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TEZJJLS’ 9 Advertisemen. ’ For all miscell. of 10 lines, or loss. tinna nee. AU advertisements, vs <aarknd upon them, wii charged accordingly ivies and tribates of n. charcred at the regular advert Lm. Editorial advertiaementscharged . ar rates. A liberal deduction will be made up,. Jowly and yearly advertisements. _ LAW CARDS. J. W. H. VNI>KRWOOT». C. H. SMITH . UNDERWOOD & SMITH. ATTORNEYS AT LAW. Home, G-co., Practice in Upper Georgia : also in the Fed eral District Court at Marietta. July 28, 1859. ...1y... J. A. JKRX IS. W. A. CAMl’llKLl.. JERVIS & CAMPBELL. ATTORN FA’S AT LAW. MOBCtANTON. GA. * \A7 1 Li. practice in the Superior Courts of the ’ V County of Giltner. Union aud Towns. , March 17th 1860. ly. C. H. SMITH, NOTARY PUBLIC’. Commissioner of Deeds tor Alabama ami Ten nessee. AugL John Taylor w. r. iiaubkr. TAYLOR & BARBER, ATTORNEYS AT LAW,! Stxmmorville. On. ill practice in the several counties of North Weak r» G julj JOHN W. XAMSEY. WM. E. LUCY. RAMSEY & LFCY, Attorney and Conncellors at Law, • CENTRE, CHEROKEE CO,, ALA. March 1 1860—ly. VIRGIL C. COOK, ATTORNEY AT LAW, janli. ROME, GORGIA. ly. THOMAS J. VERDERY, AT T O KN E V A T Is AW. CEDAR TOWN, GA. Will practice in the counties of Fioyd, Polk Paulding Carroll. Haraldson. ami Cass. ssy“ Strict attention paid to Collecting. May 20, 1858. ly F. C. SHROPSHIRE, Attorney and Counsellor at Law, ROME, GA., Aprils. 1858...1y GEO. T. STOVALL, • ATTORNEY AT LAW, ROME. GA. Office in back room.over Fort & Hargrove’s store. . ap7:ly W.B.TERHUXE, Attorney and Counsellor at Law, ROME, GA. mars, 1858. ts- EMORY F. BEST, ' ATTORNEY AT LAW , Rome, G-n. Aug 9 ly- D. S. PR INTUP, Attorney- and Counsellor at Law Romo, Grct. April 16,1856. f. t G. W. WARWICK W. PENN KBAMER. WARWICK & KRAMER. ATTORNEYS AT LAw. ' CartersvilU. Georgia. • juyl2 JOEL R. GRIFFIN. ATTORNEY AT LAW, IVCaeoii, Georgia. IX 7 ILL practice in the counties of the Macon » « ami the adjoining Circuits. Also, in tie Counties of West .and South-West Georgia, ac cessible by Rail Road. Particular personal attention given to collec- - ting. Office with O. A. Lociiranb, Humour's Building, 2d Street, opposite Methodist Book Depository. Marßlß6o-ly DENTAL CARDS. Dr. J. T. DUANE, RESIDENT DENTIST, R O ME.GE O. ” Rooms over Fort & Hargrove. HAS been engaged in the prac tice of Dentistry in Europe and the United States for the last '-TIjTOZP twelve years; and will gnarentee to those that employ Ms services, entire satisfaction, in both, the opperative and mechanical branch of the business. Particular attention given to regulating chil dren teeth. • Ik#-All work performed at reasonable charges. May 17, ’6O-ly. rntin SlJppi - |iS by W. LANGSTON. NO. 2 CHOICE HOTEL, BIIOAD STREET, ROME, GEORGIA. THE undersigned will keep a general assort ment of Family Grocerie consisting of FLOUR, BACON, MEAL, 1. MID. * SUGAR, CANDLES, SYRUP, TOBACCO, MOLASSES, HEGARS, COFFEE, Cotton Yarns, FISH, DRIED AND FRESH FRUITS, IN THEIR SEASON, Ac. No pretense is made to a WHOLESALE busi ness, but persons may be sure of getting at least as good bargains here at RETAIL as .it any oth . er house in the city. •Terms—Casii Otaiy. June7-tf JAS. W. LANGSTON. ‘ C. w. LANGWORTHY, *' ul AGENT FOR AND DEALER IN • JTo?musical instruments . OF ALL KINDS, ROME, GA. DRIGGS’ celebrated PIANOS always on hand. May 24, 1800—ly. CHOICE HOTEL. - ROME, GEORGIA. jkSfci PRINTUP& GREGORY, PHWl’ijn raoraißToas, j-*. OMNIBUS to and from tbo D"pot free ofcliarge. Ang2f/ iy _. STEAM WOOL CARDER 1 desire to call the afttention of the Farmers and Wool growers generally to my new cuetoin Steam Carding Machine, located in Rome, near Broad street, fronting Harper & Butler’s Hardware Store Ah 1 hav • many years expe rience in the Wool Carding business, I think I can give general satisfaction-, and solicit the patronage of the public. * Sept. 6,’60,2m. G J. DYKES. NOTICE, I WILL pay no debt except contracted by my self or by my order. A. R. JOHNSON. Floyd county, Ga,, Nov. 29, 1860-s’. * Varnishes of all Kinds. ALSO, TURPENTINE, for sale by TURKLE Y, ieu l C j No. 3 Choice Hocae. (i c.. -"rm hand,and h you. I’he question < tin I to our welfare, to on. honor, ns p people mid as prtvi,., that 1 have not the heart even if 1 hail i.., ability to burlesque so serious a subject. I j mean no reflection on yourselves : you think that wo might treat successfully the sub missionists with ridicule; it might be done, [ but 1 consider the matter of too grave a character for derision. I trust the dupes ’ among them—ami ail figure in that capacity | ' who are not knaves—are as patriotic as the i rest of us. and as honest, in their convic- I tions: : f so, they are entitled to our com miseration. But they commit this funda- ■ mental erior, they imagine that their feel- I mgs of patriotism are duo to the agency of I our States at Washington—so soon to puss j under the dominion of blind abolition big | ots—rather than to our own sovereign State, i “The Federal government is a creature of , our own, brought into Pie world, boarded,! lodged washed and ironed at the expense I of sovereign powers who have delegated to it certain duties to perform tor the benefit lof themselves. The planter owes as much fealty to his factor who sells his cat ton and then robs him of the proceeds, as a State ’ owes allegiance to her Federal commission house which robs her of her property in the Territories, steals her slaves ami proclaims a crusade of arson, murdei. robbery and poison on her citizens. We are either tree, inde pendent, sovereign States, or weave colonies dependent on and subject to a higher power. ilad 1 the vanity to attempt a discussion of this subject, I could but do so at a sacri- ■ lice of your patience, for it would be a rep etition of threadbare truisms: State sove reignty and the right of secession are so plain, so palpable, so fixed in fact and prin ciple, that no man of above the average in tellect of an ass. should stultify himself by assuming their defence. As to imrtmr icit/iin !/('• Union, none but an idiot could honestly advocate such an absur dity : to put a nigger baby’s frock on him with the tail tied up in a hard knot behind and set out doors to make dirt pie, would be an appropriate act to such an imbecile. Granted that such an idea—conceded to be utterly impracticable by all, save the wildest visionaries—could be carried into execution. What would such an Union be worth to us? When we would have to fight day after day against a base, unscrupulous majority for every right and privilege which freemen hold dear, and for the protection of our lives and property. Corrupted and weaken ed at home by Federal gold, crippled and divided by every means an insidious foe could devise for our destruction, becoming more and more weak until we would be even powerless to defend our homes and families from fire and sword. What pitiable objects we would be? Does down-trodden Italy present an eamniple of equal degradation ? Our liberties not seized from us after mortal struggle by the strong arm of despotism, we could not console ourselves by any such re flection, we freely yielded our independence •to the vilest and most implacable of foes, knowing them as such, that perfidy and trea son bids them together in hatred to us and to our institutions, and their creed our de struction. They have .just wrenched the government from our hands, and inscribed their victorious banners with every device which the most unmitigated hate and loath some tons could suggest. And we should resist these wretches icithin the Union, a Union of a dominant majority, unscrupulous pow er, dire hate and fixed resolve for our de struction, with a weak, crippled, divided mi nority, begging for the bare protection of ; their lives and propertv—not for ’heir Con stitutional rights, for those long since repu diated, are inevitably surrendered by sub mission to abolition rule. We would have a gay time of it resisting within the Union. With a Black Republican party in our midst, with Abe Lincoln’s em issaries preaching insurrection to our slaves, with a raid every night after supper, with John Brown pikes stuck in our bowels, our houses burnt and families butchered, with tumult, riot and sedition and Wide-awakes lying around loose everywhere, we would play hell at it. What would legislative en actments of retaliation or any futile attempt at resistance amount to in such a state of affairs? If we submit now. we are utterly blotted out from the face of the earth as a free peo ple. Demoralized as we are at home, by dis- , cordant factions, crippled by political petti foggers who would sell their souls to the devil for peace, and swindle him in the trade, and their country to Black Republi cans for position as party leaders, and with presses who, with unblushing falsehood and treason, advocate Republican conservatism and counsel delay for the overt act. What could we look for in the future, but the rap id-and vigorous growth of abolitionism among us? There are a large number of Lincoln’s offices in our State, who are to fill them? Cana man serve God and mam mon too? Can he serve his country and her enemies and oppressors? Can he touch pitch and not be defiled? What is the Union worth to us under any circumstances? If sac’s and figures are re liable, they prove that the South is the trib utary portion of the confederacy, that our products have made and sustains Northern commerce, builds her shipping and supplies h<-r cargoes, erects the palaces of her cities and amasses the fortune- of her millionaires, and that tliree-fcurths of the expense of this vast government is borne by us. We have aheaily bestowed on them two thousand million of dollars as a gratuity for insult and oppression. The natural channels thro’ which this immense wealth should now are dammed up at the South and it is made to swell the tide of fortune of our foes. We have been taught to place the Union above our rights, our interests and our institutions. We present the strange anomaly of a people, professedly free, who are utterly ig norant of their power rind resources; enfee },!«•• I by dis <-m ions among ourselves, fettered ' by factions and dorninc< red over by dema- ■ gogues, every effort at the vindication of oui-rights i paralyzed by party pre--es who, to serve tli«-ir own ditty ends would sink us in infamy by having us submit to hostile ; domination United, we could give law to I nations and defy a world in arms: divided, ; there are none so poor as to do us reverence. Thank God. there is at least one portion i of out people who will not tamely submit, our women are not led or driven by party wUppers-in. ami will not willingly transmit a heritage of shatno to their children. If f they fail. I trust they will exercise their i prerogative and stop the breed of serfs. Yours, very trulv, WM. WOGDI’ILE. <«eoi*Kia a Great State. There is not a State in the whole Canfed eracy more abounding in natural undevel | oped wealth, both mineral and superterene, than our own State of Georgia. We have ; gold and ilver in abundance, and also quicksilver and lead. We have coals of ex cellent quality, and inexhaustible in quan -1 tity ; ami our iron ores are equal to the first I Swedish or polish. Wo have now before us I a razor manufactured from Georgia steel. . which is equal to the finest Damascus. The i j steel from which this razor was mode, was • ' manufactured from the ore, at the Etowah ' Iron Works, of Hon. Mark A. Cooper. A ■ navy revolving pistol, manufactured by Colt from the same mats rial, was presented to [ the Legislature a few days ago, and C'ol. Colt, > in a letter to Mr. Cooper, admits that the iron is of the very finest quality —its strength elasticity, closeness ol grain, and smceptiliil 'ity of high polish, being equal to that of the best Polish. Verily, the resources of Georgia, if they ’ were fully developed, are unlimited. All honor to Mr. Cooper for his industry in bring | in" them to notice. Atlanta IniM'igi'ncer, Dee. 13. IkiTHon. Henry M. Fuller, Ex Member 1 of Congress, died on last Tuesday in Bhila- I dclphia, of 'Typhoid Fever. ! soil —to V.ip. U.a which prevail m my native State, in iciation to the great measures of deliverance and relief from the principles and policy of the new Administration, which aro there in progress. I cannot consent, however, upon the I very heel of your arduous and exciting ses- I sion, avail myself of your respectful courte j sy to the State I have’ the honor to repre- I sent, as well as your personal kindness to ' her humble representatives, to prolong the I discussion of a subject which, however im i portanj ami absorbing, has, doubtless, been i already exhausted in your hearing, by some :of the first intellects of your State, if not of the nation. I beg, therefore, to refer you to the action of Mississippi—already submitted to your Executive—to ask for her the sympathy and co-operation she seeks for the common good and briefly to suggest to you some of the motives which influence her conduct. I am instructed by the resolution from which I derive my mission, to inform the State of Georgia, that Mississippi has pas sed an act calling a convention of her peo ple, “to consider the present threatening relations of the Northern and Southern sec tions of the Confederacy— aggravated by the recent election of a President, upon princi ples of hostility to the States of the South ; and to express the earnest hope of Mississ ippi, that this State will co-operate with her in the adoption of efficient measures for then common defence and safety. It will be remembered, that the violation of our constitutional rights, which bar caus de such universal dissatisfaction in the South, is not of recent date. Ten years since, this Union was rocked from centre to circumference, by the very same outrages, of which wo now complain, only now “ag gravated” by the recent election. Nothing but her devotion to the Union our Father made, induced the South, then, to yield to a compromise, in which Mr. Clay rightly said, we had yielded everything but our honor. We had them in Mississippi a warm contest, which finally ended in reluctant acquies cence in the Compromise measures. The North pledged anew her faith to yield to us our constitutional rights in relation to slave property. They are now, and have been ever since that act, denied to us, until her broken faith and impudent threats, had be come almost insufferable before the late elec tion. There were three candidates presented to the North by Southern men, all of whom represented the last degree of conservatism concession, which their respective parties were willing to yield, to appease the fan aticism of the North. Some of them were scarsely deemed sound, in the South, on the slavery question, and none of the suited our ultra men. And yetr.the North rejected them all; andtheir united voice, both be fore and since their overwhelming triumph in this election, has been more defiant and more intolerant than ever before. They have demanded, and now demand, equal ity between the wiiite and negro races, un der our Constitution. equality in repre sentation, equality in the right of suffrage equality in the honors and emoluments of office, equality in the social circle, equality in the rights of matrimony. The cry has been, and now is, ~that slavery must cease or American liberty must perish,” that -‘the success of Black Republicanism is the tri umph of anti-slavery,” ‘a revolution in the tendencies of the government that must be carried out.” To-day our government stands totally rev olutionised, in its main features, and our Constitution broken and overturned. TAe new administration, which has effected this revolution, only awaits the 4th of March for the inauguration of the new government, the new principles, and the new policy, upon the success of which they have pro claimed freedom to the slave, but eternal degradation for you and for us. No revolution was ever more complete, though bloodless, if you will tamely submit to the destruction of that Constitution and that Union our fathers made. Our fathers made this a government for the white man, rejecting the negro, as an ignorant, inferior, barbarian race, incapable of self government, and not, therefore, entitled to be associated with the white man upon terms of civil, political, or social equality. This new administration comes into power, under the solemn pledge to overturn and strike down this great feature of our Union, without which it would never have been formed, and to substitute in its stead their new theory of the universal equality of the black and white races. Our fathers secured to us, by our Consti tutional Union, now being overturned by this Black Republican rule, protection to life, liberty and property, all over the Union, and wherever its flag was unfurled, whether on land or sea. Under this wretched, lawless spirit and policy, now usurping the control of that government, citizens of the South have been deprived of their property, and for attemp ting to seek the redress promised by the compromise laws, have lost their liberty and their lives. Equality of rights secured to white men, in equal sovereign States, is among the most prominent features of the Constitution un der which we have so long lived. This equality has been denied us in the South for years in the common territories, while the North has virtually distributed them as bounties to abolition fanatics and foreigners, for their brigand service in aiding in our exclusion. Our Constitution, in unmistakable lan guage, guarantees the return of our fugitive slaves. Congi-css has recognized her duty in this respect, by’ enacting proper laws for the enforcement of this right. And yet these laws have been continually nullified, and the solemn pledge of thecom prornise of 1850, by which the North came under renewed obligations to enforce them, has been faithlessly disregarded, and the government and its officers set at defiance. Who now expects these, rebels against the laws passed by their own consent and procurement —rebels against justice and common honesty—to become pious patriots by the acquisition of power? Who now expects Mr. Lincoln to become conservative, when the only secret of lys success, and the only foundation of bis authority, is the will and command of that robber clan, whose mere instrument he is, who have achieved this revolution incur government by tread ing under their unhallowed feet our Consti tution and laws and the Union of our fath ers, and by openly defying high heaven by wilful and errupt perjury? And, above all, who is it in the South, | born or descended of Revolutionary sires, whoso loves such company, as that ho will long . h esit aUf before he can obtain the consent of a virtuous and patriotic heart and conscience to separate from them/orzwr ? Mississippi is firmly convinced that there ! is but one alternative: This new union with Lincoln Black Repub licans and free negroes, without slavery; or, slavery under our old Constitutional bond of union, without Lincoln Black Republicans, or free negroes cither, to molest us. If we take the former, then submission Io negro equality is our fate. If the latter, then si’Rcivion is inevitable—each State for itself and by itself, but with a view to the immediate formation of a Southern Confed eracy, under our present Constitution, by such of the slaveholding States as shall agree in their conventions to unite with us. Mississippi seeks no delay—the issue is not new to her people. They have long and anxiously watched its approach—they think it too late, now, to negotiate more compromises with bankrupts in political in i tegrity .whose recreancy to justice, good 1 faith and constitutional obligations is the i Hopes oi vui common u..,—.,. she is sick and tired of the North, and pants for some respite from eternal disturbance and disquiet. She comes now to you,—our glorious old mother, —the land of Baldwin, who first de fiantly asserted and preserved your rights as to slavery, in the federal convention, in op position to Messrs. Madison, Mason, and Randolph, aud the whole Union except the two Carolinas, —the land of Jackson, who immortalized himself by his bold exposure and successful overthrow of a legislative fraud and usurpation upon the rights of the people,—the land of Troup, the truest Ro man of them all, who, single-handed and alone, without co-operation, without consult ation, but with truth and justice, and the courage of freemen at home on his side, de fied this National Government in its usur pations on the rights of Georgia, and execu ted your laws in spite of the threats of Fed eral coercion It is to you we come,—the brightest exemplar among the advocates and defenders of State rights and State remedies. —to take counsel and solicit sym pathy in this hour of our common trial. I ask you, shall Mississippi follow in the foot steps of Georgia, when led by her gallant Troup? Or, is it reserved for this generation to repu diate and expunge the brightest page in the history of my native State? Impossible! God forbid it! Forbid it, ye people of all Northern and Western Georgia, who, to day, owe your existence and unparalleled prosperity to the maintenance of your rights at the ri» of civil war. I see around me some gallant spirits who bore their share in the dangers, and now wear with honor, here to-day in this Hall the laurols won on the side of their State, under the banner, inscribed “Troup and the treaty” in that memorable struggle. Need I appeal to them in behalf of my adopted State, to know on what side they will range themselves in this struggle of right, against assumption of brute force, against the Con stitutional rights of a sister of this confed eracy of equal States? I make no such appeal; I know where you stand. To doubt it would be to offer you the grossest insult. In this school of old republican ortho doxy, I drew my first breath. It was here, I first studied, then embraced, and next feebly advocated the principle of State Rights and State remedies of resistance to tyranny—of the. supremacy and sovereignty of the people of a State, and the subservi ency of governments to their peace and happiness and safety. These principles will descend with me to the grave, when this frail tenement of dust must perish; but they will live pn with time, and only perish when tyranny shall be no more, I need not remind your great State, that thousands and thousands oi uer sons and daughters, who have sought and found hap py homes and prosperous fortunes in the distant forests of the old colonial domain, though now adopted children of Mississip pi, still cling with the fond embrace of filial love to this old mother of States and of statesmen, from whom both they and their adopted State derive their origin. It will be difficult for such to conceive, that they are not still the objects of your kind solicitude and maternal sympathy. Mississippi indulges the most confident ex pectation and belief , founded on sources of in formation she cannot doubt, as well as on the existence of causes, operating upon them, alike as upon her, that every other Gulf State will stand by her side in defence of the position she is about to assume ; and she would reproach herself, and every Geor gia son within her limits, would swell with indignation, if she hesitated to believe that Georgia too, would blend her fate with her natural friends ; her sons and daughters— her neighboring sisters in the impending struggle. Whatever may be the result of your de liberations, I beg to assure her from my in timate knowledge of the spirit and affections of our people, that no enemy to her consti tutional rights, may consider his victory won, while a Mississippian lives to prolong the contest. Sink or swim, live or die, sur vive or perish, the part of Mississippi is chosen, she will never submit to the principles and policy of this Black Republican Admin istration. She had rather see the last of her race, men, women and childred, immolated in one common funeral pile, than see them subjected to the degradation of civil, polit ical and socil equality with the negro race. OFFICIAL. VOTE OF GEORGIA. The Federal Union, of 21st inst., published the official returns received at the Execu tive department of the vote for Presi dent : BRECKINRIDGE TICKET. lion C J McDonald 51,893 Hon II R Jackson 51.854 Peter Cone 51,767 W M Slaughter 51,816 0 C Gibson 51,811 II Buchanan 51,77 n L Tumlin 51,768 II Strickland 51 795 W A Los ten 51,821 W M Mclntosh 51,798 DOUGLAS TICKET Hon A H Stephens 11,580 Hon A R Wright 11,558 J L Seward 11,448 BY Martin 11,533 Nathan Bass 11,633 Hiram Warner 11,556 J IV Harris 11.625 Jas P Simmons 11,546 J S Hook 11,539 Julian Cumming 11,551 BELL TICKET. Hon Wrn. Law 42,855 Hon B II Hill 43,893 S B Spencer 42,881 M Douglas 42,873 F T Doyal 42,783 W F Wright 42,763 J R Parrot 42,885 II P Bell 42,885 J E Dupree 42,854 L Lamar 42,853 The average vote on the Breckinridg tic ket is 51,809 ; on the Bell ticket 42,832- There are fractions of one fifth on the Douglas and six-tenths on the Bell ticket which we omit, The majoritr against the Bgeckinridge ticket is 2,579, or 37 more than our tallies made it. Michigan Resolutions. The following is a specimen of Black Re publicanism in Michigan—the resolutions wore passed at Adrian, in that State on the 18th November, ata Republican convention, and sent to the Governor of Georgia : Resolved, That, in the recent election of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency, wo recognize, not so much a change in the par ty leaders and moving springs of the Gov ernment, as in the people themselves, nor do wo expect so much a change in the pow er on the throne, us has already appeared and is becoming more and more manifest in the power behind the throne, the people them selves. And we confidently assure the south ern seceding States especially, that the New York Herald is the. very best newspaper nu thority they can consult, as to the deter ! ruination of the northern people to resist, i oven unto death, every demand of tho slave I power ; that whatever Congress may enact 'or repeal, or state Legislatures, led by dem- I agogues, may decree, the people will repeal all “Fugitive Slave Laws,” and will enact and execute too. all manner of personal lib erty bills, will build and ruin a network of underground railroads that shall people Canada with tho best and bravest of tho .•non no.u ...i,.,i. o the people, not only of this but adjoining States, wo hesitate not to warn the Southern States agyinst any soft words from the New York Tribune, or any other Republican organ, as to the safety and security of the slave system under Mr. Lin coln’s .Administration ; for the people have voted for their President under the solemn assurance that there is, and is to be, “an irrepaessible conflict” with slavery till its ut ter. extermination, and that conflict they are determined to wage, whatever their President or party advisers may perform to the country, till even bloody revolution, if other means fail, their glorious object shall be completely gained. If solOed. That a copy of the foregoing re solutions be signed by the president and Secretaries of this convention, and forward to -the New York Herald and Tribune, and to tbe Governors of Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia Alabama and Mississippi. From the /Southern Guardinn. Asa Appeal Jo She South. The southern States should leave the Un ion, because it costs them infinitely more than it is worth to them. What is tho Union worth to the slavehol der? Will some honest, intelligent, candid man, answer this question ? It's usually an swered by rhapsodies and florid declama tion ; but these are times for something gra ver. I grant that it is a great and glorious Republic to the people of the North, and they cannot say too much in its favor; but to the South, it has been but a torment and bloodsucker for forty years. Do you say that you can go over all its vast surface, and be under laws of your own making ? In all that time, you have never been able to make a singte law* but by sufferance of the North. Whenever her representatives chose to unite against you, yours were impotent ; and they have never failed to unite, when the higher local interests of the two sections came in conflict. Our struggle, for most of that time, has been to secure the election of men at the North who would protect us from op pression and extortion. As to receiving at their hands any great boon that would cost the North a dollar, we long ago ceased to look for such a thing. If we could get a President who would veto South-devouring measures, and give our pol iticians, and through them our people, office why we gloried as though we had all Yan keedom under our thumb. But so far is it from being true that you can trav over the United States with all your home born priv ileges, the truth is, that there is not a civil ised country on the face of the earth, in which you may not travel with greater priv ileges than you have in the northern States of this Union. A few years ago, a man was traveling with his slaves in Prussia. An at tempt was made to emancipate the slave ; and a Prusian judge decided, that according to the law of nations, the relation of master and slave could not be dissoved by the mere temporary’ sojourn of the two in that coun try. Snail Europe would decide. Hardly a year lias rolled over our heads, in the last thirty, in waich some tourist in the north ern States has not had his slave taken from him and set free. Many years ago the brig Enterprise left Alexandria with sixty’ or sev enty slaves on board, bound for Charleston. She was driven by stress of weather into 'Bermuda, and the authorities of that Island set till the negroes free. Our government demanded reparation of the British govern ment for the injury done to the owner ; and the British government made reparation. A few years ago, some eight or ten slaves were shipped from some port in Virginia for New Orleans. The vessel for some cause touched at New York, but the feet of the slaves did not touch the soil of New York. They were taken from the vessel and set free. As this case did not come within the pale of the “personal liberty law” of that State, the courts condescended to hear the mas ter’s plea for his slaves. They decided a gainst him, of course, upon the principle, I suppose, that the Constitution superseded the law of nations, and they superseded the Constitution. The liberty of conscience is as boldly invaded, as the right of property in those States. In every church where ma jorities rule, they have usurped papal power, without observing papal clemency’ to south ern Christians. With all power—civil and ecclesiastical—in their hands, what is to be com of us ? The Union has nothing in it to endear it to the people of the South. How much has it cost the South ? I will not an swer in round number, because you would not believe me ; and cannot answer it fully without wearying or bewildering the reader with figures. I will endeavor, by a few sim ple facts and illustrations, to open the eyes of the honest yeomanry and youth of the coutry, for whose benefit mainly I am writ ing. to the tremendous extortion to which they have been subjected for four and forty years by the things called tariffs. Suppose, plain farmer of North Carolina, you should go to Kentucky and buy one hundred head of horses at one hundred dol lars apiece, for sale in South Carolina ; and that when you came to the line, an officer should meet you and demand of you how much your horse cost you Yon tell him the price. “That won’t do,” says he; “show your bills of sale.” You do it. “All right,” says he ; hand me over two thousand five hundred dollars, and you may bring your horses into the State—otherwise you can’t. “Why, what does this mean? say you.— “Well,” says the officer, “the Legislature has passed a law that every man who brings horses into the State, shall pay into the Treasury twenty-five dollars on every bun dsed.dollars’ worth—in other words, twenty five dollars upon their cost or value; or in common parlance, has laid an ail valorem du ty (oo tax) upon all horses brought into the State. "And what is all this for ?” you in quire. To enable the people of South Caro lina to do a profitable business in horse rais ing, or, as it is deceptively called, to “pro tect” South Carolina’s “home industry.”— ■They cannot raise such horses as yours, and sell them for less than one hundred and fif teen dollars and make a profit on them ; but if every hundred dollar horse that is brought into the State can be made to cost one hun dred and twenty-five dollars then the South Carolina raiser can do a splendid business— he can put his price up to one hundred and twenty tour dollars, and sell for a dollar a head le-s than the importer’s horses cost him. But South Carolina, we suppose, can not supply a tenth part of North Carolina’s demand for horses; bow now’ ? Why, hun dred dollar horses in Kentucky are worth one hundred and fifty dollars in North Caro lina. Now, the drovers begin to import again— pay the State twenty-five dollars per head, and make twenty-five dollars per horse still. But tho South Carolina, without any buying at all, makes thirty-five or forty dollars per head: for we have seen that without protec tion, he could have sold at one hundred and fifteen dollars. In the meantime all the farmers are buying horses, simply saying, “why horses have run up mightly,” ami having no idea that it is the law of their State has run them up. Nevertheless, though they do not know it, they are pay ing silty dollars more for overy horse they buy than they ought to pay. in the mean time tho treasury is filling up with useless money, which must be spent. Suppose tho Legislature orders eight dollars spent in South Carolina for every one spent in North Carolina, the effect must bo that South Carolina must, grow rich apace, while North Carolina is at a stand still, insensibly sink ing or imperceptibly rising. Now, this is precisely the game which has been play ed by tho North upon the South forty-four years, except that the protection is not to >tno . amount <s is the way .. getting rich, w hile you • u just living comfortably; and noth' f ing but the kind providence of God, in giv- > ing you articles which the whole world t needs, has kept you from hopeless ruin long ' n S o - I A. B. LONGSTEET. • THE CRISIS. i 1 Some persons hope and belie ve that there ’ is an issue out of the crisis into which the country lias been precipitated, through the instrumentality of a National Convention.— '. The New York Express, a journal just and friendly to the South, remarks on this: 1 “Some of tiie journals advocate a re-assem bling of the State in National Convention, such as in 17X7 formed the Constitution of the United States. No good would come from it, in the present temper of the public mind. No better constitution than the ex isting one can be found. But. two-thirds of both Houses of Congress, as required by the Constitution, will not unite in calling a Con vention. The Republicans will not support it, because one branch of them desire disso lution of the Union, and the other, and lar ger branch, think there is no danger of it.— • Then again, if amendments be carried by a majority in Convention, which is doubtful, how can three-fourths of the States be ex pected to sustain them?” If the allegations in this brief but preg nant paragraph be true, does it not prove that the States North and South cannot live under a common Government. Who be lieves in the present temper of the public mind that even if amendments to the Con stitution could be agreed to by a majority of a National Convention, that three-fourths of the States could be got to ratify them ? Just ly exasperated as the South is, and bent on separation as her people are, the principal difficulty would not be in getting their con sent to a new trial under an amended Con stitution. The difficulty lies with the North. There is no reason to believe or hope that a majority of the Northern States would a gree to the terms upon which even Union men in the South would alone consent to a continuance in a common Government.— We must never forget that the vote for Lin coln is not the expression of a- mere tempo rary and fleeting feeling—-not the ebullition of a gust of passion—but it is the declara tion of a fixed and ingrained sentiment of hostility to Southern institutions, which has been carefully educated and deeply rooted in the moral and mental constitutions of the present generation of Northern people. The abolition seed has been sown and its growth carefully nurtured. We hive the fruits in the alienation of one section from the other. It will take another generation to sow and gather the crop of wiser, truer, more frater nal and patriotic sentiments. Go beyond the precincts of the large com mercial cities of the North trading with the South, and you yet find a blind faith in the indestructibility of the Union, and an open contempt of the sincerity of the purpose and of the power of the slave States to withdraw from it. Witness an evidence of this blind ness and ignorance of Southern feeling in the following from the leading Black Re publican organ of the North. The N. Y. Tribune says; “The history of the disunion movement thus far is sufficient to show that no State except South Carolina entertains the disun ion project except as a political fetch for fright the . free, labor Mta-rex it dii "arc'Tttr 1 ivrr,,l,,lr. ■ 17r 11 their constitutional rights, and the yielding up to the slaveholding interest, if not the abso lute selection of our presidents, at least a veto upon all nominations made, no matter by what political party.” Is there any hope of dealing pacifically with a spirit like this? And will any South ern man make overtures to those who are animated by it, with the certainty of a con temptuous rebuff? Even Trumbull, of Illi nois, when lately speaking at Springfield, in that State, (Lincoln himself being present,) in a tone that was meant to be conciliating, could not repress the fire of hate that was burning in his breast, and congratulated his hearers that they were to have “no more bred Scott decisions.” It is at the North, then, more than at the South, that the obstacle to healing the breach in the Union exists. We must con fess, tve see no hopes of accomplishing it.— Nor can we discern a solitary reason in pol icy or principle that does not condemn any overture on the part of the South to that end. Every pro-Union word, act or breath, coming from the South will only tend to ag gravate the difficulty and render a re-union further and further from possibility. Duty and honor alike command us to move forward in the path we have chosen and to bind the whole slave interest of the South together for the formation of new constitutional and legal safeguards. 11 is a path that cannot be trodden even with pru dence, moderation and wisdom for our guides, without self-sacrifices. If madly and reckless pursued, it will be a path of thorns and bitter political and social fruits. From an editorial commenting upon the President’s Messagen the Mobile Regis ter, we make the following extracts: Come we now to the only remedy the President can devise to resuscitate a govern ment. from which the spark of life has alrea dy fled. It is an amendment of the Con stitution to insert into that instrument three political generalities which are but empty words unless they embody the will and opin ions of the millions who are to be bound by them. Passing over the impossibility of gaining the consent of three-fourths of the Legislatures of the several States to the proposed amendments; passing over the fact that while the cumbrous reformation is attempted, at least one-third of the slave holding States will have become foreign na tions; passing over these facts, let us bestow a moment’s consideration on the three re storatives by which the President proposes to reinfuse life into the Constitution. Every man who in the late Presidential contest voted for either Douglas, Bell, Brec i kinridge, by his vote “expressly recognized the right of property in slaves, in the States where it now exists or may hereafter exist.” The number of these votes comprised two thirds of the American people. Will any , verbal re-affirmance of a right already so clearly affirmed in the words of the Con- I stitution and in the votes of the people, , cause the remaining third to admit that j right ? Will it prevent this minority of one third from being the invincible dominant . majority of the larger and more powerful sec . tion which has declared itself irreconcilably ( hostile to us? “The duty of protecting this right in all the common Territories throughout the ter . ritorial existence,” was made the leading t issue by one of the late political parties in the Presidential contest just closed. It was , endorsed by less than one-fifth of the whole j. vote cast, and ither denied, relinquished, or disclaimed by the other four-fifths. Will a [ verbal affirmance of that duty change the j convictions of millions of voters? Or, sup posing that the terror of dissolution should I produce a compulsory acquiescence, will it . remove the causes of sectional hatred, will • it cure the bitter anti slavery prejudice of the North, will it further the interests of the South or ensure her rights and her peace, to have a few individual slaveholders . in a Territory protected from insult and , outrage against free-soil populations by fed ! oral bayonets? Willslaveholders be induced ! to found new States by Such prospects, ami , wili the South thereby regain her rightful ! voice in the administration of the Govern ment? i An affirmance of the validity of the fugi tive slave law is the third proposition. Is ■ not the right of the master to reclaim his > fugitive slave already expressed in the Gon . 44. that cannot be made at the State Laws in oppo uiuseof the Constitution been ■ till and void, even by State Courts, i the one instance of the State of Wis consin? Did this prevent mobs in that same State to rescue the fugitives from the very hands of the Federal officers? Can statutes and decrees of Courts ensure the faithsul execution of a law among popula tions of who e States who are taught to view that law as a “covenant with hell?” The whole resolves itself into this. Ei ther the Constitution must be made to gov ern the North by force of Federal arms against the beliefs and prejudices of her population—and this, the North being the stronger section, cannot be done—or it be comes an engine for the North to govern the, South, and this her people will take very good care shall not be. Governments are but more or less ingenious devices of political machinery, which can be abused as well as used ; stautes and enactments and decrees are but waste paper unless they rep resent the aggregate will of those for whose governance they are intended or a power sufliicntly strong to subdue that will and keep it in subjection. Such are the remedies which the Chief Magistrate of tins Republic, having at his command the largest means of information, the Aid and advice of the highest political wisdom, experience, and sagacity, can sug gest for the ailments of the body politic. They are the only ones! We have consid ered them impartially, without reference to past party animosity, without personal or political bias or prejudice, and the conclu sion we arrive at is, that if any clear-headed, sober-minded man had one spark of hope left of the perpetuation of this Federal Gov ernment., the perusal of the President’s Message must and ought to have extinguish ed that spark of hope. There are those who may work against hope still. They belong to the North. It is their duty, let them work. Ours, as men of the South, it is not. Address of Southern Congress men. Washington, Dec. 15.—Below is a reliable copy of the Southern address: TO OUR CONSTITUENTS. “The argument is exhausted,” all hope for relief in the Union, through the agency of committees, Congressional legislation, or Constitutional amendments is extinguished ; and we trust the South will not be deceived by appearances, or pretence, or guarantees. In our judgment the Republican party are resolute in their purpose to grant nothing that will or ought to satisfy the South. We are satisfied that the honor, safety and independence of the Southern people require the. organization of a Southern Con federacy—a result to be obtained only by separate State Secession—and that the pri mary object of each slaveholding State ought to i>e, its speedy and absolute separa tion from a union with hostile States. [Signed] James L. Pugh, ] Davie Clopton, Sydenham Moore, [-Alabama. Jabez L. M. Curry, | J. A, Stallworth, J. W. 11. Underwood, Lucius J. Gartrell, James Jackson, „ John J. Jones, Georgia. M. J. Crawford, Alfred Iverson, George S. Hawkins, of Florida. T. C. Hindman, of Arkansas. Jefferson Davis. ] Albert G. Brown, Wm. Barksdale, [ Mississippi. Otho R, Singleton, ThomasStnffin, .’ North Carolina. John Slidell, Judah P. Benjamin, Louisiana. J. M. Landrum, L. T. Wigfall, John W. Hemphill, >- Texas. John 11. Reagan, Millege L. Bonham, j Wm. Porcher Miles, o „ .. John D. Ashmore, ' South Carolina. John McQueen, J Correspondance of the Chronicle & Sentinel. Cotton Planters’ Fair. Macon, Ga. Dec. 11, 1800. Mr. Editor:— l am not in the habit of writing for papers, but I will offer you this, promising to be as brief as possible. The Great Southern Fair is now engross ing the attention of the people of Georgia, and it is to be hoped that they will appreci ate this effort, on the part of Continental Europo, in assisting us to establish direct trade. No one living in the country can appreciate the magnitude of the scale upon which this Fair is conducted. An adver tisement came out notifying the public that the Fair would be opened on Monday, the 3d inst., but owing to the late arrival of the brig Henry, and other casualities, it did not fairly open till yesterday. The Belgians nave been working night and day, and yet have opened but comparatively few of their goods. They are a slow and cautious people, and have not the double quick step of the Americans. Although it is impossible for the Belgians to display al; their goods in the bolt, &c., yet they have on exhibition samples of all those to be sold. Among these goods are cutlery, cooking utensils, chairs, Brussels carpeting, (priced as’high as $150,) heavy cotton blankets, ladies’ silk dress goods, glass, plain and cut and variegated in color; Gent’s clothing, vests, cassimeres, boots, shoes, Ac., Ac. The Statuary deserves par ticular notice, being the finest in Europe. It would be impossible to give an adequate idea of the fineness of texture, variety of styles, and the gorgeous hues which charac terize the foreign department. I will dismiss the subject, hoping that every Southern man will come and see for himself, and ever Sou thern merchant will come and buy from these Belgians. Hon. Howell Cobb, of Houston, and Gov ernor Brown remarked in my presence to day that all of the foreign goods would be bought up so soon as they were offered for sale, which would be on the Ist of January. It would be impossible to discuss, in this connection, the merits of the different arti cles in the various departments, much less those of the competitors who have them here, and we will therefore pass on and give an account of to day’s proceedings. At an early hour this morning the city was thronged with strangers and the towns people, and the morning trains poured in immense numbers of visitors. Brass bands from different parts of the State vied with each other in pouring forth animating mar tial music, and everything betokened a lively time. A few moments before nine, the booming of artillery notified us of the arrival of Hon. J. E. Brown and the Legislature. After their reception, they repaired to the Fair grounds, where an immense crowd had col lected. Nathan Bass, Esq., of this city, took the speaker’s stand, and made a few pertinent remarks byway of introduction, explaining the object of the Fair, its begin ning, rise and progress, and then introduced the Hon. G. W. Stone, of Ala. This ger.- theman acquitted himself noblv, and has i reflected much credit on the great and gal ' lant State which he represents. Hisaddress ; will be seen in the papers of this city at an early day, and a discussion of its merits here i is wholly unnecessary. All the departments are well patronised, ! and all, or nearly all. the Sauthern States 1 are represented. The military companies, five in number, turned out this evening, and made a yery imposing display. The Macon Volunteers, Macon Guards, Floyd Rifles, Jackson Artil lery and the Bibb Cor. Cavalry, are compa nies of which the Empire State may justly boast. J. H. Arrival of Rarey.—Mr. J. T. Rarey, the great American horse tamer has arrived in New York. iHliMiH]*. &c.. $2 75 nor* and Creditor* 4 00 rer*onal EMate by Administrator*, «c., 2 5$ Sale of Real EMate by Administrator*, Executor*. &c.,per square 5 Os Letter* of Di*mi*Hion from Administration. &c.,.... 4 5f Announcing candidate* for office. $5 00. alwaya in ad vance From the Romo Courier. Rome Female College. The card of the Rev. Mr. Caldwell, pub lished in your last issue, was prompted by the dissatisfaction expressed by some one with Cleveland's English Literature, a work which has been introduced into many of our Schools and Colleges. It is a valuable book, but unfortunately contains, in a quotation from one of the English Poets, some obnox ious expression or sentiment upon the ques tion of slavery. The facts, however, had es caped the notice of the Trustees and Facul ty until recently. It is well known to all conversant with the course of study adopted in our schools and Institutions of learning, that one or more text Books have long been in use which contain sentiments not only opposed to slavery but unsound also upon the doctrines of Christianity. We allude to the works on Moral Philosophy by Wayland >(• Parley. These have been used not as a matter of choice but necessity, there being no southern works Extant upon the subject. Latterly, however, attention has been drawn to the matter, and we hope soon to be relie ved from this humiliating dependence upon Northern and foreign authors. In the Rome Female College those books were long since rejected. The custom among Southern teachers has been either to skip the objectionable chapters, or use the op postunity to impress a wholesome lesson by pointingout the enors of the author. We like to see a spirit of vigilance among our people at all times ; and it is no matter of surprise that an unusual degree of suspicion and scrutiny has been engendered by the present political aspect of the country. Yet weihould endeavor to guard against that inordinate zeal which in its efforts to reach the enemy, oft times rashly wounds and in flicts injury upon itself and its own friends. The Faculty of the Rome Female College we are glad to know, is composed of individ uals of long tried and well known integrity. The 1 rustees too are our own citizens—and thq writer, though one of their number, may be allowed to say what is true of his collea gues, that they are true Southern men.sub stantial, enterprising, and inteligent. As to their soundness there can be no question.— They have, at much individual expense and trouble, reared up in our midst an institution of which we should be proud ; and for which they are entitled to the lasting gratitude of community. We trust the citizens of Rome will not so far forget their own interests, and the welfare of the City as to cease for a moment to foster and encourage this College It Is confidently believed that there is no Institution in Georgia which is managed with greater care, ability, and efficientcy than the Rome Female College. A Citizen of Rome. Washington News. Washington, Dec. 29,—The President states that as it was never stipulated by him that the troops at Charleston harbor should be withdrawn therefrom, the Administra tion does not consider that it is under any obligation to withdraw them now. And as to the request of the Commissioners for the restoration of the military stations of Messrs. Floyd, Thompson and Thomas, who hold to the Constitutional right of se cession were separated from the other mem bers of the Cabinet on this South Carolina question. No positive conclusion was arrived at in the Cabinet meeting to-day, although the action that was taken was certainly not fa vorable to the Commissioners.—This state ment is strengthened by the fact that Secre tary Floyd resigned his office to-day. It is said that Secretary Thompson would have resigned also, were it not that the pending investigation of the Russel affair made it imperative for him to remain. A report prevails, and it is believed to be correct, that the Secretary of the Treasury is disaffected, and may resign ; he is known to sympathize with Secretary Floyd’s views. No hope remains now of any adjustment of pending difficulties. The Government is bankrupt, the Cabinet almost dissolved, and the people disaffected, all seem to foreshad ow anarchy and ruin; Congressmen and Government employees are daily clamoring for money at the door of an empty Treasury. A Good Resolution.—At a meeting of the Howard Association, of Philadelphia,, held in the “city of brotherly love,” De cember 10th, 1860, It was Resolned, that come what may of good or ill to our beloved Republic—Union or Disunion—the Howard Association will con tinue with undiminished zeal, its labors fo.i the relief of suffering humanity, over the whole area of our common country, wheiev er the victims of disease and misfortune shall solicit its friendly aid. ©SF'Gov. Moore, of Alabama, has issued his proclamation convening the Legislature of that State on the 14th proximo. United States District Attorney Re signed.—We learn that Hamilton Couper, Esq.. United States District Attorney for this District, last week tendered his resigna tion to President Buchanan.— Savannah News. Vermont disposed to pct herself right. —The Boston Journal (Republican) learns from Vermont that there is a strong feeling in favor of a repeal of the Per onal Liberty law of that State, and adds: The Commis sioners to whom the matter was referred at i the recent session will, it is said, advise a repeal, and Gov. Fairbanks favors their action. bachelor Sneer would like to know what kind of a broom the young woman in the last new novel used, when she swept the raven ringlets from her classic brow. SSU A Sheriff 's sale took place in Phila delphia a few days since, of watcher from the seized stock of a “gift enterprise” con cern. bringing on[y S3O per dozen : "gold watches.’’ Effects of politics on business —We hear that almost generally in Massachusetts, hours of Ivqor or pay have been or will be reduced. In Fall River all the mills but one have adopted three fourths time for work.— N. Y. Express. &aUA Yankee editor says that he liked to died larfin, to see a drunken chap tryin’ to pecket the shadow of a swinging sign for a pocket, handkerchief. ssaU Brown says that the “Slate of Matri mony” is a slave State. As Brown has a termagant wife, he ought to know. Col. John a. Elmore, of Montgomery, (not Hon. W. L. Yancey, as reported. ) has been selected by Gov. Moore of Alabama, as Commissioner to South Carolina. USay-A Poet says: ‘Oh, she war fair, but. sorrow came and left his traces there. What ~ became of the rest of the harness he don’t state. ®ay”There is a Yankee whose noseis so sharp that after using a pocket handkerchief for a week it is full of holes. I’he boy who learned to ride upon a horseradish, is now practicing on a saddle of mutton.—What an equestrian she will be in time.