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Tie CartersTille Aaerican. PUBLISHED EVERY TUESDAY MORNING T DOUGLAS WIKLE, Editor and Propnetor. CA BTF.KBYILLK, A. OPPIOEI Ul>-SUlr in (he Baxter Building, North-east turner of West Main and Erwin street*. All communications or letters on business ihould be addressed to DOUGLAS VUkLF, Editor. Carteravtlle. Oa. DIEECTORY. COURT CALENDER—CUKKOKEE CIR CUIT. J. C. Enin, Judge. J. W, Harris, Jr., Solici or General. Bartow County—Second Monday ;u January er.dJuly. . .... Catoosa County—Second Monday in February and AuKui>t Murray (untv—Third Monday in February a nit August. . „ . Gordon County— Fourth Monday in February and August. .Cade County-Third Monday in March and Septcui Scr. . , . .. Whitfield Count)' First Monday in April and October. COUMTY OFFICERS. J. A. Howard, Ordinary. F. M. Durham, Clerk .Superior Court. 11. W. Cobb, Treasurer. A. M. Franklin, Sheriff. John A. Gladden, Deputy Sheriff. Hailey A. Barton,Tax Collector. W. W. Ginn, Tax Ueceivw. Commissioners—A. Knight, T. C. Moore, A. A. Vinoeut, John 11. Wilue, T. . Hawkins. CITY OFFICERS. A. P. Wofford, Mayor. _ . James D. Wilkcrsou, Marshal. W. E. Puck ett., Deputy Marshal. Goo. 8. Cobb, Clerk. B. It. Mountcastle, Treasurer. Aldermen—First Ward, J. C. Wofford, A. It. Hudgins; .Second Ward, G- Harwell, W. 11. Barron ; Third Ward, John j-. Storcr, JCliliu Hall; Fourth Ward, W. C. Edwards, Aaron Collins. CHURCH DIRECTORY. Methodist—ltev. A. J. Jarrell, pastor. Ser vices every Sunday at 10:80 a.m., and7:4sp. in. I'rayor meeting on Wednesday night. Sunday school at 3 o’clock p. in. Presbyterian—Rev. Theo. E. Smith, pastor. Services every Sunday at 11 o’clock, a. in., aud 1:46 p. m. Prayer meeting on Wednesday night. Sunday school at 0:80 o’clock, a. in. ftaptlst Itev. it. H. lleaden, pastor. Services every Sunday at 11 o’clock, a. in., and 7:45 p. ni. Prayer meeting on Wednesday night. Mundav school at 9:30 o’clock, a. in. Episcopal—M. K. Rees, Rector. Services* Fonrth Sunday of each mouth at 11 o’clock, a. m. DOST OFFICE DIRECTORY. Mail North and West, via W. A A. It. R-, closer, 8:30 a. m., 4:15 p. in.; opens 9 a. m., 5 p. m. Mall South, via W.AA.R. It.,closes 11 a. m., u. in.; opens 11 i>. rn. Mall West, via Cherokee Railroad, closes 1 :S*> a. m.; opens 4:80 p. in. Mail to Pine l.og and Fairmount arrives Momiays, Wednesdays and Friday* at 4 p. m.: loaves Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays at 7 a. m. Mail to Stamp Creek leaves Mondays and Fridays ill 6 a. in.; arrives Tuesdays and Sat urd iy*K at 0 p. hi. OtUce Hours.—General Delivery opens from 7:00 a. in. to 0 p. in. Money Order and Regis tered Letter Department open from Ba. m. to 4p. ui. General Delivery open on Sundays from 9 to 10 a. m. Travelers' Guide. WESTERN *. ATLANTIC RAILROAD. FAST EXPRESS—DaiIy. Leave Atlanta 2 40 pm Arrive Marietta 3 27 pm *• i nrtoisvUle..... 429 pin Kin: sw<n • 4 0* pm •• Dalton.... 0 0- pe • " Chattanooga 800 piu SOUTHERN EXPRESS—DaiIy. Leave Chattanooga. 2 55 pm “ Dalton 4 32 pm “ Kingston 003 pm “ Carte rsville 0 32 pm “ Marietta 7 48 pm Arrive A tlanta 8 40 pm WESTERN EXPRESS—!' ~V. lamvo Atlanta ' °0 am Arrive Marietta 7 17 am “ Cartorsvlllc 8 54 am “ Kingston • 020 am ** Dalton 10 53 am “ Chattanooga 12 30 am FAST EXPRESS—DaiIy. ,iuvo Chattanooga 8 00 am •• Dalton 0 40 am a Kingston - 11 15 am •* Cartersvillo It 42 am “ Marietta 12 47 pm Arrivo Atlanta 1 to pm LIMITED EXPRESS—DaiIy except Saturdays Leave Atlanta 12 60 am Arrive CartersviUe 2 40 am “ Dalton. 4 40 am “ Chattanooga 8 22 llul LIMITED EXPRESS—DaiIy except Sunday. Leave Chattanooga 1° 45 pm Dalton 12 10 am “ Cavtersvlllo.. 208 am Arrivo Atlanta 3 58 am KINGSTON ACCOMMODATION. l.eavo Kingston 7 00 am Arrivo Cartersvillo 7 “8 aru Ac worth f 8 20 am ** Marietta 8 58 am Arrivo Atlanta • tlf 05 am Leave Atlanta ® to pm *• Marietta 606 pm “ J 42 |m *• 2 P m Arrive Kingston 8 (H) pm ROME RAILROAD. On and after Aug. 14, trains over Romo Rail road will run a* follows: NO. 1. Leave Romo 8-00 a ni Arrive at Kingston u-W a m NO. 9. Leave Kingston ***j® ix "J Arrive at Koine 10.20 am NO. 3. Leave Rome •••• 4.30 p m Arrive at Kingston u.su p ni no. 4. I. Kingston 0.03 pm Arrive at Rome.... 1 6.55 p m ROME EXPRESS—DaiIy except Sunday. Runs solid between Rome and Atlanta. Leave Rome at 8.30 a in Leave Kingston at !i I!! Airive at Atlanta at 9.56 a m ROME EXPRESS—DaiIy except Sunday. Runs solid between Atlanta and Romo. Leaves Atlanta at 8.25 p m J .eaves Kingston at S.OB )i in Arrivo at Rome at 8.53 p in KBEX llll.LY ER, J. A. Smith. G. P. A. President. J. A. SMITH, G. P. A. CIIKROKEE KAILKOAD, 001X0 WK3T. NO. 1. NO. S. Leave CartcrsvillO 015 am 4SO inn ■> Stiles boro 054 am 5 if. pm * Tavlor>villo .... 10 15 am 521 pin V Uoi-kmart 10 Mam 1103 pm Arrive Oilartown 11 50 am 100 pia ooixa KAser. no. 2. no. 4. Leave ITuUrtnVn. 305 i>ra 505 am •• Hoo kin art 500 pin 04 am *• Taylorsville 3 35 pm 6 40 air* •* Stiles boro S 53 pm 656 am Arrive Cartorsville 4*6 pm 1 3ti am ETOWAH & HEATON'S R. K. Leave Etowah B.olam 2.40 pm Leave Deaton’s*** .am 3..15 pm Arrive Etowah 0.40 am 4.00 pm Connects with passengers and freight trains an Cherokee It. K JOIIN TAILOR, Tlic old original of Atlanta, Uco~ilv ensconced in the Parlor Barber Shop at the ST. JAMES HOTEL. JOHN TAYLOR has fitted up his shop in a manner to ettcite the sympathy and captivate the public generally. He uses the best shaving sap in the world—Russian Ccissan soap. It prevents pimples, eruptions, and all humor on *;e mce. He also uses Plialou’s chemical hair Lusigorator. fer removing scurf and dandruff, and prevents the falling out ot the hair, lie is ■the cuJ y barber in the south that uses these two iviiiolehlul articles. He also uses Florida wa rum and all toilet waters and the ■best pemariM. „ . , This is Hie 42.1 year of John’s experience, and Jh? is no doubt ouh j>f the Oldest barbers in iht* >*tate. He Matters that lie can please Abe most lastidious. Shop open until So’cloek, p. m. The Ame bican. THE YOL. I. HON; W. H. FELTON. HIS GREAT SPEECH IN CAR TERSVILLE ON THURSDAY, JULY 27, 1882. Complete Exposition of True Democ racy. •‘Democracy Not a Merc Name, but Means the People Ruling—the Peo ple Governing—the People Con trolling.” Fellow-Citizens I propose to address you to-day upon some politi cal questions that are now at issuo in the state of Georgia and the United States. lam always pleased to ad dress an audience composed almost entirely of citizens of Bartow county —the men who have known me longest, the men who know me best. Under these circumstances I find a freedom of thought and a freedom of expression that possibly I find in no other surroundings. I talk to you freely, frankly and with candor, as I would talk to my friends under my own roof, because I have before mo to-day the men and their children who have been the untiring friends of my early manhood and my matur er years. I am here to talk with you, as I stated, upon those political questions that are of interest to us all. I do not wish to detain you any great llßgth of time. I propose to speak as calmly and as rapidly as I can. Judge Fain has kindly tender ed me and you the use of tho court house until 3 o’clock, for which I thank him most kindly. We are citizens of the United States. We are hero to-day to con sider questions that are of vital im portance to every citizen of Georgia and every citizen of tho United States. I trust that every one of us appreciates tho inestimable value of a representative form of government. Theoretically, at least, it is a govern ment by the people and for tho peo ple. Practicaliy this form of govern ment simplifies and makes efficient tho pure democracies of some of the older historical countries. 5 " .which countries and governments the peo ple assembled en masse and enacted such laws as the public welfare might require. These pure democracies were applicable to governments of only limited territorial extent, in which the people, the great body of people, could be readiiy concentrated at some central point; but, as states enlarged, as communities widened, it became necessary to adopt the representative form of these demo cratic governments. This was abso lutely necessary to overy people desiring to maintain and preserve a democratic form of government. “Demos”—the people, and “kra teo”—to rule, are the two Greek words from which the word “de mocracy” is derived. The people ruling—tho people governing—the people controlling! These are the grand essentials and this the meaning of tho word “democracy 1” All sov ereignty lodged in the hands of the* people; every legislative act simply the expression of the popular will; every executive order simply the embodiment of the popular com mand ! This is democracy! And 1 assert hero to-day before this audi ence that if I know anything of the principles, purposes and intents of the political independents ofGeorgia, they inscribe these principles upon their banners, by these principles they propose to stand or fall, and for these principles we struggle In all good conscience! BE NOT DECEIVED. Democracy is not a more name. It is not simply, fellow-citizens, a combination of partisans. Democra cy docs not consist in a mere organi zation. llemeraber that! Democra cy is a principle interwoven with your liberties. It is a principle and not a name. It is not lodged with any particular organization or com binations of partisans. Democrat y is a principle interwoven with your civil institutions the foundation stone of all free government. Be not deceived. I ask you to-day, my countrymen, that you exercise cau tion, prudence and foresight just here. Democracy is a sentiment, an opinion, a principle, and democracy always manifests itself in that senti ment anti in those political opinions and in that action which keeps the people always, at all times, in charge eff the government. Democracy is a principle and a sentiment and a political action which reverently and sincerely bows to the popular will. It is a principle, an opinion, an ac tion which always keeps the people, in all public affairs, at the front and sustains there at all hazards, and that bows reverently and obedi ently to every decision that the pop ular majority may order. Let us remember —I wish to dwell here —that democracy is not lodged with any order, combination, or organization in this land, or any other land! We claim to be demo crats, and I assert here today that democracy is simply that sentiment, CARTERS YITLE, GA., TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 19, 1882. that principle, which metes out exact justice to all men. Democracy is that sentiment which measures out, fellow-citizens, the political rights of all men equally, everywhere and at all times; aud which says that every citizen enjoys, under the constitution of our conjmon country his equal {Kilitical rights and privileges and gives to each and every ono of these citizens the equal privileges accorded to him! Exact justice to all men ! that is it! For democracy recognizes the absolute equality of all men before the law ! Here I stand; here I believe that this audience stands; here I believe every voter in Bartow county stands; hero I believe that every intelligent, patriotic and sin cere lover of this widely extended union stands! These are the great fundamental principles of democracy as they were summed up by the distinguished founder of the democratic party in this country Thomas Jefferson! There they are in his first inaugural. There they stand to-day—the very foundation stones of the government that blessed you aud mo aud every other citizen of these United Status. Go read that document! Study It. Me is the founder of the democratic party. You have to-day as a candidate for governor a man who, above all oth ers, professes to bo admirer find defender of Jeffersonian principles and with him we plaut our standard on this platform, proposing there to stand to the last! [Applquse, [ RESPONSIBILITY OF CANDIDATES. Now, such being a republican gov ernment, you become deeply inter ested in every man who proposes to represent you in the American con gress, or in your stale legislative assembly. You are deeply concerned iu the man—no question about that. It is impossible /or you to go to Washington or Atlanta, and there speak in collective mass. You send your representative there aud that representative is the man through whom you are to vote, through whom you are to act. In other words he is yvJue reprvsenyitiy.!, and yon are specially concerned in every political principle and every feature in that man’s character, in his purposes and iu his objects. It is a high honor to be selected by an intelligent and patriotic people as their representa tive. It is tho highest honor that any intelligent and patriotic people can confer upon any citizen. To go and select some legally qualified citi zen to represent you iu the assembly that is to enact laws for your govern ment and tho government of those who arc to come after you is a grave and responsible duty. To represent one’s people is a hiirh and sacred trust and that man who, for money, for place or any other consideration, would betray this high and noble trust would justly exclude himself from the confidence and respect of all honorablo men. He is your repre sentative and every power of the man, intellectual, moral and ical, becomes the property of his con? stituents. Every one of these pow ers, iu season and out of seoson, are pledged to the intellectual, moral aud material growth and advance ment of the people he represents. It is, I say, a high trust, an honora ble trust, and you have tho right to inquire into everything connected with the man who proposes to be your representative, or who may be your representative at the present. Ho is°your property. lie belongs to you. He is part and parcel of you. Such man should be identified with the people he represents. He should be part of the people. He should have such knowledge of the people that he may properly aud constantly present their interests to the assem bly,of whieh he is to become a mem ber. He should have such informa tion about every interest of bis terri tory that a knowledge of ail the facts may prompt every act of his official life, and shape and inspire every speech he delivers. Such should be the man who is your rep resentative. A NATIONAL REPRESENTATIVE. Not only does he represent your district, which he does in part, but he is also, practically, in part the representative of the entire state and the national interests of the entire American union. I know that tb time has been, very recently, wht we looked upon a member of j gross as the representative of some specified portion of the state. I know that it has been customary to say that this man represents this state or this particular portion of a given state, but I submit to you that, under the new order of things, that now when the federal laws are su preme in this government, that now when the federal laws govern all over this entire federal union, that now when, as is provided in your state constitution, federal and state | authority conflict with each other the state Is compelled to yield to the : supreme authority of the federal I government—l submit to you every 1 representative in congress becomes in part the representative of the inter est, well-being and prosperity of every portion of our widely extended union. Now, fellow-citizens, let me illus trate this point, for i wish to present it clearly. I assert to day that every man in this Amorican government is interested in the election—the hon* est, fair and just election, in every precinct in every state of these Uni ted States—of representatives in con gress. Why ? Because the member from Massachusetts, the member from California, the member from Minnesota, sits in judgment upon your material interests, upon your necessities as a people, and by his vote and inlience he awards to you, under constitutional limitations, your share in federal patronage, blessings and comforts. The only difference between a member from any other state arid your immediate representa tive is that the latter should have the capacity and should have the influ ence to present intelligently and by persuasion and argument win from others what your immediate necessi ties demand. He is your advocate— that’s all! Fie is your representative and he pleads your case. You pre sent it through him and others decide upon his merits of that case. Therefore, there is no election for congress iu the United Slates in which you are not interested. You can go to Maine, to California, to Massachusetts, aud there is no man whom 1 address who is not interested in the election is those states. Why ? Because you wish to ascertain wheth er that man was elected fairly, by constitutional methods and according to law, Tor by that you ascertain whether the popular will has been fairly and truly expressed. If so you aro willing to bow to that popular will. Hence, the man who cheats at an election, who bribes u voter at an election, who defrauds a voter, who robs a voter of his legal and constitu tional rights, however humble and obscure that voter may be, robs and defrauds the people of the United States! f , A NATIONAL GOVERNMENT. But 1 don't wish to uwell here. 1 call your attention to another fact. This government is a unit; the American union is a unit. That has been proven by the fact that I have Just mentioned. Hero is the man from the north and from the west sitting in judgment upon our rights, upon your interests and upon your demands. That is proof that we are a unit as a people, absolutely* a unit; and, if this be true, how strange is it, how very strange, that we continue to send men to congress and to our national assemblies who aro section al, local, exclusive, proscriptive and iutolerent of political differences! Isn’t it strange, isn’t it passing strange, that we give our support to such men? I speak now of the en tire people. But is it not strauger that we become the blind automatons of an organization that is sometimes sectional, sometimes local, and at all times exclusive and intolerant of political differences? This is the question I wish to present to you. We are citizens of a common Ameri can union ; we are interested in every portion of this American govern ment, aud every representative in tho congress of the United States is in part your representative. Now, I submit that, if this be true, isn’t it suicidal for you to send men to rep resent your interests in congress who are sectional, who are exclusive in political opinions and who are pro scriptive in political dogmas and intolerant of political differences? Think of it! I ask you to think of j it, for the time has come when jou must consider these things. It might have done, although it was always unwise in my opinion, when the southern states were the dominant section of the United States. Such a policy might have been wise, when the south, by its numerical strength and by the talents of its representa tive men, could enforce and main tain its position ; but now, I submit, the south’as a section is iu a hopeless minority. It is growing less power ful every day. Asa section your political sireagth is decreasing every day. Take the apportionment bill recently parsed by congress. See b iw much arger is the gain to the o rtliern slates as compared with the si ulheru states. Take the aggregate numbers of the north’s population and representation and com pare them with those of the south, and sec how much larger is the gain of the north than that of the south. Again, new states, quite a number of them, are soon to De admitted into the union— every one of them northern states, with populations cherishing northern sentiments and having northern at tachments. Again, remember the immense amount of foreign immi gration that is pouring into this country annually, from five hundred thousand to a million per annum, and nearly all of them settling in the north ; every one of them bringing I more or less wealth and labor and swelling tho gross amount of north ern power and affluence; ar.d every one of these immigrants cherishing northern attachments and becoming imbued with northern sentiments and prejudice against these southern states. I ask you, in view of these facts, isn’t it suicidal, worse than folly, to be sending sectional men to congress, year alter year, simply to be out-voted and crushed by the mere numerical strength of the north ern states? We have done it iu the past, but I pray God we may cease to do it in the future! Just as long as we cherish these sectional senti ments and prejudices, and act upon them, we are necessarily overwhelm ed by the greaterpporerw r er of the north ern states. That is all of it! RESULT OF SECTIONALISM. Now what has been the result? Our southern states are poor, our lands at a mere nominal price;. de pression of labor is everywhere ; dis content is among our laboring and producing classes of men every where ! What else has been the re sult? Exclusion from our rightful share in the rights, privileges and blessings of the common federal gov ernment, of which we are members ! Yet we are solid —solid as a section, and the north is solid against us I We are solid from Virginia to Texas, and from Maryland to Missouri. We are solidly democratic and bourbon, at that ! The north from Maine to Cal ifornia aud to Minnesota is solid against us! “Let the pots herd contend with tho potsherd,” but I say it is folly to continue a pol icy that perpetuates our poverty as a people and our exclusion as citizens from our rightful share in the pat ronage and blessings of our common federal government. Why is ail this? It there is a reason for it i ana willing to yield, but why is it? it is simply to keep in power and keep iu place a few political leaders. That’s all !—Now let us talk plainly 1 Simply to keep in place a few polit ical leaders, denominated political “bosses,” in these southern states and in Georgia 1 Why continue this pol icy? You recognize its injurious ef fects upon your material interests! You see * ever.,-where 1 . Then what is the purpose, what is the object of it ? You are not benefitted by it; your families are not benefitted by it, your wealth is not increased ; your intelligence is not increased; and the strength aud power and glory of your section is not augmented ! Then why this folly? Because tho com mon masses of the people in whoso hand absolutely should be lodged all sovereignty, aro manipulated and controlled by a few political schem ers for their own personal ends and purposes! Is it true? I ask you, fellow-citizens, is it true? (A voice —“lt is, everywhere!”) I would like to take some of these men, these la boring men ; these men upon whom all the wealth of Georgia depends to day—these men who toil, who are engaged in the productive interests of the country—l would like to asu them, “what bonefit have you per sonally derived from political manip ulations and schemes in the state of Georgia since the late war closed ?” “Have you been made richer by it? (“No !”) Have you been made hap pier by it ? (“No !”) Have you been made more prosperous, as a state, by it ? (“No!”) No honest man can say otherwise! But, I am not going to give offense to anybody to-day; yet, I would like to inquire, who has been made richer, who has been made more powerful by it? (A voice—“ Joe Brown.”) No names are to be mentioned to-day in my speech ! I will not pursue it further, for all these remarks aie but introducto ry- Fellow-citizens, we not only keep up this sectionalism and are not ben efitted by it, individually, or section ally—we not only keep it up, but we preserve an organization here at the south that, at the north, is the syno nym for proscription and for disloy alty and rebellion. It is not true, I admit, but is so believed. For what? Only to enrich a few and to keep in power a party, or oiganiz ition with out a principle! That is the most wonderful feature iu all this discus sion—that we labor to preserve and keep in power. A PARTY WITHOUT A PRINCIPLE ! Suppose I assert hero to day that the organized democracy of this state is a party without a principle! Now, I will prove it; I always like to prove what I assert. Now, I have here before me the platform adopted down here the oth er day in Atlanta. There were the organized democrats of Georgia in council assembled, there they were, and they boast that it was the lar gest and most reputable convention ever assembled in the state of Geor gia since the war. Ido not doubt it. Every one of the gentlemen in it were as clever as I am and just as good patriots as are the men whom I address to-day. And I shall say it to-day and all along during this fight possibly, and shall say it ail my life long, that the organized democracy are as clevor men personally as I know of and as good citizens of Georgia as I am. I mean the mass es of the party—the voters who are inside the democratic party. They are just as patriotic, honest and vir tuous men as I am, but I do not ap ply that remark to the leaders. But here they were assembled in conven tion the other day and they adopted what they called a platform. I have read, fellow-citizens, many political pronunciamentos, but I confess never to have read in all my life such a production as that. There are no seven Philadelphia lawyers in the United States who, with a mi croscope, can detect a single political issue of the present day mentioned therein. Let me glance at it: Resolved, That the democratic par ty of Georgia, through the accredited representatives in convention assem bled, reaffirm with all emphasis and fervor the time honored principles expounded by the sages Jefferson and Madison, and illustrated and enforced by the pure and able men who, by their teachings and the prac tical enforcement of their political faith, advanced the glory and pro moted the prosperity of this union. Do you object to that? No ! Do I object that? No! Certainly the sup porters of Mr. Stephens, who are Jef fersonian democrats will not object to that. O, let us gather them alllu. As the Atlanta Constitution says: “Let us yank them all in.” (Laugh ter-) But let’s go ou ; “Wo will do all in our power to give efficiency to these principles,”—what principles? There is not one principle mentioned and there is not a man in the L T nited States, who objects to the resolution. Resolved, That we charge the present federal administration with an undignified, partisan and corrupt interference with local elections; with a prostitution of executive pat ronage in states for the purpose of extending its lease of power, and, un der color of the collection of internal revenues, with setting on foot armed raiding parties, etc. 5 wiiot UTVH K SPOILS. Now just thero let mo mention a fact. Ido not know whether PresL dent Arthur has done that or uot. I am no special friend or advocate of President Arthur. I supported Gen eral Hancock. But there he is, pres ident of the Jnited States, and this resolution charges that ho is using and has used the federal patronage to build up his party in the southern states. I assert that there is no man in Georgia who has received more of that patronage than the distin guished nominee of the democratic party, the lion. Alexander 11. Ste phens. (Laughter.) I will talk more particularly of that aftorwhile. I love Mr. Stephens ! I am going to talk more of him aftervvhile. You abuse President Arthur for using federal patronage in Georgia. I know of but one prominent democrat in Georgia who has received office at his hands,and that is the Hon. John W. 11. Underwood, of Rome, who was appointed at the urgont request, re commendation and solicitation of the Hon. Joseph E. Brown, your sena tor ! That’s all of it ! It is, porhaps, well enough for me to mention another fact: What about this federal patronage in Geor gia? There is a9 I mentioned, John W. H. Underwood, the bitter enemy of independentism. There has not been a worse or more bitter opponent of independent action, thought and principles than John W. H. Under wood, and yel the president, at the urgent solicitation ofSenator Brown gives him one of the best offices in the United States with a salary of ten dol lars a day and all traveling and hotel expenses paid. Who is enjoying this federal patronage? Who! Go through the state and search them out. Let me give you another example. A few months ago, after all this cry of coalition was raised and it was abroad in ihe newspapers and I was being abused like a pickpocket as a traitor and as attempting to African ize Georgia, I waited my time, and, thank God, that time has come to day. (Applause.) Who has enjoy ed this federal patronage? that is the question. Some few months ago, af ter this cry was all through the land, I received a letter from Mr. Stephens (about whom I will talk fully di rectly,for lam going to vote for him) telling me that the post-office at Au gusta was vacant. (I believe it is the second post office in the state in the salary that it pays.) Mr. Prince, who was then postmas ter, expressed a desire to retire. He did not wish to hold the office and private business called him else where. Mr. Stephens wanted to fill that office; but does he go to Au gusta and select 3ome good democrat for that office? To my certain know ledge a very distinguished independ ent democrat wanted that office. But no; he went up to Crawfordsvilie, his home, and selected there Mr. Hol den, one of the most prominent and leading republicans of Georgia, and The Caiteiile Aierican. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION: Ono Year, Cash U Advance |i.w Six Months, *• “ i.oo Three “ “ “ S§ sent outside ol the County, 15 cents addiiiohal for postage. RATES Or ADVERTISING: For each Square ol 1 inch or less, for the fir** insertion, each subsequent insertion, 50 cents. Special contracts made lor largei space or longer time. All contract advertisements must be paid quarterly. Local Notices, 50 cc’uts per line lor the first insertion, ami 10 ceuts for each suqsequent In sertion. Special Notices ten cents per line. Tributes of Respect and Obituaries, over six lines, 10 cents per line. Ah personal cardsin Local Columns, 2s cents pcrlinc. NO. 20. he pressed him for that office, and when the fight waxed warm between Mr. Holden and some others, Mr. Stephens writes down to me saying : “Doctor, please endorse Holden for the post-office at Augusta and send it on to me immediately, for I am anxious to have him get the office.” I wrote back : Mr. Stephons, please oxcuse me. You know that I would do all I can consistently for you, no man would oblige you more readily than I would, but, sir, a venal press and men whose hearts and tongues are set on fires of hell are setting it on foot in Georgia that I, lor vilest purposes and ends, have formed a coalition with President Arthur that I might control the federal patron age in Georgia. Therefore I decline to recommend Mr. Holden or any other man, democrat or republican in Georgia! (applause)—and Mr. Hol den got the office and Mr. Holden is in that office to-day and was put there by Alexander H. Stephens, the distinguished nominee of this won derful convention that assembled down here in Atlanta the other day. (Laughter.) Not only so,but let us look at some other appointments in Georgia. What connection have I had with these appointments; what? Whore is the man; now answer. The Atlanta Constitution charged some time ago that Felton had* form ed a coalition with the radicals in or der that he might control the feder al patronage in Georgia. Now where is the man outside of this dis trict—mark the impression ! I staud by the people of my district, demo crats or republicans, white men or colored men—l stand with them and by them to the lr.6t, and whenever I can get a place for them that is honorable and profitable, God being my helper, if I believe them honest and competent in every particular, I will use every power, moral and le gal, to secure them that office. But where is the man outside of the sev enth congressional district of Georgia democratic or republican, white or colored man, organized or independ ent, who has been appointed to office by Pifsident Arthur by my sugges tion, recommendation or endorse ment? Now answor! Now I have got you concerned. Now I have got you treed. (Laugh ter.) Now I put the question to you directly, as honorable men, and I de mand an answer. Get up, any one cf you, like an honorable man, and put your finger on the office and the man. Where is the man outside of this district—no, I go further, in this district, who was appointed by Proa ident Arthur 8t my suggestion? I beg you to answer, and if you do not and cannot answer, I beg you forev er after to hold your peace. [Ap plause.] I was in hopes some one would answer, for I have got the doc uments to seal falsehood right home to his tonguo. Now I will tell you : I did, In re spect to the district judgeship pre vious to the appointmont of Judge Atkins, who is not coutirmed, recom mended two men. One was Col. Daniel S. Printup, ot Home, a prom inent and distinguished democrat of this district. He asked mo to do It, and I recommended him in these words : “If a democrat is to receive this office it would give me pleasure to have my friend, worthy and com petent, as far as my knowledge goes, in every particular, receive this of fice.* ’ The lot her was Judge Cun ningham, of Atlanta, a republican, the son-in-law of my neighbor, Col onel Miles Dobbin. I recommended him in about the same words, saying if the offiee’was to be conferred upon a republican, I would like to see him get it, but neither of them got it nor ever will. Judge Atkins, I never recommen ded. Judge McCay I did not recoin* mend. Both are my friends, clever and excellent gentlemen, but neither of them asked of me any endorses rnent and I gave none. Tnese are the facts. But there is Senator Brown, there is Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, there are numbers of oth ers, indeed the whole Atlanta bar, who endorsed Judge McCay and re commended him for this office, so liciting President Arthur most hutn %biy, for a little of the spoils that he might be pleased to dispense at their request ! “Coalition 1” But, fellow citizens,let us talk a little more plain* ‘y. THAT HORRID COALITION. Where is the coalition ? Borne time last fall a correspondent of a Chicago newspaper asked me to formulate — yes, let me say formulate—certain principles and political ideas which in my judgment, would be a sort of platform on which all true men tfc the state could agree. He sent mi the request in writing and I sat down in my own room and with my own pen, and at the suggestion of no oth er living person on earth, I wrote that platform which appeared over tuy signature in the Chicago paper and others throughout the couutry. I assert that it was published as it (Continued on Fourth Fayt.)