and all the States and Territories of the Union, to consult upon the condition and the want- of our common country, wc ad ! drees to you this declaration of our principles, and of the political purpo •m we seek to promote. Since the meeting, of the last Na-- tional Convention, in the year 3SGO, events have occurcd which have changed the character, of our inter nal politics and given the United States a.ncw r place among the nations of the earth. Our Government has passed through the vicissitudes and ! the perils of civil war—a war which, though mainly sectional in its charac ter, has nevertheless decided political ’ differences that, from- the very begin ning of the Government had threaten- I ed the unity af our national existence, and has left it's impress deep and in effaceable upon nil the interests, the sentiments,- and the destiny of the Republic. While it has inflicted up on the whole country severe losses in life and in property, and has im posed burdens which must weigh on its resources for generations to come, it has developed a degree of national courage in the presence of national dangers —a capacity for military or ganization and achievement, and a devotion on the part of the people to the form of government which they have ordained, and to the prin ciples of liberty which that govern ment was designed to promote, which must confirm the confidence of the uatii n in the perpetuity of its repub lican institutions, and command the respect of the civilized world. Like all great contests which rotisc the passions and test the endurance of a nation, this war has given new scope to the ambition of political par ties, and fresh impulse to plans of innovation and reform. Amidst the chats of conflicting sentiments insep arable from sach an era, whilo the public heart is keenly alive to all the passious that can sway the public judgement and effect the public ac tion ; while the wounds of war are still fresh and bleeding on either side, and fears for the future take unjust proportions from the memories and resentments of the past, it is a diffi cult but an imperative duty which on your behalf wc, who arc here as s moled, have undertaken to per form. For the first time, aflcr six long years of alienation and of conflict, wc have come together from every State and every section of our laud, as citizms of a common country, under that flag, the symbol again of a com mon glory, to consult together how best to cement and perpetuate that Union which is again the object of our common love, and thus secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. 1. In the first place wc invoke you to remember, always aud everywhere, that the war is ended, and the nation is at peace. The shock of contending arms no longer assail the shuddering heart of the Republic. The insurrec tion against the supreme authority of the nation lias been suppressed, and that authoiity has been again acknowl edged, by word and act, in every State and by every citizen within its juris diction. Wc are no longer required or permitted to treat each other as enemies. Not only have the acts of war been discontinued, and the weap ons of war laid aside, but the state of war no longer exists, and the sen timents, passions, the relations of war have no longer lawful or rightful place anywhere throughout our broad do main. Wc are again people of the United States, fellow-citizens of cnc country, bound by the duties and ob ligations of a common patriotism, and having neither rights nor interests apart from a common destiny. The duties that devolve upon us now are again the duties of peace, and no long er the duties of war. Wc have as sembled here to take counsel concern ing ths interests of peace; *o decide how wc may most wisely aud effectu ally heal the wounds the war has made, and perfect and perpetuate the benefits it Las secured, and the blessings which, under a wise and benign Prov idence, have sprung up in its fiery track. This is the work, not of pass ion, but of calm and sober judgement; not of resentment for past offenses prolonged beyond the limits which justice and reason prescribe, but of a liberal statesmanship which tolerates what it cannot prevent, and builds its plans and its hopes for the future rather upon a community of interest and ambition than upon distrust and the weapons of force. 2. In the next place, we call upon you to recognize in their full signifi cance, and to accept with all their legitimate consequences, the political results of the war just closed. In two most important particulars the victory achieved by the National Government has been final and decisive. First, it lias established beyond all further controversy, and by the highest of all human sanctions, the absolute suprem j acy of the National Government, as defined and limited by the Constitu tion of the United States, and the permanent integrity and indissolubili ty of the Federal Union as a necessary consequence: and, second, it has put an end finally and forever to the ex istence of slavery upon the soil or within the jurisdiction of the United States. Both These points became directly involved in the contest, and controversy upou both was ended, ab solutely and finally, by the result. 3. In the third place, we deem it of the utmost importance that the real character of the war and the Victory by. which it was closed should be ac . curately understood. The war was carried on by the Government of the . United States in maintenance of its o\yn authority and in defence of its own existence, both of which were menaced by the insurrection which it sought to suppress. The suppression of that insurrection accomplished that result. The Governmcut of the Uni ted States maintained by force of arms the supreme authority over all the territory and over all the States and people within its jurisdiction which the Constitution confers opon it; but it acquired thereby no new power, no enlarged jurisdiction, no rights ei ther of territorial possession or of civ il authority which it did not possess before tbo rebellion broke out. All the righful power it can ever possess is that which is conferred upon it, cither in express terms or by fair and ncecssary implication, by the Constitution of the United States.. — i It was that power and that authority which the rebellion sought to over throw, and the victory of the Federal arms was simply the defeat of that attempt. The Government of the United States acted throughout the war on the defensive. It sought only to hold possession of what w .s already its own. Neither the war nor the victory by which it was closed, changed in any way the Constitution of the United States. The war was carried on by virtue of its provisions, and under the limitations which they pre scribe, and the resnlt of the war did not cither enlarge, abridge, or in any way change or affect the powers it confers upon the Federal Government, or release that Government From the restrictions which it has already im posed. The Constitution of the United States is to day precisely as it was before the war, the “supreme law of the land, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding;” and to-day, also, precisely as before the war, all the powers not conferred by the Conatitu tion upon the General Government, nor prohibited by it to the States, arc “reserved to the several States or to the people thereof.” This position is vindicated not only by the essential nature of our Govern ment, and the language and spirit of the Constitution, hut by all the acts and the language of our Government, in all its departments, and at all times from the outbreak of the rebellion to its final overthrow. In every message and proclamation of the Executive it was explicitly declared that the sole object and purpose of the war was to maintain the authority of the Consti tution and to preserve the integrity of the Union ; and Congress more than once reiterated this solemn declaration, and added the assurance tLat, when ever this object should he obtained, the war should ceassc, and all the i States should retain their equal rights and digulty unimpaired. It is only since the War was closed that other j rights have been asserted on behalf of one department of the General Government. It has been proclaimed by Congress that, in addition to the powers conferred upon it by the Con stitution, the Federal Government may now claim over the States, the territory and the people involved in the insurrection, the right of war, the right of conquest and of confiscation, the right to abrogate all existing gov ernments, institutions and laws, and to subject the territory conquered and its inhabitants to such laws, regulations and deprivations as the legislative departments of the Government may sec fit to impose. Under this broad and sweeping claim, that clause of the Constitution which provides that “no State shall without its consent be de prived of its equal suffrage in the Sen ate of the United States,has been annulled, and ten States have been refused, and arc still refused represen. tation altogether in both branches of the Federal Congress. And the Con gress in which only a part of the States and of the people of the Union are rej resented has asserted the right thus to exclude the rest from repre sentation, and from all share in making their own laws or choosing their own rulers until they shall comply with such conditions and perform such acts as this Congress, thus composed may it sklf prescribe. That has not only been asserted, hut it lias been exer cised, and is practically enforced at the present time. Nor docs it find any support in rihe theory that the Tliomasville, Georgia, Thursday, August 30, 1866. States thus excluded are in rebellion against the Government, and are there fore precluded front sharing its? au- , thority. They are not thus in rebell ion. They are one and all in an rtti tude of loyalty toward the Govermcnt, and of sworn allegiance to the Consti tution of the United States. In no one of them is there the slightest in- j dication of resistance to this authority. : or the slightest protest against its just/ and binding obligations. This con’ dition of renewed loyalty has been officially recognized by solemn procla mation of the Executive Department. The laws of the United States have ‘ been extended by Congress oyer all : these States and the people thereof. Federal Courts have been reopened, i and Federal taxes imposed and levied, and in every respect, except that they arc denied representation in Congress and the electoral college,, the States once in rebellion are recognized as holding the same position, as owing the same obligations and subject to the same duties as the other States of our common Union. It seems to us, in the exercise of the calmest and most candid judgement we can bring to the subject, that such a claim, so enforced, idvolves as fatal an overthrow of the the auihority of the Constitution, and as omplctc a destruction of the Government and Union, as that which was sought to be effected by the States and people in armed insurrection against them both. It cannot escape observation that the power thus asserted to exclude cer tain States from representation is made to rest wholly on the will and discretion of the Congress that as serts it. It is not made to depend upon any specified conditions or cir cumstances, nor to be subject to any rules or regulations whatever. The right asserted and exercised is abso lute, without qualification or rcstric’ tion not confined to States in rebell ion, nor to States that have rebelled; it is the right of any Congress in formal possession of legislative author ity, to exclude any State or States, and any portion of the people thereof, at any time, irom representation in Congress and in the Electoral College, at its own discretion, and until they shall perform such acts and comply with such conditions as it may dictate. Obviously, the reasons for such exclu sion being wholly within the discretion of Congress, may change as the Con gress itself shall change.. On.c Congress may exclude a State from all share in the Government lor* one Teason ; and, that reason removed, the next Congress may exclude it for another. One State may be excluded on one ground to day, and another may be excluded on the opposite ground to-morrow. North ern ascendency may exclude Southern States from one Congress—the ascen dency of Western or Southern interests or of both combined, may exclude the Northern or the Eastern States from the next. Improbable as such usurp ations may seem, the establishment of the principle now asserted and acted upon by Congress will render them by no means impossible. The character, indeed the very existence, ofCongrcss and. the L nion is thus made depend ent solely and entirely upon the party and sectional exigencies or forbear anccs of the hour. We need not stop to show that such action hot only finds no warrant in the Constitution, but is at war with every principle of our Government, and with’ the very existence of free institutions. It is, indeed, the identical practice which has rendered fruitless all at tempts hitherto to establish, and main tain free governments; in Mexico and the States of South America.— Party necessities assert themselves as superior to the fundamental law, which is set aside in reckless obedience to their behests. Stability, whether in the exercise of the enjoyment of power in the administration of government or in the cDjoymcnt of rights, becomes impossible; and the conflict of party, which, under constitutional govern ments, are the conditions and means of political progress, arc merged in the conflicts of arms to which they directly and inevitably tend. It was against this peril, so conspic. uous and so fatal to all free govern ments, that our Constitution was in tended especially to provide. Not only the stability, hut the very existence ol the Government is made, by its pro visions, to depend upon the right and the fact of representation. The Con gress, upon which is conferred all the legislative power of the National Gov ernment, consists of two branches, the Senate and House of Ilcpresentatives, whose joint concurrence or assent is essential to the validity of any law Os these, the House of Representatives, says the Constitution, (article 1, sec tion 2;) “ shall be composed of mem bers chosen every second year by the people of the several States.’’ Not only is the right of representation thus recognized as possessed by all the States and by every Stale without restriction, qualification or condition of any kind, but the duty of choosing Representatives is imposing upon the people of each and every State alike, without distinction, or the authority to make distinctions among them, for any reason or upun any grounds whatever. And in the Senate, so careful is the Constitution to secure to every State this right of representation, it is ex pressly provided that no State shall, without its consent, be deprived of its equal suffrage ’’ in that body, even by an amendment of the Constitution it self. When, therefore, any State is excluded from such representation, not only is a right of the State denied, but the constitutional integritv of the Sen ate is impaired, and the validity of the Government itself is brought in ques tion. • But Congress at the present moment thus excludes from represen tation, iri both branches of Congress, ten States ol the Union, denying them all share in .the enactment ol .laws by which they are to be .governed, and all participation iiUthe election of the rulers by which those - law? are to be j enforced. In other words, a Congress in which only twenty six States, are represented, asserts the right to govern absolutely and in. its own discretion, a]l the thirty sis States which compose the Union —to snake their laws and choose their rulers, and to oxcludc the other ten from all sliare in their’ own government until it sees fit to admit them thereto. What is to dis tinguish the power thus asserted and exercised from the most absolute and intolerable tyranny ? Nor do these extravagant and unjust claims on the part of Congress to pow ers and authority never conferred upon the Government by the Constitution, fined any warrant in the arguments or excuses urged on their behalf. It is alleged. First, That these States, by the act of rebellion and by voluntarily with drawing their members from Congress, | forfeited their right of representation, and that they can only receive it again at the hands of the supreme legislative authority of the Government, on its own terms and at its own discretion. If representation in Congress and par ticipation in the Government were simply privileges conferred -and held ■ by favor, this statement might have she merit of plausibility. But repre tcnlatiun is, under tho Constitution, not only expressly recognized as. a right, but it is imposed a-s a duty ; and it is essential in both aspects to the existence ot the Government and to the maintcnacc of its authority. In tree governments fundamental and essential rights cannot be forfeited, except against individuals by due pro- . cess of law; nor can constitutional duties and obligations be discarded or laid aside. The enjoyment of rights may be lor a time suspended by the failure to claim them, and duties may be evaded by the refusal to pet form them The withdrawal of their mem bers from Co.igrcss by the States which resisted the General Govern ment was among their acts of insurrec tion—was one of the means and agen cies by which they sought to impair the authority and defeat the action of the Government; and that act was annulled and rendered void when the insurrection was suppressed. Neither the right of representation nor the du ty to be represented was in the. least impaired by the fact of insurrection ; but it may have been that by reason of the insurrection the conditions on which the enjoyment of that right and the performance td that duty for the time depended could not be fulfilled. This was, in fact, the case. Ah insur gent Power, in the exercise of usurped and unlawful authority in the tcritory under its control, had prohibited that allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States which is made by that fundamental law the essential condition of representation in its gov ernment. No man within the insurgent States was allowed to take the oath to support the Constitution of the Uni ted States, and, as a necessary conse quence, no man could lawfully repre sent those States in the councils, of the Union. But this was only an obstacle to the enjoyment of the right and to the discharge of a duty—it did not annual the one nor the other ;and it ceased to exist when the usurpation by which it was created had been over thrown, and the States .had again.re sumed their allegiance to the Consti tution and laws of United States. Second. But it is asserted, in sup port of the authority claimed by the Congress now in possession of power, that it flows directly from the laws of war; that it is among the rights which victorious war always confers upon the conquerors, and which the conqueror may exercise or waive in his own dis cretion. To this we reply that the laws in question relate solely, so far as the rights they confer are concerned, to wars waged between alien and in dependent nations, and can have no place or force, in this regard, in a war waged by a government to suppress an insurrection of its own people, up on its own soil, against its authority. If we had carried on successful war against any foreign nation, wc might thereby have acquired possession and jurisdiction of their soil, with the right to eniorcc our laws upon their people and to impose upon them such laws and such obligations as we might choose. But we had before the South ern Stales, limited only by our own Constitution. Our laws were the only national laws in force upon it. The Government of the United States, was the only Government through which those States and their peoj le had relations with foreign nations, and its flag was the only flag by which they , were recognized or known anywhere on the face of the earth. In all these respects, and in all other respects in volving national interests and rights, our possession was perfect and com plete. It did not ueed to he acquired but only to be maintained; victorious , war against the rebellion could do nothing more than maintain it. It could only vindicato and reestablish the disputed supremacy of the Consti tution. It could .neither enlarge nor diminish ‘ tho authority which that Constitution confers upon the Govern-, raent by which it. was achieved. Such an enlargement of abridgment of con stitutional power can be effected only ). by amendment of the Constitution it’ • self, and such amendment can be made only in the modes which the Constitu tion'itself prescribes. The claim, that, the suppression of an insurrection against tho Government giyes addi- v tional authority and. power to that’ Government,. especially that it cn : larges the jurisdiction of Congress and givps that body the’ right to ex clude States from representation i-ri j the national councils, without which the nation itself can have no author]- ’ ty and no existence,’ seems to us at. variance alike with tho principles of. the Constitution and with the public, salcty. Third. Hut it is alleged that in. certain particulars the Constitution of the United States fails to secure that i absolute justice and impartial equality • which the principles of-our Govern- ’ nrent require ; that it was in these res-. ’ pects the result of compromises and concessions to which, however necessa ry when the Constitution was formed, . we are no longer compelled, to submit, . and that now, having the power through successful war arid- just war rant for its exercise in the. hostile j eonducf of the insurgent the ‘ actual Government of tho United States may impose its own conditions, i and make the Constitution conform in all its provisions to its own ideas of equality and tlicrights of man. Con gress, at its last- session, proposed amendments to the Constitution, en larging in some very important par ticulars the authority of the general government over that of the several States, and reducing, by indirect dis franchisement, tlic representative power of the States, in which slavery existed ; and it is claimed that these amendments may be made valid as ; parts of the original Constitution with the concurrence of the State to be most seriously affected by them, or may bo imposed upon those States ; by three-fourths of the remaining States, as conditions of re-admission to representation in Congress and in the Electoral College. It is the unquestionable right of the people of the United States to make such changes in the Constitution ‘ as they, upon due deliberation, may deem expedient. But we insist that ; they shall be made in the mode which the Constitution itself points out —in conformity with the letter and the Spirit of that instrument, and with the principles of self government and of equal rights which lie at the basis of. our republican institutions. We deny the right of Congress to make these Changes in the fundamental law, with out the concurrence of three-fourths of all the States, including, especially, those to be most seriously affected by them ; or to impose them upon States or people, as conditions of representa tion or of admission to any of the rights duties or , obligations which- belong, under the Constitution, ’ to all tlic States alike. And with still greater • emphasis do we-deny the right of any portions of the States excluding the .rest of the States from any share in their councils,, to propose or sanction changes in the constitution which are to . affect permanently their political I relations and control or coerce the legitimate actions Os the seveial- mem-’ hers of the common Union. • Such an. ■ exorcise of power is simply a usurpa tion; just as unwarrantable when exercised by Northern States as it would be as if exercised by Southern, and not to be fortified or palliated by anything in the past history either of those by whom it is attempted or of those upon whose rights and liberties, it is to take cflect. It finds no war rant in the Constitution. It is at war with the fundamental principles of our own form of government.-.- If tolerated in one instance, it becomes the precedent for future invasions of liberty and constitutional right depen dent solely upon the will of the party in possession of power, and thus leads, by direct and necessary sequence to the most fatal and intolerable of all tyrannies-—tlic tyranny of shifting and irresponsible political factions. It is against this, tlic most formidable of all tlic dangers which menace the stabil ity of free government, that the Con stitution of the United States was intended most carefully to provide.— Wc demand a strict and steadfast ad iic-icncc to its provisions. In this, and iu this alone, can we find a basis of permanent Union and peace, i _ Fourth. But It is alleged in justifica tion of tlic usurpation which wc con demn, that tlic condition of the South ern States and people is not. such as i renders safe their rcadtnission to a share in the government of the coun try ; that they are still disloyal in sen timent and purpose, and that neither {the honor, tlic- credit nor the-interests VOL. YI.—No. 35. of the nation would be safe if they were readmitted to a share in its couiw • cils. Wo might reply to this : (1.) That we have no right , for suoh reasons, to deny to any portion of tho • States or people rights expressly tn'- ferred upon them by the Constitut : .a ‘ of the United States. (J.) That so long as the acts-ar those of loyalty—so long as they- e- . form in all their public conduct, to - . • requirements of tho Constitution ■ -. laws —wc have no right to exact . - them conformity iu their sentim a and opinions to our own. (3.) That wc have’ no light to o-i • trust the purpose or the ability f \ people, of the Union to protect and defend, under all contingencies, ai , by whatever means may be requiiq its honor and its welfare. These, would in our judgement,, . full and conclusive answers to4he j thus advanced for - the’ exclusion .<. j these States from the Union, . la . wc say further, that this plea re • j upon, a - complete misapprehension <■-. an unjust perversion of existing facte. We do not hesitate to affirm,, that there. is. no ■ section of the country • where the Constitution and law i * tho United-States.fiud'a more prong- i -inu I entire obedience than in those • . . and among those people who were lately in arms against them;.or ft hen. i there is less purpose .or danger v anjr. future attempt to overthrow Llu-it ‘ authority.’ It would seem to be both ‘natural and- inevitable that in ‘Stati -- and ‘section’ po recently swept by life . whirlwind ‘of war, where all the 01 ii . nary modes and method's or organized | industry have been broken . up, .and . ,j the bonds and influences'that guarau-‘ | tec social- order have been destmyi ; ■ j.—where, thousands and tens of +hoi ’ ands of turbulent spirits have -b'cj r. suddenly, loosed from the. discipline i war and . thrown without resources or restraint ’ upon -a disorganized and chaotic society, and whore the keen . sense of defeat is added .to tho ovc: ■ throw of ambition and hope, scene.*, of violence should defy for a time the imperfect discipline of law, and excite • anew the fears and forebodings ts . ... patriotic and well disposed, it r- un questionably true that local -di tu -• bailees of this kind, accompanied l more Or less of violence, do still ICC . But they are confined entirely to” | cities and.larger towns of the States, where different races’ andTriUV ests are brought move closely ia I tact, and where passions and . i■ • ! men Is’ arc. always most easily f• •’ • fanned into outbreak ; and even r • they are quite as much tii .* find ‘ untimely and hurtful political.ngit’ as of any hostility on the’ part t>t people to the authority of the N-t ; . Government. . • • ! -Cut the can-current- 0 -timviiy of , best-acquainted Vfiih the condition Cj • • ] clety arid thc state of -publh <■; • the South-—including that'of io r.r ■ tatiVcs in this convention —establishes fact that tlic great mass of tlic Son', people accept; With as full and sincere -.- mission as do ihe people of the other ; : the re-established supremacy of tho'. : tional authority, ami are prepared, ii ‘ j most loyal spirit, and With a seal qi • ened al.ike by theirinteresf and their ] . • to -co-operate with othc, .States and •*- (ions in whatever may bo necessary to . fend the right’s, maintain the honor a ‘ . promote tli.c welfare of our common coi-.r iry. History affords no instance where people so powerful in numbers, in resour ces ahd in public spirit, after a war so lor; . in its duration, so destructive, in its pi ■ gress, and so adverse in its issue,- liar accepted defeat and its consequences wr • so much of good faith as .has marked tb ■ conduct of t)ie people lately in insurrection | against the United. States. . Beyond a- • question this has been largely due to - [wise generosity with ‘wbicli their cn*’ i . surrender was accepted by the. Pre ‘ • * ‘of the United States arid the gene-.’ • immediate command of their -armie. . to.the liberal measures-which we re ft wairds taken lo restore order, tianqu • and law to the States where 411 had 1 . for Ihe time'overthrown. “ No ste| C have been better calculated to e the respect., win the confidence, rc -.vc patriotism and secure the pcrm.ir. ..I . • affectionate allegiance of the people of • . South to the Constitution ami lav, of ‘ Union than those which have been so tii taken and so Steadfastly pursued'by • • President of the United t'tates.. And that confidence and loyalty have been sit • j impaired; if the people of the South . ■ to-day less cordial to their allegiance, fhu they were immediately'.upon - the close • the war. wc believe it is due to the Chang tone of the legislative department of General Government towards thorn ; to (h action by which Congress litis endeaVot 1 to supplant and dc-feat tho Presidci w 1 and beneficent policy of resioration,, t their .exclusion from all part birr ion our common Government ;• to ;:. * with : drawal from them of rights cor.ua red an • guaranteed by tlic Constituii'.’.i ; evident purpose of Congresfqlh ie rise of a usurped and unlawful authority to reduce them from tlic rank of fceo a: ‘ equal members of a Republic of Sfa-tci • with rights and'dignities unimpaired, the condition of conquered e a conquered people, in all. things subordi nate and subject to the will of their conque - rors ; free only to obey laws in making which they are not allowed to shave. . . No pCtmle has ever yet -existed, whose loyalty and fa’th sucli trcatrricii lontr continued would not alienate and 1 o • impair. And the ten millions o Americans who live in the South v.ouL • be unworthy citizens of a free country, degenerate sons of a heroic ancesJtr. unfit ever to bcccnic guardians of the. ; rigjjts and liberties bequeathed to hy tlie fathers :*nd foundera of this Republic, if they could except, witi uncomplaining submitsivencss, the ■ humiliations thus sought to be imposed - uDon them, llc-cntipent of ini’i tice