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About The free press. (Cartersville, Ga.) 1878-1883 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 7, 1879)
RATES OF SUBSCRIPTION. One copy one year, - - - . $ 2 00 One copy six months, 100 One copy three months, ... 50 CLUB RATES. Five copies one year, - - - - $8 75 Ten copies one year, - - - - 15 00 Twenty copies one year, ... 25 00 Fifty copies one year, .... 50 00 To be paid for invarriably in advance. All orders for the paper must be addressed to THE FREE PRESS. Professional Cards. JAMES B. CONYERS, attorney -a t - 1, a. w AND Notary Public, Caktksville, : : : : Georgia. (Office: Bank block, up-stairs.) ATi;riLL PRACTICE IN THE COURTS OF V V the Cherokee and adjoining circuits. Prompt attention friven to all business. Col lections made a specialty. june29-ly K.U. TRIPPE. J. M. NEKJ.. TRIPPE A NEEL, A'VT O R IST KY S- A T-Ij AW , CARTERSVILLE, GA. \\7 I LI. PRACTICE IN ALL THE COURTS, YV both State ami Federal, except Bartow •ounty criminal court. J. M. Neel alone will practice in said last mentioned court. Office in northeast corner of court house building. feb27 I NO. L. MOON. DOUGLAS WIKI.E. MOON * WIKIE, Attorneys-at-La w, CAUTERSVILLE, GA. in Bank Block, over the Postoffice. W. T. WOFFORD, A T TORNKY-AT-LA W, —AND— DEALER IN REAL ESTATE, CASS STATION, BARTOW COUNTY, GA. _ T. W. H. HARRIS, attorney-at-law, CARTERSVILLE, GA. PRACTICES IN ALL THE COURTS OF Bartow and adjoining counties, and will faithfully attend to all business entrusted to him. Office over postoffice. decs-ly R. W. MURPHEY, A. 'r T ORNEY-AT- LAW, CARTERSVILLE, GA. OFFICE (up-stairs) in the briek building, cor ner of Main A Erwin streets. julylS. J. A. BAKER, ATTORNEY-AT-LAW, CARTERSVILLE, GA. W ILL practice in all the courts of Bartow and adjoining counties. Promot atten tion given to all business entrusted to his care, office in Bank Block over the post office. julylS. E. D. GRAHAM. A. M. FOUTK. GRAHAM & FOUTE, A. T TORNEYS-AT-LA W. CARTERSVILLE, GA. Practice in all the courts of Bartow county, the Superior Courts of North-west Geoi’gia, and the Supreme Courts at Atlanta. Office west side public Square, up-stairs over \V. W. Rich & Co’s. Store, second door south of Postotllce. july!B. T. W. MILNER. J. W, HARRIS, JR. MILNER & HARRIS, ATTO RNEYS-AT-LAW, CARTERSVILLE, GA. Office on West Main Street. july!B F. M. JOHNSON, Dentist, (Office over Stokely A Williams store.) CARTERSVILLE, GEORGIA. I WILL FIL - TEETH, EXTRACT TEETH, and put in teeth, or do any work in my line at prices to suitthe times. ftigS-Work al. warranted. Refer to my pat rons all over the county. augls-ly. F. M. JOHNSON. JOHN T. OWEN, (At Sayre A Co.’s Drug Store,) r A RTERSVILLE, GA. WILL sell Watches, Clocks and Jewelry, Spectacles, Silver and Silver-Plated Goods, and will sell them as cheap as they can be bought anywhere. Warranted to prove as represented. All work done by me warranted to give satisfaction. Give me a call. julyis. CHAS. B. WILLINGHAM, ritenographic Court Reporter. [ROME JUDICIAL CIRCUIT.] I MAKE A CLEAN RECORD OF CASES, taking down the testimony entire; also, ob jections of attorneys, rulings of the court, and the charge of the court, without stopping the witness or otherwise delaying the Judicial pro ceedings. Charges very reasonable and satis faction guaranteed. Traveler’s GHiide. COOSA RIVER NAVIGATION. On and after December 16th, 1878, the following schedule will be run by the Steamers MAGNO LIA or ETOWAH BILL: Leave Rome Tuesday Bam Arrive at Gadsden Wednesday . . . .6am Leave Gadsden Wednesday 7pm Arrive at Rome Thursday 5 P m Leave Rome Friday . Bam Arrive at Gadsden Saturday 7am Arrives at Greensport 9am Arrive at Rome Saturday 6pm J. M. ELLIOTT, President and Gen’l Sup f t. ROME RAILROAD COMPANY. On and after Sunday, June 3rd, trains on this Road will run as follows: DAY TRAIN—EVERY DAY. Leave Rome 8:10 am Arrive at Rome 12:00 m SATURDAY EVENING ACCOMMODATION. Leave Rome Arrive at Rome . . 8:00 p m CHEROKEE RAILROAD. On and after Monday, July 14, 1879, the train on this Road will run daily as follows (Sunday excepted): NO. 1. GOING WEST. Arrive. Leave. Cartersville 4:55 p m Stilesboro 5:45 p m 5:47 p m Taylorsville 6:07 pm 6:2*2 pm Rockmart 7-12 pm NO. 2. GOING EAST. „ Rockmart J a m Taylorsville 8:15 am 8:30 am Stilesboro 8:55 ain 9:00 a m Cartersville 9:55 am No. 2 connects at Cartersville with W. & A. train for Atlantas arriving at 12 o’clock M. Re turning leave Atlanta at 3 o’clock. P. “• con necting at Cartersville with No. l for points on Cherokee railroad. T ~ JOHN POSTELL, Manager. WESTERN AND ATLANTIC R. R. The following is the present passenger sched ule: NIGHT PASSENGER—UP. Leave Atlanta ? p m Leave Cartersville 4:58 pm Leave Kingston Leave Dalton Arrive at Chattanooga 8:47 pm NIGHT PASSENGER—DOWN. Leave Chattanooga 5:25 pm Leave Dalton ioo H ™ Leave Kingston 8.39 pm Leave Cartersville Arrive at Atlanta 11.00 p m DAY PASSENGER—UP. Leave Atlanta Leave Cartersville J :23 a m Leave Kingston 7:4'9 a m Leave Dalton Arrive at Chattanooga 10:56 am DAY PASSENGER—DOWN. Leave Chattanooga m 1 ajave Dalton m Leave Kingston l.eave Cartersville J® a m Arrive at Atlanta 12:05 p m CARTERSVILLE ACCOMMODATION—UP. Leave Atlanta 5:10 p m Arrive at Cartersville * 7:22 pm CARTERSVILLE ACCOMMODATION—DOWN. Leave .Cartersville Arrive at Atlanta . * 8:4.> a in COUCH HOUSE, (Kingston, Georgia.) fpHIS LARGE AND COMFORTABLE X House is now kept by W.W. Rainey. The traveling public will find good, plato accommo dations. Parties wishing board . through the summer will find Kingston one of the healthiest and quietest localities in Upper Georgia. Three or four families can get comfortable rooms in view of trains. Terms very reasonable. jly2o. W. W. RAINEY. VOLUME 11. E. J. Hale & Son’s STEPHENS’ HISTORY A Compendium of the History of the United States. For Schools and Colleges, By Hon. ALEX. 11. STEPHENS. (513 pp. 12m0.) 17 MURRAY STREET, NEW YORK. “The pith and marrow of our history.”— Er.- President Fillmore. “Straightforward, vigorous, interesting and im pressive.”—JV. Y. Christian Union. “Its tone calm and judicial; its style clear .and good. We recommend it to be read by all Northern men.”— Boston Courier. “A work of high excellence; well adapted to supply a long felt wantinourcountry.’’—<7- nectlcutt Schoo Journal, (lion. W. V. Fowler, L. L. I>.) “Worthy of high praise. It will of necessity challenge attention everywhere.”— F. Y. Eve ning Post. “Among tne notable books of the age."—Chica go Mail. “Narrative, impartial; tone calm and dispas sionate: style masterly.”— Louisville Home and School. “A model compend.”— Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel. “Everything necessary to a perfect handbook.” —Goldsboro Messenger. “Broad enough for all latitudes.”— Eentudky Methodist. “The best work of its kind now extant.”—Mem phis Farm and Home. “A success in every way.”— Wilmington Star. “Destined to become the standard of historic truth and excellence for centuries to come.”— President Wills, Oglethorpe University. “The method admirable.” Ejv-Gov. Herschell V. Johnson. “Should find a place in all libraries.”— Ev-Gov. C. J. Jenkins. “A most important addition to American litera ture.”—Prof. R. M. Johnston, Baltimore. “Read it; study it; heed it.”— Prof. E. A . Steed, Mercer University. “Fairness, fulness, accuracy.” Prof. J. J. Brantly, Mercer University. UNIFORM SERIES OF School Books. To the Patrons and Teachers of Bartow County: AT THE REQUEST OF PROMINENT CITI ZENS and Teachers, the Board of Educa tion has had under consideration for some time the adoption of a UNIFORM SERIES OF SCHOOL BOOKS. The people claim this as a protection for them selves against too frequent changes, The teach ers ask it as a means of classifying their stu dents, and rendering more efficient service, with greater facility to themselves, and benefit to their students. All parties ask it as a means of se curing a reduction in retail prices to purchasers. In answer to these demands the Board has made a thorough examination, and after consul tations with leading teachers, have this day adopted the following series: McGuffey’s Ist reader* : : : :8c ex. .15ret’l “ 2d “ 15 “ .30 “ “ 3d “ 22 “ -40 “ “ 4th “ 27 “ .55 “ “ sth “ 40 “ .80 “ Sanford's Prim- Arithmt’c 14 “ .27 “ “ Int’md’te Arithm’c 22 “ .45 “ “ C. School “ 40 “ .80 “ “ Higher “ 65 “ $1.25 “ “ Ele’m’ry Algebra 65 “ 1.25 “ Harvey’s Language Lessons 12 “ ’25 “ “ Ele’m’ry Grammar 20 “ .40 “ “ English Grammar 40 “ .75 Eclectic Prim. Geograpny 33 “ .60 “ “ Georgraphy, No. 2 66 “ 1.25 “ Harvey’s Primary Speller 8 “ .15 “ “ Graded “ 11 “ .20 “ These prices are NOT introductory, but PER MANENT. The publishers given written guar antee that these prices shall not be raised at any time. Those having old books can bring them to W. H. WIKLJS & CO., and get the new book of same grade at HALF PRICE, as given in column 1. It makes no difference how badly torn the old book may be. We earnestly urge the co-operation of patrons in carrying out this adoption. W. T. WOFFORD, President. july!7-4t THEO. E. SMITH, C. S. C. SCHOOL AND COLLEGE TEXT BOOKS, PUBLISHED BY Iverson, Blakeman, Taylor & (’O., NEW YORK, R. E. PARK, Ceneral Agent, THIS series comprises among others, the fol lowing well-known STANDARD SCHOOL BOOKS: New Graded Readers, Robinson’s Mathematics, Spencerian Copy Books, Well’s Scientific Woi’ks, Riddle’s Astromics. Dana’s Geology, Woodbury's German, Kerl’s Grammar, Webster’s Dictionary, Swinton’s Histories, Swinton’s 'Word Books, Swinton’s Geographies, Pasquell’s French, Gray’s Botanies, Bryant & Stratton’s Book-keeping, Cathcart’s Literary Reader, etc., etc. Correspondence respectfully solicted. Address ROBERT E. PARK, General Agent. Care J. W. Burke A co„ Macon, Georgia. CARRIAGES. BUGGIES anil WAGONS. R. H. J ONES, Cartersville, Georgia. T feel justly proud of the REPU -1 tation awarded by an appreciative people. 1 do a square, honest business as near as I know how, and endeavor to give every one the worth of his money. All work warranted, not for a year only, but for any reasonable time. I say it, and defy contradiction, there is No Better Work Made in America than I am Building. I have a Repository in Rome, in charge of Mr. W. L. Whitely, in old Odd Fellows’ building, corner above new Masonic Temple. Wagons, Buggies, Ac., kept by him are just what they are represented to be. All sold under warrantee. I also have a shop in Rome, at the old stand of D. Lindsey A Cos., run by R. L. Williams, where new work and all kinds of repairing will be done at prices to suit the times. Give us your trade. mchb A. F. MURPHY, Rome, :::::: Georgia. GENERAL SOUTHERN AGENT New York Portrait Painting Company. WILL TAKE ORDERS FOR ANYQUALI tv and size portrait known to the art for less money than such work can be done for bj any other house. Parties desiring portraits can send photograph, with description of complexion, hair, eyes and dress. juneiz-bin__ ACTUAL BUSINESS ! Students on Change AT Moore’s BUSINESS UNIVERSITY, ATLANTA, GA. The best practical business school in the country. Students can enter at any time. Total expenses for inC i^ aprs4-3m. - PILES AND FISTULA CURED DR. J. S. BEAZLEY. At Stilesboro, Bartow county, Ga., ana DR. A. O. Crawfordvi ne, Ga., __ vir a SPECIALTY of diseases of M*%3353; SiffbiSSf'ara Will point to cases cured or give the best of reference if desjred. All cler gymen treated gratis, nicnz ' THE FREE PRESS. SPEECH OF HON. A. STEPHENS. A Masterly Effort in tlie Capital Yesterday —The Leading Issues Before the Peo ple—The Extra Session—The Army Bill —The Silver Questions, Etc. [Constitution 28th] At 12:30, p. m., yesterday, the hall of the house of representatives and the gal leries were packed to hear Hon. A. H. Stephens. Seats were provided for the Senate, and they marched in after the adjournment of the senate and the hall hall was filled to the utmost capacity. In a few minutes Air. Stephens entered the hall with Hon. Rufus E. Lester and Hon. A. O. Bacon and marched down the ailse and was greeted with great applause. Mr. Stephens went to the stand. Mr. Bacon said: Gentlemen and Ladies, in accordance with his appointment, the Hon. A. H. Stephens will now address the general assembly. Mr. Stephens remained seated, and with a clear and distinct voice, said: MR. STEPHENS’ REMARKB. Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, senators and representatives of the general as sembly of Georgia, Ladies and Gentle men, Fellow-Citizens generally: I am before you in compliance with a promise to address you upon the public questions of the day and to indicate that line of policy which I think proper to be pur sued. Before entering upon that duty a few preliminary principles may be very well stated. First, I must express to you the profound sensation upon my miml of gratitude for this demonstration. It ar gues well, I think. The principle as pre liminary are these: No representative government can ex ist long where the people do not under stand the principles of the government, where they are not attached to these principles and they have not the deter mination to maintain them. These ideas were suecintly an nounced by Jefferson in the three words intelligence, virtue and patriotism of the people. We are a free people. Ours, state and federal, is a representative gov ernment. But remember the first principle announced is that no free peo ple can maintain their instructions long unless they understand the principles of their government, unless they are attach ed to them. Now, this demonstration, I argue, evinces a disposition on the part of our people—l take it as an evidence of such—that they feel interested in their goverment and the principle upon which it is to he administered. Your call indi cates that desire. Our country at this time, in many re spects, financially chiefly, is in a worse condition that it has been in half a cen tury. I am not surprised therefore, at the inquiry, the disposition of the people to inquire into public questions. I take it for granted that your request was not in reference to the state matter at all, but relates to our federal relations, to mat ters pertaining to congress and the ex citements of the recent extra session. At any rate I shall confine my remarks solely, as far as my strength will permit, to those topics. THE EXTRA SESSION. nvti'n spaaing . t.hfi causes, the incidents and results and issues presented by it. It is useless to state the causes that produced it. There was one prominent, leading and controlling one —a disagree ment between the senate and house of representatives upon the appro priations. The house was demo cratic, the senate was republican. The house upon the army bill inserted what was called a rider, which provided in the bill for the repeal of the act passed du ring the war with regard to troops at the polls to keep the peace. That was passed in 1865. The house put an amendment to the army hill virtually that part which authorized the use of the troops to keep the peace at the polls. The history of this I need not give you. The session refused to agree to it, and the army bill failed. The legislative, exe cutive and judicial bills passed with a rider repealing the law that requires and authorizes the appointment of the deputy marshals to aid in federal elections, mem bers of congress. That was what was considered an act that was passed under something of a war feeling. Be that.as it may, the house passed the appropria tion bill with this rider upon it. The senate refused to pass it. That bill failed, congress expired and there was no money to support the army, no money to support the judiciary, no money to support the civil list. The president im mediately called the extra session, as everybody supposed he would do. The disagreement between the two Houses necessarily resulted in it. The new con gress, the 46th, has a majority in both houses of the democratic party. At the first meeting of the session there was a decided disagreement among the demo cratic as to the right policy to be pur sued. Some insisted to pass the same bills identically, believing the president, would veto them and adjourn. Now, it is well known that it was with that view I did not concur. The argument was to withhold the’appropriations for the re dress of grievances and insisting on Brit ish example. In England, ever since the parliament was formed, whenever they wished a redress of grievances, habeas corpus, liberty they say to the king we won’t grant you any money to carry on your government, or support your army, unless you grant relief. lai liament, for three centuries past, has oc cupied that position. Alany in congress insisted that each country was freer or ought to he, than England and the rep resentatives of the people the same way ought to insist upon the repeal of laws and redress of grievances, or grant no money. Now, fellow-citizens, Ido not agree with that view. Ours is no mon archy. Ours, as I stated to you is a rep resentative government. In England but liis own instrument; the courts but his ministers, as all officers of the gov ernment are. In this country sover eignty resides with the people. We have a constitutional government. Our sov ereingty powers are not lodged exclusive ly in any department. Ours is the wisest and grandest system of government ever instituted by man in my judgment. [Ap plause.] Here sovereign powers are di vided—not sovereignty itself. Sovereign tv is as indivisible as human intellect — as human mind —but sovereign powers are devisible. The war making power the executive power, those are all sov ereign powers. In our American system these powers are divided and placed in separate, distinct, co-ordinate and co equal departments of the government. All the executive powers of the L nited States are just as supreme within the leg itimate sphere as the power exercised by the king of England. All these powers are supreme to the extent of the enumera tion and limitation. The law making power is lodged, under the federal con stitution, in the two houses of congress. The law making power is just as sover eign in this country as it is in power is CARTERSVILLE, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 7, 1879. ! totally different from the executive pow er. The judicial powers in the United States are supreme within their sphere. Here is the beauty of our system: Three separate, distinct co-ordinate departments. One has no right to infringe upon the other. Each operates in its own sphere. Congress has to make laws; the judiciary is to ex pound them; the president is to execute them, and under our system, the right to withhold his assent to any law is given to the president—the right to veto —and therefore in this vexed question my posi tion was that it would not he right to put out our light houses, to distinguish them on the coast, or stop the functions of administration of justice because the president refused liis sanction to the repeal of a law. The con stitution, says the judge shall be appoin ted, it fixes their salaries and these fixed salaries To be paid at certain times were fixed by laws before, and therefore we should not because the president with drew his assent from a bill, stop the wheels of government, or as some said, starve it out. In this country the re dress of grievances is chiefly through the ballot-box and other peaceful instru mentalities of the constitution. Now, 1 have heard much said ajjon* tw “hacking out” of democracy. I‘ wish to say here it was comparatively a few only of the democratic party who held the extreme views stated but although they were a eloquent men, the majority of the party never at any time, committed themselves to such a position. The true position, judgment, was to pass all necessary ap propriations, sustain the courts, sustain the marshals, in the performance of their duty, carry on the departments at Wash ington—legislative, judicial and execu tive-all those that were necessary, and not refuse them in case the president should withhold his sanction to the re age of obnoxious laws. But AS TO THE ARMY. We had a perfect right, in my judg ment, to limit the appropriation. In our country, constituted, as I have said, with the law-making power seperate and distinct, the constitution gives the repre sentatives of the people the only and ab solute right to tax the people. In this country, under the fundamental law, there can be no tax raised nor money ap propriated to any purpose hut with the sanction of the representatives of the peo ple in the house. We therefore, had the right in supporting the army to say the uses to which that army should be ap plied. To appropriate means to desig nate, to set apart. A thousand dollars, ten thousand dollars, or any amount you please, when you designate it and set it apart, you appropriate, and the right to appropriate carries with it the right to limit and say to what use it shall be put, and to what it shall not. That is the posi tion I thought was right and insisted upon. To give all that was necessary to protect our people from the tomahawk of the Indian and the incursion of maraud ing parties from Mexico, to give all that was necessary for the army, but to wind up with the declaration that no part of this money shall be used for the purpose of placing troops at the polls to keep the peace. We had the right to do it. After two vetoes these restrictions, in tne very words I have given you, almost identical ly were put upon the army bill, and this is the law, that no part of the money appropriated shall be used to subsist or president signed this hill with this re striction. So that question was settled. NOW, AS TO THE MARSHALS. The course finally taken by the party in congress was to pass the appropria tions for the judiciary, for everything that was necessary, witnesses’ fees, ju rors, everything necessary to run the ma chinery ot government, leaving out the appropriations for marshals and putting that in a separate hill. This was done with the limitation after appropriating $600,000 for the general marshals and general deputies—just every dollai that was necessary—and a bill restriction was put upon it. Not a dollar was to be ap plied to deputy marshals to run elections. That was passed, and sent to the presi dent and he vetoed it. That is the whole question. That is one of the issues before the country. In a late speech that I have seen by the very able and learned and accom plished secretary of the treasury, Mr. Sherman, for whom I entertain the pro foundest personal respect, he states in his Portland speech, that the great issue before the country now was state rights and secession. The question, as I have stated before and repeat, is no such thing. I mean now, the issue that is made be tween the president and congress. It is simply the question whether congress has got the right to control its own ap propriations. Have they the right to sus tain the marshals in the discharge of their public duties? Certainly. Haven’t they the right to say that no part of it shall go to any particular purpose ? Cer tainly. Is that secession ? Is it a ques tion of the administration of the federal government and of the powers of con gress? There is nothing involving the rights ol states, or of secession, or of a new war in it, and in my judgment this is all a decoy. It is to withdraw the attention of the country from the real great issues of the day. It is simply a question of the right and power of con gress to use the people’s money as they please, and on that question I would be willing to go before any American audi ence of free people on the continent. [Applause.] As I have stated, our grand system of government, which is the wonder of the world, has so divided these powers, and the president has no more right to claim that congress shall apply money to cer tain purposes than we have the right to say he shall veto a bill. Our system di vides these powers, and as framed find property administered, there is nothing like it in the world. There is no other nation on earth where the judicary is distinct separate and co-ordinate, su preme in it, functions, except in the United States. It is so in the states and in the federacy, and there is not the like of it in ancient of modern times. It excited the wonder or DeToqueville. I will hand the reporter his remarks upon the subject: This constitution, which may at first be confounded with the federal constitu tions which have preceded it, rests, in truth, upon a wholly novel theory, which may be considered as a great discovery in modern political science. Inf*all the confederations which preceded the American constitution of 1879, the called States, for a common object, agreed to obey the injunctions of a federal govern ment, but they reserved to themselves the right of erdaining and enforcing the laws of the union. The American states, which combined in 1876, agreed that the federal government should not only dictate, but should execute its own enactments. In both cases the right is the same, but the exercise of the right is difference produced the most mo mentous consequences. It was this that excited the wonder and admiring remarks of Lord Bronghman when speaking of our wonderful Ameri- can union; and the like of which has not been known. Lord Brougham says in his “Political philosophy”: “It is not at all a refine ment that a federal Union should he formed; this is the natural result of men’s joint operations in a very rude state of society. But the regulation of such a union upon pre- established principles, the formation of a system of government and legislation in which the different sub jects shall be, not individuals, but states, the application of legislative principles to such a body of States, and for devising means for keeping its integrity as a feder .acy, while the rights and powers ot the individual states are maintained entire, is the very greatest refinement in social policy to which any state of circumstan has ever given rise, or to which any age has ever given birth.” That is the nature of our government —“matchless in structure and form.” I have stated that this thing of trying to raise the question of secession, in my judgment, is something of a decoy. The great question—l cannot speak of them all is THE FINANCIAL question. Without detaining you to read, I shall hand to the reporter my views upon that: Resolved, That the aims and objects of the democracy of the United States as far as w r e have chosen them as members of the house of representatives, are entitled to be considered as the true exponents of those aims and objects as directed with a singleness of purpose to the restoration of constitutional liberty, and with it the res toration of peace and harmony and pros perity throughout the length and breadth of the land; they abjure the renewal of sectional strife, they accept the legi timate results of the late lamentable war; they are utterly opposed to a revival in this country or any part thereof of Afri can slavery, or involuntary servitude, except as punishment for crime; they stand pledged to maintain the union of the states under the constitution, with all its existing amendments, as they shall he expounded by the supreme court of the United states; they are against all unconstitutional or revolutionary meth ods; they are for law and order and the protection of life, liberty, and property, without the respect of persons of social conditions; for the redre3S ot all griev ances they look alone to the peaceful instrumentalities of the constitution, through first, the law executing power, and finally the ultimate sovereign power of the ballot box. They are for free bal lot, as well as for a fair and just count. While they are opposed to a large stand ing army, as were the farmers of the con stitution, yet they are for keeping the army sufficiently large to repeal invasion, defend our extensive frontier, as well as all the necessary interior forts and gar risons, and enable the president to put down domestic violence or insurrection in any of the states, and in aid of civil officers, as a posse comitatus, in the exe cution of process in pursuances of the constitution, and as provided in the acts of congress of 1795 and 1807. But they are utterly opposed to the use of the United states in controlling or in any way interfering with the freedom of elec tions. They are for the maintenance of public credit inviolate, but are utterly opposed to the increase of the bonded debt, unless the exigencies of war should render it necessary. They are for the retrenchment of expenditures, *— 0 • > - 1 J thorough reform in the present unequal and unjust method of raising revenue. They are for placing the coinage of' gold and silver upon the same footing, without restriction or limitation upon the amount of either. They are for reviving the languishing and perishing industries of the country by an increase of the vol ume of the currency, founded on a sound basis, sufficient to meet the urgent de mands of trade in every department of labor and business. They were submitted to the caucus of the democratic party. No vote was ever taken on them, but I affirm that three-fourths of the party are with them just as they stand. The great questions I refer to —and they are the* ones that are moving the masses of the people throughout the country—are first, finances and next taxation. The financial question is the most im portant of any. In connection with that comes the great money question—the question that is going to stir the public mind throughout civilization in the next twelve months or two years, more than any event since the crusade. Mr. Sher man, in his speech, refers to the panic of 1873. He says, Germany, France, Italy, England—all those countries suffered as much or more than we did. What was the real cause of the panic of 1873 ? It was the demonetization of silver in Eu rope. Germany took the lead; the latin states followed; and it was brought about without the people’s understanding or knowing any thing of it, andit was fol lowed up in this country. In 1873, about six months before the panic. What was it? From the days of civilization, from the dawn of the Mosaic history and an terior so far as we get the record, the world has had two standards of value—l mean the civilized world —gold and sil ver. They have been together running down from the time the cave of Maepelah was bought by Abraham with four hundred shekels of silver. It is known as the biinetalic system —double met als—and the two from the days of Babylon they have come down to 1873, running along and bearing the pro portion from 10 to 15 or country from the beginning it was about 16 to 1 —25 8-10 grains of gold was a dol lar ; 41234 grains of standard silver was a dollar. Tney were by law declared equal. They were the double standard. It was so until recently, when the money hold ers of the world craftily in the legisla tion got the silver struck out. At the time when by tlie best estimate the most reliable, in round numbers, there were $8,000,000,000 of metal money in the world—silver and gold. Four thousand five hundred of these millions were silver. More than one-half the money of the world from time immemorial was strick en from the roll of debt paying capacity. Here is the fault, in my judgment, of the panic in Europe—Germany, Italy and England—and it succeeded here when ever congress passed it, and no man can tell now’ when and where it got through. It was in 1873 the money of our fathers was stricken from the list. Some people may say there was as much silver here then as before. It was not that. They declared that gold should be the unit of value. Silver was stricken from its debt paying capacity, and it was declared that greenbacks, legal tenders and silvc. must come to the unit of gold. It was to strike out half the money of the w’orld—blight it and blust it. Before that I cared not how much silver was here or how little; that was the basis and a co-equal basis. Its debt paying value with gold had been equal from the beginning of our country and from time immemorial. The effect of this was to double the debt of the coun try, and of states, and corporations and individuals. When the debt paying powd er of half the metal used in the w orld for money was stricken from the roll every thing came to the gold standard. I have seen a statement recently, and I believe it true made by a gentleman with a great deal of care and prudence, that ten thou sand millions of debt—federal, state, in dividual and corporation debts—existed at that time —1874 —and the striking of silver and elevating the price of gold nec essarily increased that debt, in effect, one half, and so with the interest upon the public debt. Now, in my judgment, this is one of the great issues now before the people of this country, You know what i was done last session. You know we at tempted, after the extra session was call ed, when we endeavored to go into meas ures for the relief of the country, to re store the free coinage of silver and were obstructed, but finally got the measure in. In an indirect way we got it before congress. We got through the Warner bill. The bill which I introduced last session I could not get a vote upon. We did get it through this time, but it failed to be acted upon in the senate. I will briefly state some of the features of that bill. If it will pass, as I trust, and feel assured it will next session, gold and sil ver will be on the same footing as to coin age. Certificates will be issued from the treasury for both alike. Our mines will be put into operation. At this time many of them are like our fireless furnaces and mills—are standing as dead industries— for a great many of these industries east and west are like burnt-out, volcanoes. But should this bill pass, all these indus tries in this country will be put into op eration and with that come new life, new blood, new volumes of currency, tint the people, they say, do not want silver. Mr. Sherman says he cannot get off his hands what he has now, because the peo ple don’t want it. We want a volume of currency to the extent of not less than nine hundred million dollars ($900,000, 000). [Applause.] The money per cap ita in the United States in circulation, •ven counting the silver and gold hoarded ed up, is about sl4. When the panic came it was $45. In France, which they say now is the most prosperous con ntry in Europe, is $53. She has paid ofl her debt to Prussia, and Prussia with all the ad vantages in her favor and flushed with victory, is in an almost worse condition than we are. They have not more than $25 per capita. We need at least as much as we had in 1873. How are we to get it ? By unlimited coinage of silver as well as gold and issuing certificate on noth alike. Why, I am as less disposed to have to in troducing the system of having money carted around as anybody. We want a paper money that shall have A REPRESENTATIVE DOLLAR IN THfc VAULTS of the treasury. [Applause]. When a man gets his certificate for silver, if it is for a quarter, a half, or five or ten dollars —(the Warner bill was only for $lO, but I want it down to a quarter, for a change, and let those have it who wish it) —when these certificates are issued and the coin is in the treasury, it is no bill, three out for one in, but it is the representative of the coin itself. These certificates would circulate not only in the United States and everywhere, but be good wherever the flag floats and we have any commerce. Should this bill pass and our mines be put into operation and the silver come from other countries as it is represented it would come and as I hope if maj r , we will soon reach that condition. Some but I would invite it from all the mi all the earth until I got a thousand 'mil lions here and a paper currency based on it [applause]; a currency equal to any that ever was, and I believe the best. That is one of the financial questions. There is another. It is OUR SYSTEM OF TAXATION. Our people of the United States are burthened with the most unjust and un equal system of taxation of any country with which lam acquainted. The poor pay the taxes. By the poor L mean the people who have to work in some depart ment of life for a livelihood, and do not live upon the interest of their bonds. In this country the laboring class, the men at the anvil, at the plow, at the loom, and at the mill; the men engaged in agricul tural pursuits, even down to raising the corn, pay the taxes. Why they are not permitted in this country, without pay ing a high tax, to use their own fruit or corn to make a little medicine for the use of their families. Why, the poor fami lies in Ireland making their poteen, are not hunted down like our own people, who make a little whisky for family use. I simply want to state that we want re form in the system of taxation. It is now a question between the tax payers and tax consumers. I am for no class legis lation, but lam for equal taxation. As I told them in the house, there are color ed tenants on my farm who pay this government more tax in the little medi cine he consumes, his whisky and the to bacco that he consumes in his pipe at night when his work is done—l say he pays more tax than many people who are worth $600,000, living abroad and draw ing their interest. Out of the tobacco and whisky nearly one-third of the revenues of this country are collected. Two products only ! Vir ginia has paid enough tax since 1866 to have liquidated and discharged the whole of her state debt, which is upwards of $44,000,000. This bears not exactly seetionally more on Virginia, perphaps, but on all the states where tobacco is grown and where whisky is made. The property of the United States last year was estimated at ninety-eight thous and mi-lions ($98,000,000). Well, now, suppose a very moderate and just tax should be laid upon it in some way. It can bo done. Where truth and justice and right prevails, the way can easily be found to equalize the taxes of this coun try and meet every obligation and every debt on less than one per cent, on the amount named. Many people now pay more than five per cent, and others not the sixteen-thousandth part of a dime. [Laughter and applause.] That, I say, is the great question, mid the people of the north and south should not be alarmed because we say congress has the right to limit the appropriation, and that therefore, it is anew secession movement. No, fellow-citizens, our objects|are higher, nobler and grander. They are broad as the whole country, and there is no section al feeling in them. Wherever labor is at work, in the shop and in the corn field, north, east, south and west, the cause in which we are engaged—which I am en gaged in and am willing to die in—is the cause of the laboring masses of the peo ple. [Applause.] Now, one other word about this panic. Mr. Sherman says it came on in 1873. Very many of us remember it very well. [Laughter.] What is the effect of it? He speaks of a ‘-revival of business,” but I have never heard anything of it from the masses of the people. Hun dreds of them has visited me from all parts of the country —from the east and the west —and the general account they give me is of general prostration and de vastation, and the dying out of industries. It is very much the story told of one of my old friend’s servants. It was down KATES OP ADVERTISING, Advertisements will be inserted at the rates of One Dollar per inch £*r the Apt insertion, ami Fifty Cents for each additional insertion. CONTRACT RATES. Space. i mo. 3 mos. 8 mos. 1 year. One inch, $2 50 $5 00 $7 50 flO 00 Two inches, 375 750 12 50 18 00 Three inehes, 500 10 00 17 50 25 00 Four inches, 625 12 50 22 50 82 00 Fourth column 750 15 00 25 00 40 00 Half column, 15 00 25 00 40 00 60 00 One column, 20 00 40 00 60 (X) | 100 (hi NUMBER 4. in Jasper county, I think, along in 1847, a storm of hail, or cyclone, came along in the direction of Indian Springs, and swept everything before it. There was nobody at home but my friend—l won't | call his name—and his old servant. Ev j erything was upset and blown down— ! mules and horses turned on their hacks — i his barns and stables blown to pieces and I his own house demolished. The hail was | strewn around six inches deep and every leaf gone from the trees. My friend told the old man to go out and survey the re sults, and he went out about a mile on either side, and when lie came back lie said: “Ole master, de only consolation 1 can give you is, dat it seems to he a gin’ral tiling!” [Laughter and applause.] And sad to say, in our country now the il lustration is but too applicable. And so I say you cannot find a spot on this con tinent that is not suffering from its loss es from that panic. Why, I had a state ment exhibited in the house and nobody disputed it, complied from every state, commencing when they struck silver as Ia standard and iiad the golden calf put up ! to worship. In 1874 there were failures | with liabilities ol upwards of $200,000; 1 in 1875 about the same number, and for 1 the four years ending last year there were 36,000 failures of houses considered as firm as any now in New York; 36,000 of them were with liabilities of $800,000,000 —more than one-third the public debt of the United States. And yet the cry is “taxes, taxes, taxes! with shrinkage, shrinkage”—and failure after failure! And you are not done yet. You have not got to the bottom until this thing can be airested. Ie thro any prosper*.! of nTrail ing it ? That is the question you and 1 and the people are interested in.—Yes, by undertaking and maintaining the gov ernment. Watch it at the polls; watch the legilature and see that they do right. —More than that. Even those countries where his plague came from—for it is worse than a plague—there is devastation and destruction to every industrial and commercial interest.—l saw the other day, where the gallant Ewing had m; lea cal culation that the shrinkage in property since 1874 was greater than the prop erty destroyed in the last horrible war we went through with. Is there any hope, then ? It has not been two weeks since the telegraph brought the informa tion that Bismark has changed his poliov on gold. In England the indications are that in less than twelve months it will be changed there. After the introduc tion of the Warner bill a bill was pass ed the German Parliment to sell no more silver. But 1 tell you this last great error of the century imposed upon the debt paying people will be passed in less than three years. [Applause. ]The war is over. There is no new issue of secession. We are on the right side. And it seems to me little strange that Mr. Sherman of whom I speak respectfully, should bring that charge up before Ohio. Mr. Ewing, the gallant standard-bearer of the democ racy of Ohio, did not side with us in se cession. Those issues no longer exist. The past and the rightfulless of either side is not to be discussed now. Mr. Haves the president, spoke in this city of the gallant deeds of both sides of men fighting for what they believed to be right. And he was right. There is no higher specimen of manhood than that of a man believing he is right and willing to risk his all and his life for it. The president said so here and he was right. Ewing can hardly be charged by Secretary Sher man with lefihio- u cppessioil vement when ne dirt so much to keen us ii vm vrrpng out tlio first one; *- * Rice, his colleague, was also upon the same side with them. llow is it, too, go in Maine and New York? Are they for secession ? I used the argument only to show that Mr. Sherman uses it as a decoy. It is monetary, financial relief we want; relief from taxation for the North and the South, the East and the West— from Maine to California— and it is what I believe the masses will have! Applause. Have no standard bearer who does noi stand on your principles. The great majority of the people of this country are lor the right, and you should select as your standard bearers men who stand firm with three fourths —yes, five-sexths of the solid, Jeffersonian democrats, North, South, East, and West. Ap plause. When you do this your standard will indeed be not the standard of dissev ered States, hut one of the grand, united confederated republic, on the grand basis of that which Lord Brougham and other great intellects of Europe admired. You will have peace, prosperity, no sectional strife, no wars, but general fraternity; and your grand old American federal flag floating, as, president Hayes said, on a memorable occasion “overstates, not provinces—citi zens, not subjects!” [Applause.] And you may yet live to see such a grand triumph of sound republican—yes, old republican, democratic, Jeffersonian— principles! Let them triumph under such a glorious flag that you may leave for them an inheritance for your children for generations and ages to come. [ Long continued applause.] A correspondent of the Philadelphia Times , an expert in cotton milling, writes that paper as follows: “As pertinent to the cotton spinner’s strike in Fall River, I contribute a fact within my own knowledge. During the past winter sometime a member of a leading Baltimore firm say they would have to stop spinning cotton and buy yarn in the South, as they could buy cheaper than they could spin. And they were bred to the business and themselves manage their factories. In March and April last I was in Georgia and Alabama, and then came to the conclusion that the mills there could certainly spin yarn and make coarse cloth much cheaper than those north could. The south has fine mills, lower taxes, buys cotton from the wagons, has water power and cheap labor. The people in Fall River are in fact in grinding competition with the darkey, who works and boards himself for nine dollars the month.” It is proposed to celebrate this fall the anniversary of Washington’s great vic tory over Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown, October 19, 1781. The Courier-Journal thinks that such a celebration would do more to unite the North and South than all the series of centennials which inclu ded Lexington, Concord and Bunker Hill, for at Yorktown the people of the North and South could meet together in the very trenches where they tought each-other in 1862, and overlooking that late fraternal strife, carry back their memories to 1781, when they fought side by side, for the same cause. The Courier-Journal thinks nothing could be more ridiculous than the spec tacle of New Yorkers setting themselves to exclude the Israelites. Whatever may he the Hebrew’s faults, a society whose ladies go about leading puppyAlogs by strings, and whose “young men” affect the manners of Englishmen, is not the one to sit in judgment on any part of the human family.
