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1 ht'tn. they flung ilmm-elves on the beds in pnroxvsms of-oppressed ineriinent. The next morning Gol. Burton turn ed «mh!cn!y to ‘Tun 8.-ltm, who sat Ht breakfast beside him trilling roquet* tishly wi'.h her buttered muffin, and said : ••Come, now. Miss Belton, since you succeeded so weU in spiriting away your cavalier*, voVi may as well tell me how it was done. By George i! I had se cured that and of a Colonel, 1 should not have minded the rest.” ••Perhaps ! may satisfy your curios ity.” site laughed, “if you will except inv confidence as a gentleman and not hs an officer.” “Agreed!” answerer! Colonel if., whose curiosity was indeed greatly t:xc t’d. ••Well then,” continued she, “Jacque has a magic robe and Maggie a wonder ful cap, which posesses the virtue of that in the fairy tale, and renders the charming prince who uses it invisible. “By Jove ! I believe if,” cried the Colonel;** and that is why some of them neglected to take their own head gear, perhaps.” “Now Clara, arn’t you ashamed,’’re monstrated Jacque and Maggie ; but Clara went on remorselessly. “Do you remember the two fright ened girls in the music-room last night ?” ••Yes, 1 do,” answered the Colonel, “and a very touching sight it was. — Cad ! I never was so sorry for the two joung creatures in my life. They trembled like aspens.” ••No wood r they trembled, Col. Burton, for indeed they occupied a ve ry novel position. Infacl, they were •seated on a real Ottoman. The re doubtable «Col., jU Id burn, the hero of a hundred fights,* was at that time doing hard duty under pettico:u government,’ Mini, so far as he is concerned, will, I think, prefer a lounge henceforward to cither ottoman or divan. Jacque, my dear, I’m afraid fie will not fancy angels quite such eiheriai beings hereafter, as each of those ‘trembling young creat ures’ weighed over a hundred avoirdu pois.” “Well, I’ll bed and !” exclaim ed the Colonel, astonished out of all sense and propriety, as her meaning 'penetrated slowly through his thick ill —air. These rebel women do beat all!” -‘And the rebel men, two, Sometimes ,” cdemurely added Clara. “But how did you get him out of the house ? What became ofuim afterwards? cried he. “Perhaps he borrowed Miss Maggie’s wonderful Cap, and walked invisible by the sentinels, another young friend of hers did while you were at supper,” an swered Clara. “I can’t sec it,” said the Colonel, .-hopelessly. “Who can keep up with a parcel of women ?” Who indeed ! ****** How Colonel Oldburne and Charley got safely to the old landing, and join ed their delighted friends in the close recesses ol Shady Hollow ; and how they christened them Colonel Ottoman and the Sleeping Beauty then and there, searing the grey old owls from their dim retreats with wild bursts of meii ment, as they turned Charley round and round to examine his strange mas- qutirade ; ami In w they made queer comments on ‘Nellie’s things,’ as they ilaid unhallowed hands on the same— but the little cap—Maggie’s ca,p—was salelv sheltereddrom their prolane fin' 4i«rs, and mocking glances, closelv folded against the true heart with whose every pulse it rose and fell—are not all these things written in the chronicles of Buford Hall? Aye, and more beside; .lor is it not written that Colonel Buford and his officers stuck to their quarteis, captives in their return to the charms of its fair inmates, who made them selves treacherously agreeable, while Uncle Chris stole night after night to Shady llollow, with little perfumed billets hidden away in the false crown ol his old wool hat ; while the captured horses of the rebels disappeared mys teriously from the stables, their hats from the hall, and at last the very guests themselves from their bedchambers, and Buford Hall knew them no more for ever. Tempted by their bewitch ing sirens, they partook freelv of the Squire’s heads old wines. The door of the cellar teas left open, and presto J ,'they were gone. The darkies were j.yvore convinced than ever that the eel • lars wyre haunted ; they shook their u wooly heads, and spoke of strange .gleams qf light and clashing noises , heard beloyy. The spirits down there .certainly had .something to do with the .mishap ; hut the same night the whole jTegiinent was surprised and captured to a man. Was that the work of spirits, ,100 ? Aye, jgailatjt,spirits ! * '* * Jj; ,ijc jj; ? Jfc Ere the vines which wreathed ghe .white pillars of the piazza had shed their gold and crimson leaves in autumn, there was a tripple wedding t the old hall, where Colonel Oldburnes ,tall form towered as a principal, Ar thur Clayborn’s red whiskers shone resplendent, and .'Charley lying’s, smooth face flushed triumphant. ‘How do you feel, liddbnrne.?’ enqui red a saucy friend soon after the cere mony. “I feel.” he replied, in the words o! the immortal Foots, “as if some ladv had been sitting on me.” “Now. Alex, you must dry that right up.” pouted Jaqf“ue, stealing a little \yhite hand lov/nrds bis moustache, to be captured and kissed for its presump tion. Charley had his j »ke too. but that was reserved for Maggie’s especial ben efit. wheu-he slyly opened au elaborate daguerreotypiNyise and niXKtaled to her curious eyes. neattTTiTrlted away with iii, a dainty little tace cop!—Metropo litan Recorder. awHrMii-’sPauwmurrMeß .mx-W-ncra M iM !_ •fib -S!j g» - --- S' S.VM’L H. SMITH and UOI3T. P. MILAM Editors and Proprietors. Cnrlergvillc.&ia.. Marcli 8, SM»7. What shall be dowel The passage of the Sherman bill through Congress over the veto of the President settles the fact of the milita ry occupation of this, as well as all the ten rebellious states. By its prov isions our whole civil fabric is declared a nul lity, as far as it pretends to be a gov ernment, existing in the future at the mere sufferance of the military author* ilies. In other words the State ol Georgia *is territorialized. While such is the case we must look to the enact ments ol Congress rather than our legis latures for the laws that are to govern our conduct and control our political destiny in the future. Hooking to Con gress, we find that our late slaves have been enfranchised and arc entitled to vote on all questions whatever, that are to be submitted to the people. Not ■only have oar African citizens been en franchised. but a very considerable number cf our most respectable white population have been disfranchised. — These are two fixed facts. Any elec- tion now held in this State which either excluded the first named from voting or admited the second, would be illegal, null and void. Nothing that we can do can reverse these facts, We have neither yea nor nay in it. Our politi cal masters have decreed it and it is so. Whether constitutional ur not, we say it is a fixed fact. If we should ever e merge from the condition ol a territory to that of a state again, these same facts will continue to exist. The negro will have his franchise and certain Anglo- Saxons will not; for the only road that leads us from the status of a territory to the condition ol a state, is paved by these Congressional decrees. There is absolutely no other way. When we take tip our march to the long lost status of a State we must take these burdens on our backs; else our labor and travel shall be in vain. Negro suffrage and white disfranchisement are the only passwords which will satisfy the grim radical sentinel, that with a drawn sword, guards the pass" age to the tree of political life. In ad dition to these things, our territory •will shortly be occupied by the army of the United States, and its officers will become the arbiters of our fortunes, our property., our liberty, our peace, our happiness, and all we possess of earth ly good. President Johnson well de scribes it as the most flagrant despot ism that ever disgraced the annals ol history. The officers of the army of the United States are the natural ene mies of the late rebellious states unbridled authority is grievous in <4.lie hands of the greatest and best of men, what shall we say of it in the hands of men inilamed with passion, warped with prejudice, and urged on to tyran ny by vindictive and disappointed men ? In our humble opinion it is the heavi est judgement ever visited by heaven ®n a down-trodden and subjugated peo ple. Ami this is our condition today. We are powerless to prevent it. There is no power or earth to help us. Un less we can help ourselves, nothing can be done for us. This we we are allowed to do. Can we do it 1 ’i hat is a practical question and ought to be regarded and discussed without passion or prejudice, party or position, past, present or future. Had we best do nothing but quietly submit and stub bornly endure the evils are or will be on us, or resolutely meet and try to mitigate them ? Will inactivity bring relief and change the hearts of our rul ers-? We think not. Suppose we submit (or twenty years and do noth ing all that time, what shall weiiawe at the end of it.? A ruined country., negro suffrage, white disfranchisement — and military rule ! Extend the time iudefi finitely and w.e have the same result.— As lone as .we refuse to act these things ! must be our portion. They are the j inevitable results of inactivity. Inac-I tivitv then brings no relief. On the other-hand, it will multiply the evils. The chastising rod will not be held up as long as the patient is stubborn and refractory. Other tortures will be de vised and indicted. Shall we say that we will not further degrade ourselves? Have we not long since, touched bottom in point of po- I litical degredation, or is there a lower 'dace still ? . W T e think not. Political non-entity is our condition. Can there be greater degradation—if so, where and how? f,et us not deceive our selves; private faith, morals or charac ter, are not involved in these things. We are not called on to sacrifice our const: e iec to renounce our religion, or abjurem.r God. The matter is purely political ; those bolding in their hands our destiny call on us to act. If we do their bidding, we shoulder a griev - ous burden—one hard to be borne.— That is true. It is what happens to all subjugated people. But, if we re fuse, vvhatthen ? We suffer all that we could suffer by complying plus the greatest burden of all —military rule , This, then, is the question. If we act and do what we shall be permitted to do, we have negro suffrage and a few whiles disfranchised. If we fail to act we have negro sufiruge, a few whites disfranchised, and the military rule. This is the whole question. Here are three great evils proposed. Two of them we must and will suffer; the third and greatest we can avoid. If we act, wo have two of them —if we do not act, we have them all—with reasonable certainty of an addition to; the catalogue. We are asked, what action shall 'be taken. The answer is, do what ■Con gress requires. We all know what that is. Uo it, not because we think it right, or desire it—but, because it is required ; and no blame can attach to us lor it, The responsibility ot it will not be on us. The agent that exercis es no will or discretion, is responsible for nothing, neither in law nor con science. There arc now a large num ber of good men in this State not dis franchised—quite sufficient to control it. These men must act, md if they do not, worse men will. Action will be had which will effect the interest of all. Let us not say we will have noth ing to do with it. Look at Tennessee --her good men failed to act ; her bad men did act, and what is the result? Let the hundreds of gentlemen in this county who have fled from a despot ism in that State, which would disgrace h—l itself, reply. \Y r e talk of holding meetings to deliberate. About what? Are not our duties prescribed ? Have not our political masters said so? Shall the clay reason with the potter—the marble with the sculptor? Not only are our.duties prescribed, but the wav to perform them is equally so. What then shall we-discuss—on vvliat shall we deliberate? We are opposed to baste—to precipitancy. We will not lick the hand that chastises or invite the yoke that galls us. But we can do as Generals Lee and Johnson did, when they could fight no longer, they gave up —surrenderd. They tried to make easy terms, —-could not do it, and they took hard terms Histo-ry is con stantly repeating itself. We shall do well to consider ilmse facts. The storm ts sweeping over -.us. A large number of us have the choice to get on top, and ride above danger, and so di rect the storm as to save the whole family. Shall we do it? or shall we all stubbornly sit still and all go ki.mii) together, - B**uWu.vr we Propose !—A distin gnkffied.gentleman at Washington city, some years since, in a correspondence was asked his opinion in regard to what is called “Modern Spiritualism.” He replied that on that sobject he had no opinion —had not had time ito investi gate it Its matter and consequently was not prepared to express an opinion as to the truth or falsity of the doctrine. In like manner we are not prepared to say what we even think is best to be done, at this time, to avoid further de gradation and subsequent ruin in the South, and to secure civil law. peace, and tranquility to uur conquered race. One contends that the adoption ofthe Constitutional Amendment with Uni versal manhood .suilrage, will bring a bout the desired e.nd. Another ignores both these measures, .and advises tnas lerly inactivity, on the p&rloditie South and hang on subsequent decisions od the Supreme Court for the vindication ofthe South against the unconstitution al demands and measures of Congress, contending, further, that any morecoa ces&iuns will he but a prelude to sorer and more galling chains, and in so do ing wild cuuiju'ouffse our dignity of character ami thereby lose the respect ofthe world. Both of .tloese positions ire assuun J by leading men, to whom the common people ol the country ua turally turn for advice. Now who are the people to follow ? One contends for action —immediate action ! 1 lie other says no let us lie still and groan beneath our increasing burdens until the courts come to our relief. One says I am for principle. The oilier says I am for expediency. Severe diseases require severe remedies.— When reason reigned principle was the watch-word of all parties ; but now ilia*, madness over-rides reason, expe diency is recommended and thought to be advisable. In the days of secession one party contended lor precipitate action , the other says no! we will fight it out on this line —or in the Union. Who was right? Let tfie war with its attendant evils suffice as a reply. In forming our conclusions we are a little like the Irishman who was drawn up before a tribunal of justice to an swer the charge of horse-stealing, when asked! the question guilty or not guilty, replied : “Faith, and how can I tell before I hear the ividence.” We want to hear the matter more fully discuss ed, before we fully commit ourselves to either line of policy, for if we should hurriedly take a stand, M, e might have to back-down from it, as we did in the last political contest in which we were engaged. We believe with the wise man when he says that, “In a multitude of counsel there is safoty.” Col. Willie’s Ueport—Experi mental Survey—Carters* Hie anti Van Weri Railroad. O To the President and Directors of the Carter seiUe 4* Vein Wert Railroad : In ive c©rdivuoe with instructions, the experimental survey, commencing Feb. 6th, 1867, and completed on February I.3th, 1867, between Cartersville and Yan Wert, Juts been made. A report of which, with the plot and profile of the line, and an approximate estimate ol eost, is now jv-e seated for your con sideration. From examination osf a map, the country intervening would seem to presold considerable difficulties in the construction of a work of this kind, and in the instrumental survey, it was a source of much gratification to find these .-m small as 'they really are. No lighter line for its length., particularly when considered in reference it© its directness, and the crossing of deep vallied streams, and t&eir dividing ridges, is probably, to be fouud in up per Georgia. Good crossings ■of the streams are obtained, and the hollows and gorges leading,to and from <Ube gaps in the ridges, are well adapted to the development of the grade line. The plat and profile will show for themselves, and call for but few words of remark. The lin e will be found extremely direct, and averaging very nearly a South West course. Its length is 20] miles, very nearly, which distance will be slightly increased in location, to allow the proper develop ment of the grade, a«d lessen the depth of cutting at die summits. But one bridge will be required that over the Etowah river—being two spans of about ninety-five feet each; only 17 feet above the water. ‘The other streams may at! be crossed by trestle. Very few culverts will be re quired, nearly all the masonry on the line being comprised in the pier and abutments at the Etowah river. The amount of excavation in many of the outs, particularly at the main summits, tony be much .reduced by slight devia tions from the present line. The maxim um grade employed is 66 feet to the mile. The approximate estimate of cost for the main items is shown in the following tabie : Excavation, earth —198,038 cub. yds @306 “ “ “ $57,611,40. Rock 32 000 50c “ 16,000,00. Embankineut 106,111 17c 18,038,70, Bridge Masonry 250 sl2 3,000,00. Culvert 330 $5, “ « 1,650,00. Howe truss bridge 190 lin. ft. §3O “ “ “ “ 5,700.00. Trestle 500, S2O “ 10,000,00. Cross Ties 42,920 30c 12,876,00. Bridge rail 1500 tons S9O “ “ “ “ “ 135,000,00. ■Chairs and spikes—snot more than per. mile S3OO “ “ 6,000,00. Frogs and switches “ 2,700,00. Track laying “ “ 2,500,00. Enginering and continences 5,000,00. Total " *■ “ 276,076,10. Average per. mile, M 13,633,38. The construction of this road, will open ujj a country, whose products ean not tail to be a lasting source ol revenue to the Company. Slate of the best quality from the iuexhaustable quarries of Polk county is daily in more demand, as a roofing material, in our principle cities, and will have a cheap and expeditious transit to con sumers in contrast with the present tedious, and expensive transportation by wagons, to the Western & Atlantic Railroad, tending to the equalization of supply with demand, for wiiicii the present means are altogether inade quate. Having easy access to markets, the agricultural products will be large ly increased, instances being of record where railroads, in a short time after going into operation, have transported an amount double the entire produce of the country prior to their construction. Landed property will increase in value, districts hitherto unimproved be brought into cultivation ; skilled labor of all kinds, come forward to supply the growing demand, while business of every variety, will revive and flourish, adding constantly to the prosperity and wealth of the Company. The towns connected by the road, and the whole country which would be tributa ry to its tralic. Throughout the whole extent of the line, property holders, with commendable liberality, have either, already tendered, or will doubt 'css, do so, the right of way. It is earnestly recom rn that tilts be secured deed before permanent lo cation, and the commencement cl construction. This settles at once, the question, and avoids all future disagreements, and possible tedious, and expensive litigation. W. VV. WHITE, Engineer. from Washington. SIIER3I4K’S BILL VETOED! PASSES TIIE HOUSE OVER THE VETO. SYNOPSIS OF THE MESSAGE. Washington, March 2. —The Veto Message was sent into the House at 2 o’clock this evening. The House proceeded to vote on the biil immediately, and it was passed, notwithstanding the veto, by a vote of 135t0 47. o Congressional Proceedings. SENATE. The Bankrupt hill was passed, and goes to the President. The Committee on Foreign Affairs reported adversely to the resolution to protect the rights of Americans in Mexico, for the enforcement of claims of American investment in Mexican bonds. The conference committee report against compound interest notes, and the report was adopted. It provides for the issue of three per cent, loan certificates, of which fifty millions only shall be outstanding. The Tenure of Office veto was read and the bill passed, notwithstanding, by a vote of 35 to 11. The. Senate went into Executive ses sion. HOUSE OR -REPRESENTATIVES. The proceedings in the House were not generally interesting until the message was received, at two o’clock. The galleries were jammed. The President says in effect.: Hav ing examined the bill to provide more effectual governments for the .rebel States with that care which its trans cendent importance awakens, he was unable to assent to it. Ilis reasons are so grave that he hopes by a statement oLthem to influence patriots and en lightened men. The bill places ten States under military rulers and com bats its preamble. His information shows that the peo- pie are united in reorganizing their Slate Governments on a basis ol'peae? and fairness. The bill shows that its object is not peace. After the States adopt measures notoriously objectiona ble, representation is allowed without reference to the security oflile and pro perty. Preamble’s excuse for the bill, is admitted by the bill as false milita ry rule us established, not for the prevention -of crime, but far the en forcement of the adoption of odious laws.. The measure, in character, scope and object, is without precedent o r authority. It is palpably in conflict with the Constitution, and is destruc tive of blood-bought liberty. The power given to a brigadier general is that of an absolute monarch. His will is law. and determines the rights of person and property. It disposes of the lands and goods within his district, and makes his will a criminal code. — Everything is criminal, and everything which he so denominates is crime.— Every person is guilty whom he con demns. He keeps no record, and need make no report. He can break up courts, and make judges and jurors criminals. His military courts are of his own making, at:d his officers are from his subordinates. Instead of mit igating its harshness, a single rule of sueb courts would divide the responsi bility, making it more cruel and unjust. Several provisions—dictated by hu*» inanity—are introduced in the bill to restrain officers, but are inoperative. Each officer may define .cruelty ac cording to his awn temper. The gag, lash, or ball and chain, lie within the ehoiee of the military commander, who, under live provisions of the bill, may condemn, <to death withoih trial, thus avoiding the Executive sanction. The ; authority given the officer amounts to I an absolute despotism, and is aggra vated by the power to delegate that despotism to subordinates. The bill declares that lie shall punish or cause to be punished. This is a power which was denied to the English Kings lor five hundred years. In all that lime the people speaking the English language iiave borne nu such servitude. It reduces the population often Slates, regardless of color, sex or condition, and strangers within their limits, t< abject and degrading slavery. It may ( be answered that the officers are just anu human. Doubtless they are cqal- ly so with other classes, but the history of the world has been written vainly, in failing to show the danger of un restrained authority. It is almost in variably tyrannical when the ruler is a stranger, appointed by an unfriendly power. It Was tried in Hungary and Poland, resulting in sufferings which aroused the sympathy of the world.— In Ireland, though tempered by the principles of English law, it was in dignantly denounced for its cruelties. The French Convention, in arming deputies with similar powers, sent them to the different departments, and massacres, murders and atrocities fol« lowed. An irresponsible deputy nev er yields what the laws do not extort. Have we the power to establish and carry the measure into execution? We are certainly not deriving our authori ty from the constitution, or acknowl edging its limitations. The balance of the message consists in an elaborate constitutional argument, embracing copious extracts. The speaker ruled that two-thirds could suspend the rules, rendering fillibustering out of the question, ami the bill was passed by a vole ol 135 to 47. “ TL c New Bill ol" Roconstruc- Iu the editorial columns of the New York Herald , of late date, under the above caption, we find a long eddito rial, the two last paragraphs of which we copy below. It will be remem bered that the Herald is one of the very leading journals of the North, whose opinions are respected all over the globe, and which has as large if not the largest circulation of any other paper in the United States : “This new bill of reconstruction continues the State establishments set lip by Mr. Johnson as provisional gov ernments subject to the will of Con gress,and leaves it to the people of each State concerned whether they shall proceed at once to reorganize on the terms laid down or wait a little longer under the supervision of martial law. We presume that the present Southern Governors and their Legislatures, un der this discretionary power, will pre fer to hold on yet awhile until they can take their soundings and make their arrangements concerring the negro vote, so that we may hear of no South* ern movement under this hilt for the election ol a reorganizing State con vention until after the crops of the coining summer shall have been secur ed. Meantime, from the re-establish” ment of martial law and the submission of the Southern people to their “mani fest destiny,” wo may expect North ern enterprise and capital to be invited to the development of Southern re sources iu the wav of cotton, corn, rice, sugar and tobacco, a,ud on such terms as will give a great impulse to Southern industry and p raff table har vests to all .concerned. “With t:he last vestiges of slavery and the old slavery epoch cleared away the revolution inaugurated with the se cession of South Carolina, seven years ago, will be complete—-the last remain ing harriers against Northern emigrants, Northern enterprise, skill and capital will be removed, and the great North ern tide ol emigration will be diverted from the West to the more inviting soil and climate of the South.. This bill will open the gates, and with the gates opened the tide will roll in upon the South and down to the Gulf of Mex ico, far more reviving and fertilizing than the annual swellings of the Nile.” 4ion.” Who are Affected by the Amend ment. —It is believed our people do not generally understand who are af fected by the Constitutional Amend ment and excluded from office, and from the ballot box by the late bill. The following persons are excluded.: Ist. All persons who, before the war, were members of Congress or officers of the United Stales . and took an oath to support the Constitution ol the United States and .afterwards engaged in the rebellion. 2nd. All persons who, prior to the war, were executive , legislative or judicial officers of the State, and took the like oath, and engaged in the rebellion. This embraces Governors, members of the Legislature, and judi cial officers from a Judge of the Su* preme Court down to a Justice of the Peace, who at any time, field the of fice and took the oath, and afterwards engaged in the rebellion. Who .then are not excluded ? Ist. No one is excluded because he held an office under the Confederate States from President down, it he does not fall within one of the excluded classes above specified. , The simple fact that he was a Confederate Senator, or a Confederate General, or that he took an oath to support the Constitution of the Confederate States, does not ex clude him. 2d. No State or county officer is ex cluded on account of ins having held the office and taken the oath and en gaged in the rebellion, if he were not an executive, legislative or judicial officer, therefore, neither a lawyer, sheriff, clerk, tax-collector, receiver, county treasurer, coroner, surveyor, constable, or road commissioner is ex cluded. 3d, As no man under twenty-one years of age, when the war began held any such office as disqualified, ami none of them took the oath to support the Constitution of the United Slate* during the war, and as the war coin meueed nearlv six years ago, no man in Georgia under twenty-seven years of age can be excluded. 4th. Militia officers are not exelued. sth. The whole mass ol our people who fall within none of the excluded classes above mentioned, are free I rum the disqualification, ami may vote and hold any office in the Stale without regard to the part they took in the war. Atlanta. [The above farts have been prepared lor the Era, by one of the first legal minds in the South, and \v< accept us statements as critically correct. —Eu. Era.] NEW AI)VEIH’ISEMENTS. Bartow Sheriff Sale. ON the first Tuesday in April next, within the legal hours of sale, will be sold before t r <ecourt house door in Cnrtersville, Bartow county, the following property to-wit : Lois of land numbers 201) and 22 t, in the 21st district and 2d section of said county ; levied on as the property of P. C. Loveland, to satisfy two fi las is sued from the justice court of the 903d district, G. M., in favor of Laura Cor bin vs. Andrew Bohinger and P. C. Loveland ; Levy made and returned to me hy a constable. Also, the undivided half interest in lots numbers 806. 852. 870. 877. 878, 923, 824, and 825, all in the 21st (list, of originally Cherokee hut now Baitow county : levied on as the property ( f Edward F. Mahonc, to satisfy an at tachment <1 la issued from Cherokeu Superior court in favor of Thomas 1), Perkinson against said E. Mahonc. Also one hundred acres ol lot ol land No. 217 lying in the oth Di.-t. A 3rd Section of Bartow. Then* is mi said land a good framed House, two rooms, stack chimney. Let i< <1 on as the property of Win. Hunter to satisfy afi fa issued from Bartow Couiilv Court in favor of M. C. Jackson vs said Hunter propi rty pointed out by Defendant, Also lot ol land 905 in the 21 Di.-t. and 2nd section of Formerly Chcrokie now Bartow County levied on as the property of P. J, I'r a *isco di eea-ed (to satisfy a lax li la in f; vm » I the Stale of Georgia and Barlow Comity vs said Francisco le vie made a/j I id.lin ed bv a cub stable, Als, lot of loud No. 911. in the 21st Did. and 2nd Seel ion of Biu tow County, levied on as the property of one Mr, Fort, to satisfy a Tax (ifa, in favor ol the Stale of Georgia and Bartow County vs. said Fort .; levy made and returned by a constable. Also, lot of land No.. 824 iu <lue the 21st Dist. and 2nd. Section of Bartow County •; levied on as the property of Holland and W litis to satisfy a Tax fi fa in favor of ithe State of Georgia and Bartow County vs. said Holland and Willis ; levied and returned by a con st able. Also, loif nl land j\o. ,851 in ibe&lsi Disl, and 2wd Section of Harlow Cn.j levied ou as the property of one Mr, Garmey so satisfy a Tax fifa in favor of the State of Georgia and Harlow County vs. said Garmey ; levy nude and returned by a constable. Also lot of land No. MSI 1 t;i the 21 Hist and 2nd Seel ion of Harlo w Co,un tv levied on asillie property of J, Wing field to satisfy a ifi fa in favor of it he Slate of Georgia <&. Harrow County »v« said Wingfield:; levy unufe ;andrHtiirti<wl by a <c(Mis,table. Also lot of land No, Eight feuud.red ami forty nine, in the 2j? Dist. aijd -2d section of Harlow county, levied on as the property of one Air, Sligh to satis fy a lax fi fa in favor ol tlm State of Georgia, and Harlow county vs said Wingfield, levied a,n.d returned by a Constable. Also one lot of lumber lying in the town of XJai.ters.vUle in /ear of Loewen stein &i Pfeifer’s store, four thousand feet more or less lying on lot adjacent to A F Morrison. Levied on as the property of Caleb Tompkins, Lo satisfy a fi fa issued from the C unity Court of Harlow in favor oi\Sam.nel Carroll vs said Tompkins, Also lot of land No, 779 in the 21st Hist and 2nd section of Hartow county Levied on as the property of Nathan Turner to satisfy a tax fi fa in favor of the State of Georgia and Hartow county vs said 'Purner, levied and returned by a Constable. Also lot of land No. 914 in the 21st Dist. and 2nd section ol Hartow coun ty, levied on as the property ol’Seaborii Jones, to satisfy a tax fi fa in favor of the State of Georgia and Hartow Coun ty against said Jones, levy made and returned by a constable. Also Lot of Land No. 847 in the 21st Dist. and 2nd section of Hartow coun ty ; levied on as the property ol one Mr. Hendrix to satisfy a tax fi fa in fa vor of the State of Georgia and Har tow county vs said Hendrix; levy made and returned by a constable. Postponed Sale. Also fit the same time and place, will he sold One Jot of land in the 15th or 16th Dist, <>t the 3rd see, of Bar/ow coimtv, No. not known containing 160 acres, known as the Hadden place, hy virtue of a li fa issued from a Jus tice of the 856 district, (i. M., in favor of J L. Neal v s John Hadden, levy made and returned hy a Bailiffi W. L. IYCOCK, Sheriff. A. M FRANKLIN, and TIIOS, H, WfLKRs, March 8, I SG7, Depty. Slifl ’s.