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VOL. VIII. THE PRESIDENT’S LETTER. He Formally Accept s the Nomina tion of His Party. ,\ cu-ar am! Forcible Document in Which ;(<• Sets Forth the Principle* of the Democratic Party. Washington* September Bth, 1888. — Hon. Patrick A. Collins and others, com mittee, etc. Gentlemen: In addressing t o you my formal acceptance of the nomination to the presidency of the 1 uited States, my thoughts persistently dwell upon the impressive relation of . rh action to tin* American people, wliose confidence is thus invited, and to the political party to which 1 belong just entering upon a contest for continued supremacy. The world does not afford a spectacle more sublime than is furnished when millions of free and intelligent American citizens select their chief magistrate, and hid one of their number to find the high est honor and a full measure of public duty in a ready submission to their will. It follows that a candidate for this hin;!i office can never forget that when the turmoil and strife which attends the election of its incumbent shall be heard no more, there must be, in the quiet calm which follows, a complete and SOLEM X SEI > V -< '<)NSECRATION by the people’s chosen president of every faculty and endeavor to the ser vice of a confiding and generous nation of freemen. These thoughts are inten ded bv the light of my experience in the presidential office, which has soberly im pressed me with the severe responsibili ties which it imposes, while it has quick ened icy love for American institutions and taught me the priceless value of the trust of my countrymen. It is of the highest importance that those who administer our government should jealously protect and maintain the rights of American citizens at home and abroad, and should strive to achieve for our country her proper place among the nations of the earth ; but there is no people whose home interests are so great, awl whose numerous objects of domestic concern deserve so much watchfulness and care. Among these are the regulation of a sound financial system suited to our needs, thus securing the efficient agency of national wealth and general pros perity; the construction and equipment ol means of defense, to insure our na tional safety and maintain the honor be neath which such national safety re poses; tin* protection of our national domain, still stretching beyond the needs of a country’s expansion, and its preser vation for the settler and pioneer of our marvelous growth; a sensible and sin cere recognition of the value of Ameri can labor, leading to scrupulous care and a just appreciation of the interests of our workingmen ; the limitation and checking of such monopolistic tendencies and schemes as interfere with the advan tages and benefits which the people may rightly claim; a generous regard and care for our surviving soldiers and sailors, and for the widows and orphans of such as have died, to the end that while oui appreciation of their services ami sacrifices is quickened, the applica tion of their pension fund to improper cases may he prevented; protection against servile immigration which in juriously competes with our laboring men in the field of toil, and adds to our population an element ignorant of our institutions and laws, impossible of as similation with our people, and danger ous to our peace and welfare, a strict an i steadfast adherence to the princi ple of civil service reform and a thor ty>u-dt execution of the laws passed for r” ,p ir enforcement, thus permitting to °nr people the advantages of business un bodkin the operation of their gov cnuneiit; a guaranty to oqr colored citi f,n> of all their rights of citizenship, nmi their just recognition and encour ngmuent in all things pertaining to that lv inti: a; a firm, patient and humane ln (kan policy, so that, in peaceful relations "■i h the government, the civilization of Indians may be promoted, with re sulting quiet nnd safety to the settlers ou <*ur frontiers: and tlie curtailment of 1-T. expense by the introduction of (1 f u;it;imal methods in every depart lr"*nt of the government. DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM INDORSED. 1 l ; e pledges contained in the platform U'lcpted by the late convention of the I " ; 5 ‘csal Democracy lead to the ad- c cment of thpse objects and insure* government—the aspirations of ' . true American citizen., and the mo " •■>!• every patriotic a< ion and ef- I.n ihe consciousness that much ' nmr-nt by the present adirenistm m ■' ! submitting its record to the 3 ' he platform t hus pi. seated, with 'lmt, if I am ay ; "and to tin* chief magistracy, there h:l uli be u coßtiuuaude of devoted eu 1 deavor to advance the interests of the j entire country. Our SCALE OF FEDERAL TAXATION i and its consequences largely engross at this time the attention of citizens, and the people are soberly considering the necessity of measures of relief. Our government is the creation of the people, established to carry out their l designs and accomplish their good. It was founded on justice, and was made for free, intelligent and virtuous peopde. It is only usudiil when within their con trol, and only serves them well when regulated and guided by their constant touch. It is a free government because it guarantees to every American citizen unrestricted personal use and enjoyment of all the reward of his toil and of all his income, except what may be his fair contribution to necessary public ex penses. Therefore, it is not only right, but the duty of free people, in the en forcemeht of this guaranty, to insist, that such expense should be strictly lim ited to actual public needs. It seems perfectly clear that when the govern ment —this instrumentality created and maintained by the people to do their bidding—turns upon them, and, through an utter perversion of its powers, ex torts from their labor and capital a tribute largely in excess of public neces sities, the creature has rebelled against its creator and the masters are robbed by their servants. THE COST OF THE GOVERNMENT must continue to be met by tariff duties collected at our custom houses upon im ported goods, and by internal revenue taxes, assessed upon spirituous and malt liquors, tobacco, and oleomarga rine. I suppose it is needless to explain that all those duties and assessments are added to the price of the articles on which they are levied, and thus become a tax upon all those who buy these arti cles for use and consumption. I sup pose, too, it is well understood that the effect of this tariff taxation is not lim ited to the consumers of all the im ported articles, but that the duties imposed upon such articles permit a cor responding increase in the price to be laid upon domestic productions of the same kind; which increase paid by all our people as consumers of home pro ductions and entering every American home, constitutes a form of taxation as certain and as inevitable as though the amount was annually paid into the hands of the tax gatherer. These results are inseparable from the plan we have adopted for the collection of our revenue by tariff duties. They are not mentioned to discredit the sys tem, but by way of preface to the state ment that every million of dollars col ' lected at our custom houses for duties I upon imported articles and paid into the public treasury, represents many millions more, which, though never reaching the | national treasury, are paid by our citi zens as INCREASED COST OF DOMESTIC PRODUCTIONS, resulting from our tariff laws. In these circumstances, and in view of the necessary effect of the operation of our plans for raising revenue, the abso lute duty of limiting the rate of tariff charges to the i*ecessities of the frugal and economical administration of Hie government, seems to be perfectly plain. The continuance, upon the pretext of meeting public expenditures, of such a scaje of tariff taxation as draws from the substance of the people a sum large ly in excess of public needs, is surely something which, under a government based upon justice and which finds its strength and usefulness in the faith and tiust of the people, ought not to be tolerated. While the heaviest burdens incident to the necessities of the govern ment arc uncomplainingly borne, light burdens become grievous and intolerable when not justified by such necessities. Unnecessary taxation is unjust taxa- I tion. And yet this is our condition. We are ; annually collecting at our custom houses, and by means of our internal revenue taxation, many millions in excess of all LEGITIMATE PUBLIC NEEDS. .Vs a consequence, there now remains in flu national treasury a surplus of more than one hundred and thirty i millions of dollars. Xo Potter evidence could be furnished j that the people are exorbitantly taxed. The extent of the "superfluous of burden indicated by this surplus will be better appreciated when it is suggested that s o i, surplus alone represents a taxation ceuTiting more than one hundred and eight thousand dollars in a country con taining fifty thousand inhabitants. Taxation has always been the feature of organized government, hardest to recon ; ciie with the people’s idea, of freedom and ... . •Vh. n 1 ’.. -cuted in direct | form nothing will arouse popular discon tent more quickly and profoundly than farmers, l echaides. laborers and ah our citizens closely scan the slightest in ' i-tase in taxes assessed upon their lands CAKTEKSVILLE. GA., THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 13, 1888. and other property, and demand a good reason for such increase. And yet they seem to be expected, in some quarters, to regard the unnecessary volume of insidious and indirect taxation visited upon them by our present rate of tariff duties with indifference if not with favor. The surplus revenue now remaining in the treasury not only furnishes conclu sive proof of unjust taxation, but its ex istence constitutes a SEPARATE AND INDEPENDENT MENACE to the prosperity of the people. This vast accumulation of idle funds repre sents that much money drawn from the circulating medium of the country which is needed in the channels of trade and business. It is a great mistake to suppose that the consequences which follow the con tinual withdrawal and hoarding by the government of the currency of the peo ple are not of immediate importance to the mass of our citizens, and only con cern those engaged in large financial transactions. In the restless enterprise and activity which free and ready money among the people produces, is found that opportu nity for labor and employment, that impetus to business and production, which bring in their train prosperity to our citizens in every station and voca tion. New ventures, new investments m business and manufacture, the construc tion of new and important works, and enlargement of enterprises already es tablished, depend largely upon obtain ing money upon easy terms with fair security, and all these things are stimu lated by the abundant volume of circu lating medium. Every harvested grain of the farmer remains without market, unless money is forthcoming for its move ment and transportation to seaboard. The first results of scarcity of money among the people is the EXACTION OF SEVERE TERMS for its use. Increasing distrust and timidity is followed by the refusal to loan on any terms. Investors refuse all risk and decline all securities and in the general fright money still in the hands of people is persistently hoarded. It is quite apparent that when this perfectly natural, if not inevitable, stage is reach ed, depression in all business and enter prise will, as a necessary consequence, les sen the opportunity for work and em ployment, reduce the salaries and wages of labor. Instead, then, of being exempt from the influence and effect of an immense surplus lying idlein thenational treasury, our wage earners and others who rely upon tlxfr labor for support, are most of all directly concerned in the situation. Others seeing the approach of danger, may provide against if, but it will find those depending upon their daily toil for bread unprepared, helpless and defense less. Such a state of affairs does not present a case of idleness resulting from disputes between the laboring man and his employer, but it produces an absolute and enforced stoppage of employment and wages. In reviewing the bad effects of this accumulated surplus and the SCALE OF TARIFF RATES by which it is produced, we must not | overlook the tendency toward gross and scandalous and public extravagance 1 which a congested treasury induces, nor the tact that we are maintaining, with out excuse, in the time of profound peace, substantially the rate of tariff duties I imposed in time of war, when the neces sities of the government justified the im- ; position of the weightiest burdens upon the people. Divers plans have been suggested for the return of this accumulated surplus to the people and the channels of trade. Some of these devices are at variance ; with all rules of good finance; some are j absurd and some betray by their reckless ! extravagance the demoralizing influence of a great surplus of public money upon judgments of individuals. While such efforts should be made as are consistent with public duty and sane- \ tioned by sound judgment to avoid a danger by the useful disposition of the surplus now remaining in the treasury, it is evident that if its distribution were accomplished, another accumulation would soon take its place if the constant flow of redundant income was not check ed at its source by a reform in our pres ent tariff laws. We do not propose to deal with these conditions by merely attempting to satisfy the people of the TRUTH OF ABSTRACT THEORIES, nor by alone urging their assent, to a political doctrine. We present to them the proposi tions that they are unjustly treated in the extent of the present federal taxa tion. that, as a result extreme danger exists, and that if is for them to demand a remedy and that defense and safety promised in the guarantee of their free government. We believe that the same means which are adopted to relieve the treasury of its present surplus and pre vent its occurrence, should cheapen to our people, the cost o f supplying their daily wants. Both of these objects we seek in part to gain by reducing the pres ent tariff rates upon the necessaries of life. We fully appreciate the importance to the country of our domestic industrial enterprises. In the rectification of the existing wrongs, their maintenance and prosperity should carefully, and in a friendly spirit, be considered. Even such reliance upon the present revenue ar rangements as have been invited or en couraged should be fairly and jns fly re garded. Abrupt and radical changes which might endanger such enteprises, and injuriously affect the interests of la bor dependent upon their success and countenance, are NOT CONTEMPLATED OR INTENDED. But we know the cost of our domestic manufactured products is increased and their prices to the consumer enhanced by the duty imposed upon the raw material used in their manufacture. We know that this increased cost prevents the sale of our productions at foreign mar kets in competition with those countries which have the advantage of free • raw material. We know that, confined to a home market, our manufacturing opera tions are curtailed, their demand for la bor irregular and the rate of wages paid uncertain. We propose, therefore, to stimulate our domestic industrial enterprises by freeing from duty the imported raw ma terials which, by the employment of la bor, are used in our home manufactures, thus rendering the markets and permit ting an increased and steady production with the allowance of abundant profits. True to the undeviating course of the Democratic party, we will not neglect the interests of LABOR AND OUR WORKINGMEN. In all efforts to remedy the existing evils, we will furnish no excuse for the loss of employment or the reduction of the wage of honest toil. On the contra ry, we propose in any adjustment of our revenue laws to concede such encourage ment and advantage to the employers of domestic labor as will easily compen sate for any difference that may exist between the standard of wages which should be paid to our laboring men and the rate allowed in other countries. We propose, too, by extending the markets for our manufacturers, to promote the steady employment of labor, while by cheapening the cost of the necessaries of life, we increase the purchasing power of the workingman’s wages and add to the comforts of his home. And before passing from this phase of the question, I am constrained to express the opinion that while the interests of labor should be always sedulously re garded in any modification of our tariff laws, additional and more direct and efficient protection to these interests would be afforded by the RESTRICTION AND PROHIBITION OF IMMI GRATION or importation of laborers from other countries, who swarm upon our shores, having no purpose or intent ot becoming our fellow citizens, nor permanent inter est in our country but crowd every field of employment with unintelligent labor at wages which ought not to satisfy those who make a claim to American citizenship. The platform adopted by the late na tional convention of our party contains tfee following declaration: “Judged by Democratic principles the interests of the people are betrayed when unnecessary taxation, trusts and combi nations are permitted and fostered which, while unduly enriching the few that combine, rob the body of our citi zens by depriving them, as purchasers, of the benefits of natural competition.” Such combinations have always been condemned by The Democratic party. The declar;4rion of its national eon ven ison is sincerely made, and no member of our party will be found excusing the ex istence, or belittling the pernicious re sults ot these DEVICES TO WRONG THE PEOPLE. Under various names they have been punished by the Qommon law for hun dreds of years, and they have lost none j of their hateful features because they j have assumed tin.* name of trusts instead I of conspiracies. We believe that these j trusts are the natural off-spring of a market artificially restricted; that an inordinately high tariff, besides furnish ing temptation for their existence, en- , larges the limit within which they may | operate against the people, and thus in- | creases the extent of their power for j wrongdoing. With unalterable hatred! of all such schemes, we count the check- ! ing of their baleful operations among ' ike good results promised by revenue re- ! form. \\ hile we cannot avoid partisan mis- i representation, our position upon the | question of revenue reform should be so j plainly stated as to admit of no ini sun- ! derstaiiding. Yv e have entered upon NO CRUSADE OF FREE TRADE. The reform we seek to inaugurate is predicated upon the utmost care forth 1 established industries and enterprises, a jealous regard for the interests of Amer ican labor and the sincere desire to re lieve the country from the injustice and danger of a condition which threatens evil to all the people ot the land. We are dealing with no imigiuary dan ger. Its existence has been repeatedly confessed by all political parties, and pledges of remedy have been made on all sides. Yet, when in a legislative body, where under the constitution all remedial meas ures applicable to this subject must originate, the Democratic majority were attempting with extreme moderation to redeem the pledge common to both parties, they were met by a determined opposition and obstruction; and the mi nority, refusing to co-operate in the house of representatives or propose an other remedy, have remitted the redemp tion of their party pledge to the doubt ful power of the Senate. The people will hardly be deceived by their abandonment of the field of legisla tion to meet in a political convention and flippantly declare in their party plat form that this conservative and careful effort to relieve the situation is DESTRUCTIVE TO THE AMERICAN SYSTEM of protection. Nor will the people be misled by an appeal to prejudice con tained in the absurd allegation that we serve the interests of Europe, while they will support the interests of America. They propose in their platform to thus support the interests of our country by removing the internal revenue tax from tobacco and from spirits used in the arts and for mechanical purposes. They de clare also that there should be such a revision of our tariff laws as shall tend to check the importation of such articles as are produced here. Thus, in propos ing to increase the duties on such arti cles to nearly or quite the prohibitory point, tney confess themselves willing to travel backwards in the road of civiliza tion and to deprive our people of the markets for their goods, which can only be gained and kept by the semblance, at least, of INTER-CHANGE OF BUSINESS. While they abandon our consumers to the oppression oi domestic trusts and combinations which are, in the same platform, perfunctorily condemned. They propose further, to release entire ly from import duties all foreign produc tion (except luxuries) the like of which cannot be produced in this country. The plain people of the land and the poor, who scarcely use articles of any descrip tion produced exclusively abroad and not already free, will And it difficult to discover where their interests are bene fitted in this proposition. They need in their homes cheaper domestic necessa ries and this seems to be entirely unpro vided for in this proposed scheme to serve the country. Small compensation for this neglected need is found in the further purpose here announced and cov ered by the declaration, that if after tlie changes already mentioned there still re mains a larger revenue than is requisite for the wants of the government, the en tire internal taxation should be repealed “rather than surrender any part of our protective system.” Our people ask relief from the undue and unnecessary burden of tariff taxa tion now renting upon them. They are offered instead FREE TOBACCO AND FREE WHISKY. They ask lor bread and they are given a stone. The implicatiotk'contained in tin’s party declaration that desperate measures are justified or necessary to save from de struction or surrender what is termed our protective system should confuse no erne. The existence of such a system is entirely consistent with the regulation of extent to which it should be applied, and correction of its abuses. Of course in a country as large as ours, with such a wonderful variety of interests, often leading in entirely different direction, it is difficult, if not impossible, to settle upon a perfect tariff plan. But in ac complishing the reform we have entered upon the necessity which is obvious I be lieve we should not le content with the reduction of revenue 1 involving the pro hibition of importations and the re moval of the internal tax upon whisky. It can be better and more safely done within the lines of granting actual relief to the people in their means of living, and at the same time giving an IMPETUS TO OUR DOMESTIC ENTERPRISES and furthering our national welfare. If misrepresentations of our purposes and motives are to gain credence and de feat our present effort in this direction, there seems to be no* reason why every endeavor in the future to accomplish revenue reform should not be likewise attacked, and with like result. And yet no thoughtful man can fail to see in the continuance of the present bur dens of the people, and the abstraction by government of the currency of U • country, inevitable distress and disaster. All danger will be averted by timely ac tion. The difficult;, of applying tie - rem edy will never be less, and the blame should not bo laid at the door of the Democratic party if it is applied too late. With firm faith in the intelligence and patriotism of our countrymen, and re lying upon the conviction that misrepre sentation will not influence them, preju dice will not cloud their understanding, and that menace v,ill not intimidate them, let us urge the people's interest and public duty for the vindication of our attempt to inaugurate a righteous and a beneficent reform. Grover Cleveland. History of Miss Ifavevgal’s Noted Hymn. Times of Refreshing. Miss Havergal. one day in the spring of 1878 (about a year before her call home), while walking around her garden at Leamington, said to her nurse, “I want to tell you of the gentle way by which the Lord led one to Himself whom I have long known. He had for years avoided all services. But ip the first year of this leading he began to come to church, sitting just inside the lobbv. The next year he sat just inside the church. The third year he began seat ing those who came, and took a comfor table seat himself. A short time after this I went by invitation to stay with his family. As 1 alighted from the car riage he met me at the door and said: “Miss Havergal, 1 hope you have come to be a great blessing to us.’’ On his saying that, I wont straight to my room and asked God to give me every soul in that house, and before I left my prayer was answered. Ten in number, they all became anxious about ther souls and found peace. The night, this transpired I was so overjoyed I could uot sleep. As I lay awake the lines oi the hymn— Take my life and let it be Consecrated, Lord, to Thee; Take my moments and my days, Let them flow in ceaseless praise, passed through my mind, and I put them down in pencil. The next morn ing I was writing to Rev. , the head of the Irish Society, and I enclosed these pencilled lines. He had, strange to say, just been preparing an address on con secration, which he delivered to several hundred people. In the middle of his discourse he read these lines aloud. After the service a gentleman came to him and asked if lie might have them printed. He did so; and thus within three weeks after they had passed through my mind t housands of copies were circulated in England and Ireland. This Year in Georgia.. This year in Georgia there are (5,605 more voters than last year. There are!,2l4 more white voters than last year. Though the number of able-bodied men has increased, the number of workers be tween 12 and 65 years of age has de creased from 01,087 to 87,796. There are 49 railroad presidents and only 13 superintendents. Improved land has increased 247,206 acres, and it is worth $2,141,985 more than last year. The value of horses, mules, sheep and cattle has increased $999,064. There is $33,099 less of watches, jewelry and silverware. There are 120,785 more dollars inves ted in plantation and mechanical tools. There were 699,137 dollars worth of cotton, corn and provisions held by farmers on April first—s337,6s7 more than last year. Town and city property lias increased in value $4,400,291. Bank shares are worth $1,358,190 *more than last year. Merchandise is worth $545,312 more than last year. This is the story of the tax digests for 1888. It isa story of prosperity among' the farmers, prosperity iy the cities and towns; better stock, better cattle, better tools, bettor furniture, and more com fcJrt in all the walks of life. E^ou U ;* Ore iitr hvei;.. ,aj!i w . Kennesaw Gazette. The officers of the Western A Atlantic Railroad are receiving requests from several sources for statistics oi the amount of minerals moved from Bartow county within the past three years or more. The com pan\ endeavors to satisfy the questioners that the best thing to do 'is not to bother about the matter of trans porting the ores out of the country, but to establish . irnac<-*s in thecouii% • There is no better region in America for successful iron n ami fact urir.g than the region around Cartersviiie; but we may add, rather in the nature of i post script, that Bartow county is able to supply all the furnaces that capitalists will establish there, and at tne same time to send out three times as u, , :h ore per year as has previously been the east to the furnaces in Tennessee, Alabama, Pennsylvania and other Stales. The members or the new iy appointed executive committee of the party of Barrow . <,nnt.> are re we ted NO. It.