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Professional Cards.
JAMES B. CONYERS,
attorney -a t - 1, a. w
AND
Notary Public,
Caktksville, : : : : Georgia.
(Office: Bank block, up-stairs.)
ATi;riLL PRACTICE IN THE COURTS OF
V V the Cherokee and adjoining circuits.
Prompt attention friven to all business. Col
lections made a specialty. june29-ly
K.U. TRIPPE. J. M. NEKJ..
TRIPPE A NEEL,
A'VT O R IST KY S- A T-Ij AW ,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
\\7 I LI. PRACTICE IN ALL THE COURTS,
YV both State ami Federal, except Bartow
•ounty criminal court. J. M. Neel alone will
practice in said last mentioned court. Office in
northeast corner of court house building. feb27
I NO. L. MOON. DOUGLAS WIKI.E.
MOON * WIKIE,
Attorneys-at-La w,
CAUTERSVILLE, GA.
in Bank Block, over the Postoffice.
W. T. WOFFORD,
A T TORNKY-AT-LA W,
—AND—
DEALER IN REAL ESTATE,
CASS STATION, BARTOW COUNTY, GA. _
T. W. H. HARRIS,
attorney-at-law,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
PRACTICES IN ALL THE COURTS OF
Bartow and adjoining counties, and will
faithfully attend to all business entrusted to him.
Office over postoffice. decs-ly
R. W. MURPHEY,
A. 'r T ORNEY-AT- LAW,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
OFFICE (up-stairs) in the briek building, cor
ner of Main A Erwin streets. julylS.
J. A. BAKER,
ATTORNEY-AT-LAW,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
W ILL practice in all the courts of Bartow
and adjoining counties. Promot atten
tion given to all business entrusted to his care,
office in Bank Block over the post office.
julylS.
E. D. GRAHAM. A. M. FOUTK.
GRAHAM & FOUTE,
A. T TORNEYS-AT-LA W.
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
Practice in all the courts of Bartow county, the
Superior Courts of North-west Geoi’gia, and the
Supreme Courts at Atlanta.
Office west side public Square, up-stairs over
\V. W. Rich & Co’s. Store, second door south of
Postotllce. july!B.
T. W. MILNER. J. W, HARRIS, JR.
MILNER & HARRIS,
ATTO RNEYS-AT-LAW,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
Office on West Main Street. july!B
F. M. JOHNSON, Dentist,
(Office over Stokely A Williams store.)
CARTERSVILLE, GEORGIA.
I WILL FIL - TEETH, EXTRACT TEETH,
and put in teeth, or do any work in my line
at prices to suitthe times.
ftigS-Work al. warranted. Refer to my pat
rons all over the county.
augls-ly. F. M. JOHNSON.
JOHN T. OWEN,
(At Sayre A Co.’s Drug Store,)
r A RTERSVILLE, GA.
WILL sell Watches, Clocks and Jewelry,
Spectacles, Silver and Silver-Plated
Goods, and will sell them as cheap as they can
be bought anywhere. Warranted to prove as
represented. All work done by me warranted
to give satisfaction. Give me a call. julyis.
CHAS. B. WILLINGHAM,
ritenographic Court Reporter.
[ROME JUDICIAL CIRCUIT.]
I MAKE A CLEAN RECORD OF CASES,
taking down the testimony entire; also, ob
jections of attorneys, rulings of the court, and
the charge of the court, without stopping the
witness or otherwise delaying the Judicial pro
ceedings. Charges very reasonable and satis
faction guaranteed.
Traveler’s GHiide.
COOSA RIVER NAVIGATION.
On and after December 16th, 1878, the following
schedule will be run by the Steamers MAGNO
LIA or ETOWAH BILL:
Leave Rome Tuesday Bam
Arrive at Gadsden Wednesday . . . .6am
Leave Gadsden Wednesday 7pm
Arrive at Rome Thursday 5 P m
Leave Rome Friday . Bam
Arrive at Gadsden Saturday 7am
Arrives at Greensport 9am
Arrive at Rome Saturday 6pm
J. M. ELLIOTT, President and Gen’l Sup f t.
ROME RAILROAD COMPANY.
On and after Sunday, June 3rd, trains on this
Road will run as follows:
DAY TRAIN—EVERY DAY.
Leave Rome 8:10 am
Arrive at Rome 12:00 m
SATURDAY EVENING ACCOMMODATION.
Leave Rome
Arrive at Rome . . 8:00 p m
CHEROKEE RAILROAD.
On and after Monday, July 14, 1879, the train
on this Road will run daily as follows (Sunday
excepted):
NO. 1.
GOING WEST. Arrive. Leave.
Cartersville 4:55 p m
Stilesboro 5:45 p m 5:47 p m
Taylorsville 6:07 pm 6:2*2 pm
Rockmart 7-12 pm
NO. 2.
GOING EAST. „
Rockmart J a m
Taylorsville 8:15 am 8:30 am
Stilesboro 8:55 ain 9:00 a m
Cartersville 9:55 am
No. 2 connects at Cartersville with W. & A.
train for Atlantas arriving at 12 o’clock M. Re
turning leave Atlanta at 3 o’clock. P. “• con
necting at Cartersville with No. l for points on
Cherokee railroad. T ~
JOHN POSTELL, Manager.
WESTERN AND ATLANTIC R. R.
The following is the present passenger sched
ule:
NIGHT PASSENGER—UP.
Leave Atlanta ? p m
Leave Cartersville 4:58 pm
Leave Kingston
Leave Dalton
Arrive at Chattanooga 8:47 pm
NIGHT PASSENGER—DOWN.
Leave Chattanooga 5:25 pm
Leave Dalton ioo H ™
Leave Kingston 8.39 pm
Leave Cartersville
Arrive at Atlanta 11.00 p m
DAY PASSENGER—UP.
Leave Atlanta
Leave Cartersville J :23 a m
Leave Kingston 7:4'9 a m
Leave Dalton
Arrive at Chattanooga 10:56 am
DAY PASSENGER—DOWN.
Leave Chattanooga m
1 ajave Dalton m
Leave Kingston
l.eave Cartersville J® a m
Arrive at Atlanta 12:05 p m
CARTERSVILLE ACCOMMODATION—UP.
Leave Atlanta 5:10 p m
Arrive at Cartersville * 7:22 pm
CARTERSVILLE ACCOMMODATION—DOWN.
Leave .Cartersville
Arrive at Atlanta . * 8:4.> a in
COUCH HOUSE,
(Kingston, Georgia.)
fpHIS LARGE AND COMFORTABLE
X House is now kept by W.W. Rainey. The
traveling public will find good, plato accommo
dations. Parties wishing board . through the
summer will find Kingston one of the healthiest
and quietest localities in Upper Georgia. Three
or four families can get comfortable rooms in
view of trains. Terms very reasonable.
jly2o. W. W. RAINEY.
VOLUME 11.
E. J. Hale & Son’s
STEPHENS’ HISTORY
A Compendium of the History of the United States.
For Schools and Colleges,
By Hon. ALEX. 11. STEPHENS.
(513 pp. 12m0.)
17 MURRAY STREET, NEW YORK.
“The pith and marrow of our history.”— Er.-
President Fillmore.
“Straightforward, vigorous, interesting and im
pressive.”—JV. Y. Christian Union.
“Its tone calm and judicial; its style clear .and
good. We recommend it to be read by all
Northern men.”— Boston Courier.
“A work of high excellence; well adapted to
supply a long felt wantinourcountry.’’—<7-
nectlcutt Schoo Journal, (lion. W. V. Fowler,
L. L. I>.)
“Worthy of high praise. It will of necessity
challenge attention everywhere.”— F. Y. Eve
ning Post.
“Among tne notable books of the age."—Chica
go Mail.
“Narrative, impartial; tone calm and dispas
sionate: style masterly.”— Louisville Home
and School.
“A model compend.”— Augusta Chronicle and
Sentinel.
“Everything necessary to a perfect handbook.”
—Goldsboro Messenger.
“Broad enough for all latitudes.”— Eentudky
Methodist.
“The best work of its kind now extant.”—Mem
phis Farm and Home.
“A success in every way.”— Wilmington Star.
“Destined to become the standard of historic
truth and excellence for centuries to come.”—
President Wills, Oglethorpe University.
“The method admirable.” Ejv-Gov. Herschell
V. Johnson.
“Should find a place in all libraries.”— Ev-Gov.
C. J. Jenkins.
“A most important addition to American litera
ture.”—Prof. R. M. Johnston, Baltimore.
“Read it; study it; heed it.”— Prof. E. A . Steed,
Mercer University.
“Fairness, fulness, accuracy.” Prof. J. J.
Brantly, Mercer University.
UNIFORM SERIES OF
School Books.
To the Patrons and Teachers of
Bartow County:
AT THE REQUEST OF PROMINENT CITI
ZENS and Teachers, the Board of Educa
tion has had under consideration for some time
the adoption of a UNIFORM SERIES OF
SCHOOL BOOKS.
The people claim this as a protection for them
selves against too frequent changes, The teach
ers ask it as a means of classifying their stu
dents, and rendering more efficient service, with
greater facility to themselves, and benefit to their
students. All parties ask it as a means of se
curing a reduction in retail prices to purchasers.
In answer to these demands the Board has
made a thorough examination, and after consul
tations with leading teachers, have this day
adopted the following series:
McGuffey’s Ist reader* : : : :8c ex. .15ret’l
“ 2d “ 15 “ .30 “
“ 3d “ 22 “ -40 “
“ 4th “ 27 “ .55 “
“ sth “ 40 “ .80 “
Sanford's Prim- Arithmt’c 14 “ .27 “
“ Int’md’te Arithm’c 22 “ .45 “
“ C. School “ 40 “ .80 “
“ Higher “ 65 “ $1.25 “
“ Ele’m’ry Algebra 65 “ 1.25 “
Harvey’s Language Lessons 12 “ ’25 “
“ Ele’m’ry Grammar 20 “ .40 “
“ English Grammar 40 “ .75
Eclectic Prim. Geograpny 33 “ .60 “
“ Georgraphy, No. 2 66 “ 1.25 “
Harvey’s Primary Speller 8 “ .15 “
“ Graded “ 11 “ .20 “
These prices are NOT introductory, but PER
MANENT. The publishers given written guar
antee that these prices shall not be raised at any
time. Those having old books can bring them
to W. H. WIKLJS & CO., and get the new
book of same grade at HALF PRICE, as given
in column 1. It makes no difference how badly
torn the old book may be.
We earnestly urge the co-operation of patrons
in carrying out this adoption.
W. T. WOFFORD, President.
july!7-4t THEO. E. SMITH, C. S. C.
SCHOOL AND COLLEGE TEXT BOOKS,
PUBLISHED BY
Iverson, Blakeman, Taylor & (’O.,
NEW YORK,
R. E. PARK, Ceneral Agent,
THIS series comprises among others, the fol
lowing well-known
STANDARD SCHOOL BOOKS:
New Graded Readers,
Robinson’s Mathematics,
Spencerian Copy Books,
Well’s Scientific Woi’ks,
Riddle’s Astromics.
Dana’s Geology,
Woodbury's German,
Kerl’s Grammar,
Webster’s Dictionary,
Swinton’s Histories,
Swinton’s 'Word Books,
Swinton’s Geographies,
Pasquell’s French,
Gray’s Botanies,
Bryant & Stratton’s Book-keeping,
Cathcart’s Literary Reader, etc., etc.
Correspondence respectfully solicted.
Address ROBERT E. PARK,
General Agent.
Care J. W. Burke A co„ Macon, Georgia.
CARRIAGES. BUGGIES anil WAGONS.
R. H. J ONES,
Cartersville, Georgia.
T feel justly proud of the REPU
-1 tation awarded by an appreciative people. 1
do a square, honest business as near as I know
how, and endeavor to give every one the worth
of his money. All work warranted, not for a
year only, but for any reasonable time. I say it,
and defy contradiction, there is
No Better Work Made in America than
I am Building.
I have a Repository in Rome, in charge of Mr.
W. L. Whitely, in old Odd Fellows’ building,
corner above new Masonic Temple. Wagons,
Buggies, Ac., kept by him are just what they are
represented to be. All sold under warrantee. I
also have a shop in Rome, at the old stand of D.
Lindsey A Cos., run by R. L. Williams, where
new work and all kinds of repairing will be
done at prices to suit the times.
Give us your trade. mchb
A. F. MURPHY,
Rome, :::::: Georgia.
GENERAL SOUTHERN AGENT
New York Portrait Painting Company.
WILL TAKE ORDERS FOR ANYQUALI
tv and size portrait known to the art for
less money than such work can be done for bj
any other house. Parties desiring portraits can
send photograph, with description of complexion,
hair, eyes and dress. juneiz-bin__
ACTUAL BUSINESS !
Students on Change
AT
Moore’s
BUSINESS UNIVERSITY,
ATLANTA, GA.
The best practical business school
in the country. Students can enter at any
time. Total expenses for inC i^
aprs4-3m. -
PILES AND FISTULA CURED
DR. J. S. BEAZLEY.
At Stilesboro, Bartow county, Ga., ana
DR. A. O. Crawfordvi ne, Ga.,
__ vir a SPECIALTY of diseases of
M*%3353; SiffbiSSf'ara
Will point to cases cured or
give the best of reference if desjred. All cler
gymen treated gratis, nicnz '
THE FREE PRESS.
SPEECH OF HON. A. STEPHENS.
A Masterly Effort in tlie Capital Yesterday
—The Leading Issues Before the Peo
ple—The Extra Session—The Army Bill
—The Silver Questions, Etc.
[Constitution 28th]
At 12:30, p. m., yesterday, the hall of
the house of representatives and the gal
leries were packed to hear Hon. A. H.
Stephens. Seats were provided for the
Senate, and they marched in after the
adjournment of the senate and the hall
hall was filled to the utmost capacity.
In a few minutes Air. Stephens entered
the hall with Hon. Rufus E. Lester and
Hon. A. O. Bacon and marched down the
ailse and was greeted with great applause.
Mr. Stephens went to the stand. Mr.
Bacon said:
Gentlemen and Ladies, in accordance
with his appointment, the Hon. A. H.
Stephens will now address the general
assembly.
Mr. Stephens remained seated, and
with a clear and distinct voice, said:
MR. STEPHENS’ REMARKB.
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, senators
and representatives of the general as
sembly of Georgia, Ladies and Gentle
men, Fellow-Citizens generally: I am
before you in compliance with a promise
to address you upon the public questions
of the day and to indicate that line of
policy which I think proper to be pur
sued. Before entering upon that duty a
few preliminary principles may be very
well stated. First, I must express to you
the profound sensation upon my miml of
gratitude for this demonstration. It ar
gues well, I think. The principle as pre
liminary are these:
No representative government can ex
ist long where the people do not under
stand the principles of the government,
where they are not attached to these
principles and they have not the deter
mination to maintain them.
These ideas were suecintly an
nounced by Jefferson in the three words
intelligence, virtue and patriotism of the
people. We are a free people. Ours,
state and federal, is a representative gov
ernment. But remember the first
principle announced is that no free peo
ple can maintain their instructions long
unless they understand the principles of
their government, unless they are attach
ed to them. Now, this demonstration,
I argue, evinces a disposition on the part
of our people—l take it as an evidence
of such—that they feel interested in their
goverment and the principle upon which
it is to he administered. Your call indi
cates that desire.
Our country at this time, in many re
spects, financially chiefly, is in a worse
condition that it has been in half a cen
tury. I am not surprised therefore, at the
inquiry, the disposition of the people to
inquire into public questions. I take
it for granted that your request was not in
reference to the state matter at all, but
relates to our federal relations, to mat
ters pertaining to congress and the ex
citements of the recent extra session. At
any rate I shall confine my remarks
solely, as far as my strength will permit,
to those topics.
THE EXTRA SESSION.
nvti'n spaaing . t.hfi causes, the
incidents and results and issues presented
by it. It is useless to state the causes that
produced it. There was one prominent,
leading and controlling one —a disagree
ment between the senate and house of
representatives upon the appro
priations. The house was demo
cratic, the senate was republican. The
house upon the army bill inserted what
was called a rider, which provided in the
bill for the repeal of the act passed du
ring the war with regard to troops at
the polls to keep the peace. That was
passed in 1865. The house put an
amendment to the army hill virtually
that part which authorized the use of the
troops to keep the peace at the polls.
The history of this I need not give you.
The session refused to agree to it, and the
army bill failed. The legislative, exe
cutive and judicial bills passed with a
rider repealing the law that requires and
authorizes the appointment of the deputy
marshals to aid in federal elections, mem
bers of congress. That was what was
considered an act that was passed under
something of a war feeling. Be that.as
it may, the house passed the appropria
tion bill with this rider upon it. The
senate refused to pass it. That bill
failed, congress expired and there was
no money to support the army, no money
to support the judiciary, no money to
support the civil list. The president im
mediately called the extra session, as
everybody supposed he would do. The
disagreement between the two Houses
necessarily resulted in it. The new con
gress, the 46th, has a majority in both
houses of the democratic party. At the
first meeting of the session there was a
decided disagreement among the demo
cratic as to the right policy to be pur
sued. Some insisted to pass the same
bills identically, believing the president,
would veto them and adjourn. Now, it
is well known that it was with that view
I did not concur. The argument was to
withhold the’appropriations for the re
dress of grievances and insisting on Brit
ish example. In England, ever since
the parliament was formed, whenever
they wished a redress of grievances,
habeas corpus, liberty they say to the
king we won’t grant you any money to
carry on your government, or support
your army, unless you grant relief. lai
liament, for three centuries past, has oc
cupied that position. Alany in congress
insisted that each country was freer or
ought to he, than England and the rep
resentatives of the people the same way
ought to insist upon the repeal of laws
and redress of grievances, or grant no
money. Now, fellow-citizens, Ido not
agree with that view. Ours is no mon
archy. Ours, as I stated to you is a rep
resentative government. In England
but liis own instrument; the courts but
his ministers, as all officers of the gov
ernment are. In this country sover
eignty resides with the people. We have
a constitutional government. Our sov
ereingty powers are not lodged exclusive
ly in any department. Ours is the wisest
and grandest system of government ever
instituted by man in my judgment. [Ap
plause.] Here sovereign powers are di
vided—not sovereignty itself. Sovereign
tv is as indivisible as human intellect —
as human mind —but sovereign powers
are devisible. The war making power
the executive power, those are all sov
ereign powers. In our American system
these powers are divided and placed in
separate, distinct, co-ordinate and co
equal departments of the government.
All the executive powers of the L nited
States are just as supreme within the leg
itimate sphere as the power exercised by
the king of England. All these powers
are supreme to the extent of the enumera
tion and limitation. The law making
power is lodged, under the federal con
stitution, in the two houses of congress.
The law making power is just as sover
eign in this country as it is in power is
CARTERSVILLE, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 7, 1879.
! totally different from the executive pow
er. The judicial powers in the
United States are supreme within
their sphere. Here is the beauty
of our system: Three separate, distinct
co-ordinate departments. One has no
right to infringe upon the other. Each
operates in its own sphere. Congress
has to make laws; the judiciary is to ex
pound them; the president is to execute
them, and under our system, the right to
withhold his assent to any law is given
to the president—the right to veto —and
therefore in this vexed question my posi
tion was that it would not he right to
put out our light houses, to distinguish
them on the coast, or stop the functions
of administration of justice because the
president refused liis sanction to
the repeal of a law. The con
stitution, says the judge shall be appoin
ted, it fixes their salaries and these fixed
salaries To be paid at certain times were
fixed by laws before, and therefore we
should not because the president with
drew his assent from a bill, stop the
wheels of government, or as some said,
starve it out. In this country the re
dress of grievances is chiefly through
the ballot-box and other peaceful instru
mentalities of the constitution. Now, 1
have heard much said ajjon* tw “hacking
out” of democracy. I‘ wish to say here
it was comparatively a few only of the
democratic party who held the extreme
views stated but although they were a
eloquent men, the majority of the party
never at any time, committed themselves
to such a position. The true position,
judgment, was to pass all necessary ap
propriations, sustain the courts, sustain
the marshals, in the performance of their
duty, carry on the departments at Wash
ington—legislative, judicial and execu
tive-all those that were necessary, and
not refuse them in case the president
should withhold his sanction to the re
age of obnoxious laws. But
AS TO THE ARMY.
We had a perfect right, in my judg
ment, to limit the appropriation. In
our country, constituted, as I have said,
with the law-making power seperate and
distinct, the constitution gives the repre
sentatives of the people the only and ab
solute right to tax the people. In this
country, under the fundamental law,
there can be no tax raised nor money ap
propriated to any purpose hut with the
sanction of the representatives of the peo
ple in the house. We therefore, had the
right in supporting the army to say the
uses to which that army should be ap
plied. To appropriate means to desig
nate, to set apart. A thousand dollars,
ten thousand dollars, or any amount you
please, when you designate it and set it
apart, you appropriate, and the right to
appropriate carries with it the right to
limit and say to what use it shall be put,
and to what it shall not. That is the posi
tion I thought was right and insisted
upon. To give all that was necessary to
protect our people from the tomahawk of
the Indian and the incursion of maraud
ing parties from Mexico, to give all that
was necessary for the army, but to wind
up with the declaration that no part of
this money shall be used for the purpose
of placing troops at the polls to keep the
peace. We had the right to do it. After
two vetoes these restrictions, in tne very
words I have given you, almost identical
ly were put upon the army bill, and
this is the law, that no part of the money
appropriated shall be used to subsist or
president signed this hill with this re
striction. So that question was settled.
NOW, AS TO THE MARSHALS.
The course finally taken by the party
in congress was to pass the appropria
tions for the judiciary, for everything
that was necessary, witnesses’ fees, ju
rors, everything necessary to run the ma
chinery ot government, leaving out the
appropriations for marshals and putting
that in a separate hill. This was done
with the limitation after appropriating
$600,000 for the general marshals and
general deputies—just every dollai that
was necessary—and a bill restriction was
put upon it. Not a dollar was to be ap
plied to deputy marshals to run elections.
That was passed, and sent to the presi
dent and he vetoed it. That is the whole
question. That is one of the issues before
the country.
In a late speech that I have seen by
the very able and learned and accom
plished secretary of the treasury, Mr.
Sherman, for whom I entertain the pro
foundest personal respect, he states in
his Portland speech, that the great issue
before the country now was state rights
and secession. The question, as I have
stated before and repeat, is no such thing.
I mean now, the issue that is made be
tween the president and congress. It is
simply the question whether congress
has got the right to control its own ap
propriations. Have they the right to sus
tain the marshals in the discharge of
their public duties? Certainly. Haven’t
they the right to say that no part of it
shall go to any particular purpose ? Cer
tainly. Is that secession ? Is it a ques
tion of the administration of the federal
government and of the powers of con
gress? There is nothing involving the
rights ol states, or of secession, or of a
new war in it, and in my judgment
this is all a decoy. It is to withdraw the
attention of the country from the real
great issues of the day. It is simply a
question of the right and power of con
gress to use the people’s money as they
please, and on that question I would be
willing to go before any American audi
ence of free people on the continent.
[Applause.]
As I have stated, our grand system of
government, which is the wonder of the
world, has so divided these powers, and
the president has no more right to claim
that congress shall apply money to cer
tain purposes than we have the right to
say he shall veto a bill. Our system di
vides these powers, and as framed find
property administered, there is nothing
like it in the world. There is no other
nation on earth where the judicary is
distinct separate and co-ordinate, su
preme in it, functions, except in the
United States. It is so in the states
and in the federacy, and there is not
the like of it in ancient of modern
times. It excited the wonder or
DeToqueville. I will hand the reporter
his remarks upon the subject:
This constitution, which may at first
be confounded with the federal constitu
tions which have preceded it, rests, in
truth, upon a wholly novel theory, which
may be considered as a great discovery
in modern political science. Inf*all the
confederations which preceded the
American constitution of 1879, the called
States, for a common object, agreed to
obey the injunctions of a federal govern
ment, but they reserved to themselves
the right of erdaining and enforcing the
laws of the union. The American
states, which combined in 1876, agreed
that the federal government should
not only dictate, but should execute its
own enactments. In both cases the
right is the same, but the exercise of the
right is difference produced the most mo
mentous consequences.
It was this that excited the wonder and
admiring remarks of Lord Bronghman
when speaking of our wonderful Ameri-
can union; and the like of which has not
been known.
Lord Brougham says in his “Political
philosophy”: “It is not at all a refine
ment that a federal Union should he
formed; this is the natural result of men’s
joint operations in a very rude state of
society. But the regulation of such a
union upon pre- established principles,
the formation of a system of government
and legislation in which the different sub
jects shall be, not individuals, but states,
the application of legislative principles to
such a body of States, and for devising
means for keeping its integrity as a feder
.acy, while the rights and powers ot the
individual states are maintained entire,
is the very greatest refinement in social
policy to which any state of circumstan
has ever given rise, or to which any age
has ever given birth.”
That is the nature of our government
—“matchless in structure and form.”
I have stated that this thing of trying
to raise the question of secession, in my
judgment, is something of a decoy. The
great question—l cannot speak of them
all is
THE FINANCIAL question.
Without detaining you to read, I shall
hand to the reporter my views upon that:
Resolved, That the aims and objects of
the democracy of the United States as far
as w r e have chosen them as members of
the house of representatives, are entitled
to be considered as the true exponents of
those aims and objects as directed with a
singleness of purpose to the restoration of
constitutional liberty, and with it the res
toration of peace and harmony and pros
perity throughout the length and breadth
of the land; they abjure the renewal of
sectional strife, they accept the legi
timate results of the late lamentable war;
they are utterly opposed to a revival in
this country or any part thereof of Afri
can slavery, or involuntary servitude,
except as punishment for crime; they
stand pledged to maintain the union of
the states under the constitution, with
all its existing amendments, as they shall
he expounded by the supreme court of
the United states; they are against all
unconstitutional or revolutionary meth
ods; they are for law and order and the
protection of life, liberty, and property,
without the respect of persons of social
conditions; for the redre3S ot all griev
ances they look alone to the peaceful
instrumentalities of the constitution,
through first, the law executing power,
and finally the ultimate sovereign power
of the ballot box. They are for free bal
lot, as well as for a fair and just count.
While they are opposed to a large stand
ing army, as were the farmers of the con
stitution, yet they are for keeping the
army sufficiently large to repeal invasion,
defend our extensive frontier, as well as
all the necessary interior forts and gar
risons, and enable the president to put
down domestic violence or insurrection
in any of the states, and in aid of civil
officers, as a posse comitatus, in the exe
cution of process in pursuances of the
constitution, and as provided in the acts
of congress of 1795 and 1807. But they
are utterly opposed to the use of the
United states in controlling or in any
way interfering with the freedom of elec
tions. They are for the maintenance
of public credit inviolate, but are utterly
opposed to the increase of the bonded
debt, unless the exigencies of war
should render it necessary. They are
for the retrenchment of expenditures,
*— 0 • > - 1 J
thorough reform in the present unequal
and unjust method of raising revenue.
They are for placing the coinage of' gold
and silver upon the same footing, without
restriction or limitation upon the amount
of either. They are for reviving the
languishing and perishing industries of
the country by an increase of the vol
ume of the currency, founded on a sound
basis, sufficient to meet the urgent de
mands of trade in every department of
labor and business.
They were submitted to the caucus of
the democratic party. No vote was
ever taken on them, but I affirm that
three-fourths of the party are with them
just as they stand.
The great questions I refer to —and
they are the* ones that are moving the
masses of the people throughout the
country—are first, finances and next
taxation.
The financial question is the most im
portant of any. In connection with that
comes the great money question—the
question that is going to stir the public
mind throughout civilization in the next
twelve months or two years, more than
any event since the crusade. Mr. Sher
man, in his speech, refers to the panic of
1873. He says, Germany, France, Italy,
England—all those countries suffered as
much or more than we did. What was
the real cause of the panic of 1873 ? It
was the demonetization of silver in Eu
rope. Germany took the lead; the latin
states followed; and it was brought about
without the people’s understanding or
knowing any thing of it, andit was fol
lowed up in this country. In 1873, about
six months before the panic. What was
it? From the days of civilization, from
the dawn of the Mosaic history and an
terior so far as we get the record, the
world has had two standards of value—l
mean the civilized world —gold and sil
ver. They have been together running
down from the time the cave of Maepelah
was bought by Abraham with four
hundred shekels of silver. It is known
as the biinetalic system —double met
als—and the two from the days of
Babylon they have come down to
1873, running along and bearing the pro
portion from 10 to 15 or
country from the beginning it was about
16 to 1 —25 8-10 grains of gold was a dol
lar ; 41234 grains of standard silver was a
dollar. Tney were by law declared equal.
They were the double standard. It was
so until recently, when the money hold
ers of the world craftily in the legisla
tion got the silver struck out. At the
time when by tlie best estimate the most
reliable, in round numbers, there were
$8,000,000,000 of metal money in the
world—silver and gold. Four thousand
five hundred of these millions were silver.
More than one-half the money of the
world from time immemorial was strick
en from the roll of debt paying capacity.
Here is the fault, in my judgment, of the
panic in Europe—Germany, Italy and
England—and it succeeded here when
ever congress passed it, and no man can
tell now’ when and where it got through.
It was in 1873 the money of our fathers
was stricken from the list. Some people
may say there was as much silver here
then as before. It was not that. They
declared that gold should be the unit of
value. Silver was stricken from its debt
paying capacity, and it was declared that
greenbacks, legal tenders and silvc. must
come to the unit of gold. It was to strike
out half the money of the w’orld—blight
it and blust it. Before that I cared not
how much silver was here or how little;
that was the basis and a co-equal basis.
Its debt paying value with gold had been
equal from the beginning of our country
and from time immemorial. The effect
of this was to double the debt of the coun
try, and of states, and corporations and
individuals. When the debt paying powd
er of half the metal used in the w orld for
money was stricken from the roll every
thing came to the gold standard. I have
seen a statement recently, and I believe
it true made by a gentleman with a great
deal of care and prudence, that ten thou
sand millions of debt—federal, state, in
dividual and corporation debts—existed
at that time —1874 —and the striking of
silver and elevating the price of gold nec
essarily increased that debt, in effect, one
half, and so with the interest upon the
public debt. Now, in my judgment, this
is one of the great issues now before the
people of this country, You know what
i was done last session. You know we at
tempted, after the extra session was call
ed, when we endeavored to go into meas
ures for the relief of the country, to re
store the free coinage of silver and were
obstructed, but finally got the measure
in. In an indirect way we got it before
congress. We got through the Warner
bill. The bill which I introduced last
session I could not get a vote upon. We
did get it through this time, but it failed
to be acted upon in the senate. I will
briefly state some of the features of that
bill. If it will pass, as I trust, and feel
assured it will next session, gold and sil
ver will be on the same footing as to coin
age. Certificates will be issued from the
treasury for both alike. Our mines will
be put into operation. At this time many
of them are like our fireless furnaces and
mills—are standing as dead industries—
for a great many of these industries
east and west are like burnt-out, volcanoes.
But should this bill pass, all these indus
tries in this country will be put into op
eration and with that come new life, new
blood, new volumes of currency, tint
the people, they say, do not want silver.
Mr. Sherman says he cannot get off his
hands what he has now, because the peo
ple don’t want it. We want a volume of
currency to the extent of not less than
nine hundred million dollars ($900,000,
000). [Applause.] The money per cap
ita in the United States in circulation,
•ven counting the silver and gold hoarded
ed up, is about sl4. When the panic
came it was $45. In France, which they
say now is the most prosperous con ntry in
Europe, is $53. She has paid ofl her debt
to Prussia, and Prussia with all the ad
vantages in her favor and flushed with
victory, is in an almost worse condition
than we are. They have not more than
$25 per capita. We need at least as much
as we had in 1873. How are we to get it ?
By unlimited coinage of silver as well as
gold and issuing certificate on noth alike.
Why, I am as less disposed to have to in
troducing the system of having money
carted around as anybody. We want a
paper money that shall have
A REPRESENTATIVE DOLLAR IN THfc
VAULTS
of the treasury. [Applause]. When a
man gets his certificate for silver, if it is
for a quarter, a half, or five or ten dollars
—(the Warner bill was only for $lO, but
I want it down to a quarter, for a change,
and let those have it who wish it) —when
these certificates are issued and the coin
is in the treasury, it is no bill, three out
for one in, but it is the representative of
the coin itself. These certificates would
circulate not only in the United States
and everywhere, but be good wherever
the flag floats and we have any commerce.
Should this bill pass and our mines be
put into operation and the silver come
from other countries as it is represented
it would come and as I hope if maj r , we
will soon reach that condition. Some
but I would invite it from all the mi
all the earth until I got a thousand 'mil
lions here and a paper currency based on
it [applause]; a currency equal to any
that ever was, and I believe the best.
That is one of the financial questions.
There is another. It is
OUR SYSTEM OF TAXATION.
Our people of the United States are
burthened with the most unjust and un
equal system of taxation of any country
with which lam acquainted. The poor
pay the taxes. By the poor L mean the
people who have to work in some depart
ment of life for a livelihood, and do not
live upon the interest of their bonds. In
this country the laboring class, the men
at the anvil, at the plow, at the loom, and
at the mill; the men engaged in agricul
tural pursuits, even down to raising the
corn, pay the taxes. Why they are not
permitted in this country, without pay
ing a high tax, to use their own fruit or
corn to make a little medicine for the use
of their families. Why, the poor fami
lies in Ireland making their poteen, are
not hunted down like our own people,
who make a little whisky for family use.
I simply want to state that we want re
form in the system of taxation. It is now
a question between the tax payers and
tax consumers. I am for no class legis
lation, but lam for equal taxation. As
I told them in the house, there are color
ed tenants on my farm who pay this
government more tax in the little medi
cine he consumes, his whisky and the to
bacco that he consumes in his pipe at
night when his work is done—l say he
pays more tax than many people who are
worth $600,000, living abroad and draw
ing their interest.
Out of the tobacco and whisky nearly
one-third of the revenues of this country
are collected. Two products only ! Vir
ginia has paid enough tax since 1866 to
have liquidated and discharged the
whole of her state debt, which is upwards
of $44,000,000. This bears not exactly
seetionally more on Virginia, perphaps,
but on all the states where tobacco is
grown and where whisky is made.
The property of the United States last
year was estimated at ninety-eight thous
and mi-lions ($98,000,000). Well, now,
suppose a very moderate and just tax
should be laid upon it in some way. It
can bo done. Where truth and justice
and right prevails, the way can easily be
found to equalize the taxes of this coun
try and meet every obligation and every
debt on less than one per cent, on the
amount named. Many people now pay
more than five per cent, and others not
the sixteen-thousandth part of a dime.
[Laughter and applause.] That, I say,
is the great question, mid the people
of the north and south should not be
alarmed because we say congress has the
right to limit the appropriation, and that
therefore, it is anew secession movement.
No, fellow-citizens, our objects|are higher,
nobler and grander. They are broad as
the whole country, and there is no section
al feeling in them. Wherever labor is at
work, in the shop and in the corn field,
north, east, south and west, the cause in
which we are engaged—which I am en
gaged in and am willing to die in—is the
cause of the laboring masses of the peo
ple. [Applause.]
Now, one other word about this panic.
Mr. Sherman says it came on in 1873.
Very many of us remember it very well.
[Laughter.] What is the effect of it?
He speaks of a ‘-revival of business,”
but I have never heard anything of it
from the masses of the people. Hun
dreds of them has visited me from all
parts of the country —from the east and
the west —and the general account they
give me is of general prostration and de
vastation, and the dying out of industries.
It is very much the story told of one of
my old friend’s servants. It was down
KATES OP ADVERTISING,
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NUMBER 4.
in Jasper county, I think, along in 1847,
a storm of hail, or cyclone, came along
in the direction of Indian Springs, and
swept everything before it. There was
nobody at home but my friend—l won't
| call his name—and his old servant. Ev
j erything was upset and blown down—
! mules and horses turned on their hacks —
i his barns and stables blown to pieces and
I his own house demolished. The hail was
| strewn around six inches deep and every
leaf gone from the trees. My friend told
the old man to go out and survey the re
sults, and he went out about a mile on
either side, and when lie came back lie
said: “Ole master, de only consolation 1
can give you is, dat it seems to he a
gin’ral tiling!” [Laughter and applause.]
And sad to say, in our country now the il
lustration is but too applicable. And so
I say you cannot find a spot on this con
tinent that is not suffering from its loss
es from that panic. Why, I had a state
ment exhibited in the house and nobody
disputed it, complied from every state,
commencing when they struck silver as
Ia standard and iiad the golden calf put up
! to worship. In 1874 there were failures
| with liabilities ol upwards of $200,000;
1 in 1875 about the same number, and for
1 the four years ending last year there were
36,000 failures of houses considered as
firm as any now in New York; 36,000 of
them were with liabilities of $800,000,000
—more than one-third the public debt of
the United States. And yet the cry is
“taxes, taxes, taxes! with shrinkage,
shrinkage”—and failure after failure!
And you are not done yet. You have not
got to the bottom until this thing can be
airested. Ie thro any prosper*.! of nTrail
ing it ? That is the question you and 1
and the people are interested in.—Yes,
by undertaking and maintaining the gov
ernment. Watch it at the polls; watch
the legilature and see that they do right.
—More than that. Even those countries
where his plague came from—for it is
worse than a plague—there is devastation
and destruction to every industrial and
commercial interest.—l saw the other day,
where the gallant Ewing had m; lea cal
culation that the shrinkage in property
since 1874 was greater than the prop
erty destroyed in the last horrible war
we went through with. Is there any
hope, then ? It has not been two weeks
since the telegraph brought the informa
tion that Bismark has changed his poliov
on gold. In England the indications
are that in less than twelve months it
will be changed there. After the introduc
tion of the Warner bill a bill was pass
ed the German Parliment to sell no more
silver. But 1 tell you this last great error
of the century imposed upon the debt
paying people will be passed in less than
three years. [Applause. ]The war is
over. There is no new issue of secession.
We are on the right side. And it seems
to me little strange that Mr. Sherman of
whom I speak respectfully, should bring
that charge up before Ohio. Mr. Ewing,
the gallant standard-bearer of the democ
racy of Ohio, did not side with us in se
cession. Those issues no longer exist. The
past and the rightfulless of either side is
not to be discussed now. Mr. Haves the
president, spoke in this city of the gallant
deeds of both sides of men fighting for
what they believed to be right. And he
was right. There is no higher specimen
of manhood than that of a man believing
he is right and willing to risk his all and
his life for it. The president said so
here and he was right. Ewing can
hardly be charged by Secretary Sher
man with lefihio- u cppessioil
vement when ne dirt so much to keen
us ii vm vrrpng out tlio first one; *- *
Rice, his colleague, was also upon the
same side with them. llow is it, too, go in
Maine and New York? Are they for
secession ? I used the argument only
to show that Mr. Sherman uses it as a
decoy.
It is monetary, financial relief we
want; relief from taxation for the North
and the South, the East and the West—
from Maine to California— and it is what
I believe the masses will have! Applause.
Have no standard bearer who does noi
stand on your principles. The great
majority of the people of this country are
lor the right, and you should select as
your standard bearers men who stand
firm with three fourths —yes, five-sexths
of the solid, Jeffersonian democrats,
North, South, East, and West. Ap
plause. When you do this your standard
will indeed be not the standard of dissev
ered States, hut one of the grand, united
confederated republic, on the grand
basis of that which Lord Brougham
and other great intellects of Europe
admired. You will have peace,
prosperity, no sectional strife, no wars,
but general fraternity; and your grand
old American federal flag floating, as,
president Hayes said, on a memorable
occasion “overstates, not provinces—citi
zens, not subjects!” [Applause.] And
you may yet live to see such a grand
triumph of sound republican—yes, old
republican, democratic, Jeffersonian—
principles! Let them triumph under
such a glorious flag that you may leave
for them an inheritance for your children
for generations and ages to come. [ Long
continued applause.]
A correspondent of the Philadelphia
Times , an expert in cotton milling,
writes that paper as follows:
“As pertinent to the cotton spinner’s
strike in Fall River, I contribute a fact
within my own knowledge. During the
past winter sometime a member of a
leading Baltimore firm say they would
have to stop spinning cotton and buy
yarn in the South, as they could buy
cheaper than they could spin. And they
were bred to the business and themselves
manage their factories. In March and
April last I was in Georgia and Alabama,
and then came to the conclusion that
the mills there could certainly spin yarn
and make coarse cloth much cheaper than
those north could. The south has fine
mills, lower taxes, buys cotton from the
wagons, has water power and cheap
labor. The people in Fall River are in
fact in grinding competition with the
darkey, who works and boards himself
for nine dollars the month.”
It is proposed to celebrate this fall the
anniversary of Washington’s great vic
tory over Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown,
October 19, 1781. The Courier-Journal
thinks that such a celebration would do
more to unite the North and South than
all the series of centennials which inclu
ded Lexington, Concord and Bunker
Hill, for at Yorktown the people of the
North and South could meet together in
the very trenches where they tought
each-other in 1862, and overlooking that
late fraternal strife, carry back their
memories to 1781, when they fought
side by side, for the same cause.
The Courier-Journal thinks nothing
could be more ridiculous than the spec
tacle of New Yorkers setting themselves
to exclude the Israelites. Whatever may
he the Hebrew’s faults, a society whose
ladies go about leading puppyAlogs by
strings, and whose “young men” affect
the manners of Englishmen, is not the
one to sit in judgment on any part of the
human family.