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-3 “Come out to the West.” Oar old friend Jo Field calls nloud for emigration in the following wise. Wo copy front th« St. tout* Her- eillc Come forth from your cities— Come out to the West; Ye hare heart*, ye bare hand*. Learo to Nature the rest: The prairie, the foieit. The stream at command— ••Tlie world i* too crowded.”—pshaw f Come and take land, Not only that labor, Howard may not find; ■Fis the curse of distinctions That curbeth tbo mind: 'Tis llte lack of the sunrise. The breeze of the hill; The glorieus thought— “ ’Tis my own land I till!” Disease in its garret Dim cellars of crime; Corruption's foul alleys. Theft, famine and slime s Oh, linger not poor roan— Fly swiftly and far; Oh, cases of the desert. Thrice happy ye are! Come, trasel the mountain And paddle the stream; The cabin aha!! smile and The com path shall gleam: “A wife and six children!”— •Tis wealth in your band ; Your axe and your ride—out West and take *and. STRAWS. From the Constitutionalist oj Ang. 2., 1612. More Broken Doses. Mr. Editor,—I have taken it for gtar.ted— they do not allow me to regard them other wise— that the Whigs ore all Clay men and adopt ihe principles and measures that are as inseparably associated with his name as the lan cet is with the pleurisy. They are notv Tariff men, &c. I continue to show their opinions upon these subjects only a few years past—I mean the 1 Vhigs of Georgia. I care nothing about any others. l 'IIcnn/ Clay— May he be blown so far be yond the North Pole, that all H—II can not thaw him.” I will not locate such a toast. I will not insinuate even, much less say, that any of the Georgia whigs have done themselves the dis credit of uttering such a conception! Nor will I, unless necessary, give any but public names as tho father of what they now, I suppose, re gard as they illegitimate brats. The following toasts were drunk in Burke on the 4th day of July: «Henry Clay—The American Erostratus— Like his ancient prototype he has cast a fire brand into his country’s temple, and like him lie will secure an infamous immortality.” Col. Gamble was invited to this celebration, and sent a toast. “ 7'hc Tariff—Let that odious system of min gled protection and oppression, which now dis- s,on - lie that dallies is a tracts the Union, be speedily given to oblivion, or it must descend to posterity only as a bea- • con to point out the rock of our dissolution.” “Clay, Calhoun arul Webster: '•An early Trinity, in pnrpoteone. - To gain the throne or leave the realm undone.' “Consolidation with Webster, Clay If Co., Will lUcso" uiL um incnlfirur <|pr.larr<l States, but in all cases; however odious and • oppressive, must implicitly and passively sub net to a majority of Congress.” (Regular)—“Henry i£lay—the American Rchoboam.—He lias had his counsel of young late session of Congress, for relict from ^an unequal, unconstitutional and oppressive lar- ijf; but their reasonable hopo has been disap pointed. An adjournment has taken place un der tho distinct annunciation, that this odious measure is to be retained, not only as a canker upon our present industry and labor, but to Ikj perpetuated as a badge ol servitude on our pos terity. Believing that further forbe.tranco would be criminal,’Wc. The general meeting took place, and ap pointed a committee to collect public sentiment and rfport Resolutions, comleming tho‘‘burdens imposed on the South.” Of that committee were John Macpherson Berrien and 1 homos Flournoy Foster. They drank toasts—with cold water / / The firsi was: “ Our Senators and llrpresentalircs in Con gress—Their effoits against tho miscalled “A- mcrican System,” though utterly unavailing have obtained for them the highest reward, &c. Foster responded for himself and colleagues, and vindicated them from any sympathy for the protective system.” Berrien was also compli mented for his opposition to a protective tariff and for the authorship of tho Free trade Con vention Address. At this meeting, Charles J. Jenkcns, of Rich mond, gave the following toast, a lamodc Dr. Cooper: “ The Union—Formed to be valuable—why should its value not be calculated?” The Oglethorpe meeting was proceeded by one at Athens during Commencement, which got up the Anti-Tariff Convention in Georgia, and in which Berrien, Foster, Gamble and Dawson, figured, with hundreds of those who are the present whigs, who, if they did not go the whole hog against the tariff, at least showed that they could go a-head Look at the meetings of that day in all the counties. Those who are present Whigs took the lead nearly every where, because many of them thought to smuggle Nullification iuto this state under the Anti-Tariff excitement. Ifyou will observe, I have taken the toasts and pro ceedings with but very few exceptions from counties that always contained large majorities of the party, now forming the groat mass of of the Wings. Tho other party was equally opposed to the tariff and still continues so, but be:ng oiposed to the expediency of the con vention, into which they were lugged nolens volens, they did scarcely more than follow in the wuke of their opponents, that they might be ready to guard their own particular views and interest. Gen. Elias Beall, at the Monroe coumy meet ing offered the following Resolution: Resolved, That we most cordially approve the course pursued by the President in the re jection of the late bill for the renewal of the charter of tho Bank of tlig United States.” Your readers have not forgotten Judge Clay ton’s Toas': 4 ‘ The Tariff of 1832 has placed the case fairly before you—liberty or submis- Ile that dallies is a dastard—he that doubts is damned.” When the Tariff act of 1832 was passed, which took off some 4 millions of duties, Mr. Clay said “Kentucky was sacrificed—Lousi- nna was sacrificed—the Woollen manufacturer was sacrificed—other interests were only spar ed now to be sacrificed some other day.” Yet the burdens and inequa'ities of this tariff was strances which resulted in the Compromise wet But Mr. Clay was satisfied, as he said, ‘‘the Tariff of 1832 contained a clear, distinct and indisputable admission of the great principle of protection.”—“It consecrated the principle of assistance “was clearly justifiable, founJed in wisdom and . slave? upon this country, by individual Milo* upon her, law ' throwh Texas. ... . . „r ,i,„ I insist that Mexico has no right to invoke the law through xexas. , .hnliiloiilsl* of tho , became she has not conduced the war upon the I Ueti'iae, the grounds on which I mike principles of civilized warfare, but of savi policy.” __ of nation*, became she lias not conduced the war upon the I »■> . ages ofTjJrbari-; North have placet! thoir opposition In tin' IIV _ 0 .subjugate Texas, ! a deaily blow at the South, and 1 that we coulJ not stand by and see such a people as tho pco- ! yield d, die degradation anil ruin pie of Mexico reduce to subjection such a people as the plcte Tcxians j it would be contrary to all of our long cherished ” principles in favor of civil liberty and the rights of man. Urn it is said that it will be a viola ' .ensure, sirikn aus. 1 go still further; if Mexico could subjugate Texas, j a deaily blow at the South, and it ‘"‘h .ia'eonv flint tv* f*nnlsl rut I cfnn/1 lav nn<1 enw andh n r**»rn»lrf» n« lllA rum. vinM il. lllG ilcgftulalidll (Mill TUlll *’» " * j ^ dt(gin|U tO ClltCmiSfi Benusc, in mv apprehension, no principle of intern?"J “>”> w unjust in ' taw. to Treaty iupulation forbid* our carrying out with the cons-nt of the people of Texas, a measure eeceoarytoitheir exigence as a free people, anti essential to the sulcty TC&IEmS?'Government wnuhl no, dream of finding in the measure of annexation, n just 1 cause n* war, unless prompted thereto by the teachings of jjntuli. policy, and the suggestions of certain political lenders in try, which dream (if any such it has) would be dissipated the moment it awoke to the fact, that tho untied voice ol our people, called for annexation, ... Because, if goaded on by the suggestions of the Bntisn Government, tue Mexican should assume a belligerent atti tude, the real issues tendered, would be, England or A- ..—* _ D.!,!.t. ..m A mAslonn 4 ruixlnill ft ill* lllO tut it is said that it will be a violation of treaty stipulations with Mexico; to this I answer, that wc are under prior treaty obligations by our treaty with France in the acquisi tion of Louisiana, which then embraced a targe portion, at least, of Texas, by which treaty we stand bound to protect the people of Texas, and guarantee to them the rights se cured to the other States of this Union. But independent of this. 1 do not consider it would now be any violation; if any violation it was in our recognition of the independence of Texas, being independent as wc have declared she is, as to our relations and negotiations, absolutely so, is much as the most powerful nation on earth ; and conseqtently, she ■nay do nny act that any independent nation may do. I cannot draw the distinction favorable to the oj posers of Annexation, between the application by Me- Clay is Secre tary of State and Mr. Adams in 1823 to purchass Texai from Mexico, when the only title Mexico had to Texas, wot her successful rebellion against Spain, and whilst a var a:- tually being carried on. and long before the recognitioi of the independence of Mexico by Spain ; I say in whatlid that state offsets differ from the case of Mexico and*Tcnt? there also existed a treaty of amity and commerce betwen Spain and the United States. Also, in 1S29. Mr. Van lu- ren, as Secretary of State under Gen. Jackson, otTcred to purchase Texas from Mexico, and Spain had not then’e- cognized the independence of Mexico. I admit there it a difference in the facts of the two cases, but it is in favorof Texas, as being an independent nation; Texas lias for e- ven years triumphantly maintained her independence aid repelled every foe. The annexation of Texas has long been most anxious}’ desired by me; I think this was a common feeling at tie South, up to the reception of the letters of Mr. Van Burin and Mr. Clay, in op|Kisition to the annexation of Texas; tie foal consequences of those letters is but too well known p the country. When those tellers were received, the very high respect I entertained for boih those gentlemen, and es pecially for Mr. Clay, did not convince me they were right, but determined me to examine the question calmly and dis passionately with alt the means in my power; I done so. but every step I have made in the investigation of the ques tion, has but confirmed me in iny original opinion, not only, that we had the right, but that the considerations of interest and duty, imperiously demanded we should do it at once by a ratification of the treaty. The very high respect J feel for Mr. Van Suren and Mr. Clay, cannot so far allow me to forget the principles / hare most fondly cherished from my childhood; that the highest temporal obligations of man to his country, and he who has no higher ambilton than the elevation ot a party, is not entitled to my respect) . . I cannot conceive of a more sla visit pi inciplc, than that, I should yield my fixed opinions to the expressed opinion of nny, however much he may be entitled to my respect. One ground urged, is, that there has not been sufficient expres sion of public opinion ; this objection is a good one, and if that public opinion bad not been sought to be created unfa vorable to annexation, by declaring it lobe contrary to the laws of Nations and treaty stipulations, and all the horrors of war and violated honor, I should have fell the objection was well founded. I can but feel mortified to see such at tempts to control public opinion; those who have done this doubtless are enahlca to show the reason of their faith. It becomes us now, each one of us. to express iu our primary assemblies, our opinions, that hereafter that ground may not be available ; if indeed the people are in favor of immedi ate annexation, they should promptly so express themselves. In acrnrJance with the principles in which I have been by demagogues, bl _ _ ally be right, and whatever they may determine will be most cheerfully acquiesced in by me. I have already transcended the limits of a letter -, I bad not intended more than to tender you, and tbrougli you to my fellow-citizens of Walker county, ray acknowledgments for the respect you offer me by your polite invitation, and my regret at being unable to be with you. Allow me, gen- llejnen, to offer you the following sentiment: The speedy annexation of the Republic of Texas to the United States. I am, gentlemen, your obedient and Very bumble servaut, JOHN W. HOOPER. To Messrs. R. M. Aycock, Spencer Marsh, ll. L. Barry, and others. men and threatens to chastise with scorpions protection and that too after the payment of instead of whip*, when he shall get the power: should that time ever arrive it will be high time to shout, “your tents, Oil Israel.” There is one gentleman in Burke who -will - certainly keep Clay out of that county. He corks him on all occasions. On one occasion he wishes that his “next cravat may be a hemp- . en one of home manufacture. ” On another, tin's is his kind feeling: “Henry Clay:—Conceived in sin and brought forth in iniquity, may he her omo a vagabond and beg, and may another take his office.” In Macon, Bibb county, I find the following havo been drunk, no doul», with Incoming gusto. “ The Tariff:—Beyor.d an honest demand for revonue it is a solecism in republican gov. ernment; but a tariff (hat oppresses and with ers the industry of one section to pamper the cupidity of the monopolist of another, becomes a tyranny, and affords legitimate grounds for resistance.” “The Tariff for protection.—Tho argument is exhausted as are our purses—let us do some thing for sake of character.” “The inalienable right of the Georgia Plan ter :—Not to be taxed for the protection of the manufacturer.” Toasts in Savannah. ■ “Agi iculture. Commerce, and Manufactures: Let all flouiisb, but not one by the ruin tf • tho others.” “Nulification.—Tho only drastic and effi cient purgative for that abnm nablc intestine disease, tbo Tariff.” Regular Toasts in Elbert. “The Tariff.—Desperately wicked above all things, who can bear it. Dclenda cU Cartha go-” “Bank of the United States.—A strong man armed.” “National Internal Improvement.—A dan gerous prerogative in the government'” Toasts at Raytown, Wilkes county. At this celebration, Gray A. Chandler de livered the Oration, and there were invited guests from Hancock, Green, Taliaferro, Warren and Columbia counties—upwards of 400 persons present. Regular Toasts. " The Tariff—Modified or nullified, is the fiat of Georgia. “Henry Clay—Ilis just desert at the hands of every patriot is a himpen cravat of domes tic manufacture." (9 clues ) “The Agricultural Community—May their interest never be injured to gratify the avarice of the purse-proud manufacturer.” (6 cheers.) “Political Honesty—A rare quality among modern politicians—never taught inllie school of Clay, Calhoun and Webster.” Oglethorpe Doings. At a preliminary meeting of the citizens of Oglethorpe, at Lcxingt >n, in 1832, tho old Roman John Moore, was called to tho chair and George II. Young appointed Secretary, tho public debt.”—“Tho principle of protec tion being thus sanctioned when the nation was out of debt, furnished well grounded hopes, that it would be adhered to; and if hcreaf er it should be found that the protection in any branch of domestic industry urns inadequate, the great principle of protection will carry us out to afford further aid to it. ' Dare the Whigs of Georgia, go on as they have begun? Will they support Mr. Clay, and at the same time, repudiate the principles and measure s on which his great reputation has been built? Nous Vcrrons MONITOR.’ , ROME, Floyd County, Geo., June 18-11. Gentlemen—I have the" honor to acknowledge the re eeipt of yours of the 8th inst., in behalf of the citizens of Walker county in favor of the re-annexnlivn ofilie llcpub Be of Texas to the Territory of die United States, and invi ting me to partake with them, of a public dinner to be serv. ed up at that place, on the 4th day of July next. Circumstances which I cannot reasonably control, compel me to deny myself ilia pleasure of meeting my fellow-citi zens of Walker connty on that occasion. The time, the place, and the occasion, all conspire to render such meeting doubly interesting; the time, the Anniversary of our Na tional Independence, when we forget for a moment the com mon duties and pursuits of life—and what is still more im portant, the bitterness of psrty spirit yields for the timo, to the more noble inllurnce of patriotism, which renders this day the more suitable for the consideration of this, to my mind, mast important question : we may look to the interest and duty of the whole country; and not to a party. Unfortunately for the country, we see that in the deter mination of almost every qucsifnn, the enquiry is not as to the merits or demerits of the question itself, but what bear ingwill it have upon “the party 7”—bow may this question lemade available in approaching and future elections?— This has been most signally manifest in the disposition of this Texas question. All professed to be for annexation, and were so with very few exceptions, until the appearance of the letters of the two great leaders of the two political parties, Mr. Clay and Mr. Van Buren; when It ! ns by magic, it is ascertained that it woold be contrary to the law of nations and a violation of existing treaties, to be followed by most bloody and disastrous war, and annihilation of Na tional honor. And what is (till less excusable, it is ascer tained that the people of Texas are almost semi-savages— and many are daily discovering new causes of objection.as matter of interest—ifit could te done othet wise upon the most satisfactory terms to all parties who claim to be inter ested. To my mind it is not contrary to the law of nations, nor inconsistent with any treaty stipulations. All independent nations are absolutely independent of oil others, tbo weakest as well as the strongest. We have with other nations ac knowledged her independent; in this we were right or wrong, nnd as relates to us, it must depend on that recogni tion ; but it is objected, that Texas is at war with Mexico, and that by annexation we take tbc war; this I admit, that if there is war we also take that, if Mexico chooses so to con- tidcrit. Buttomy mind,'if Mr.Clay and Mr. Van Buren are rightaa to wbat would be a just cause of war, the only way to have avoided war was to have ratified the treaty, because, unless Texas may be induced by the expression of the feelings of the people gf the United States to wait yet a liule longer, Texas must seek some one of the relations with some foreign power, which are said will be just cause of war. But, I insist, there is no war between Texas and Mexico; in Uiia I am sustained by tbo solemn opinion of Mr. Webster as far back as 1842, when he said “that the battle of San Jacinto put an end to the war, and established the Independence of Texas.” But I cauuol resist the analogy between war and blockade. It is a well settled principle of National Law, that the declaration of Blockade, without an adequate force present to sustain it, is no Blockade; and a declaration by Mexico, that she is at war with Texas, in the absence of any actual force to maintain such war, cannot be war—tl ere is no war. But suppose there ia actual war, and that by the annexation of Texas we take upon ourselvea the war; at most, it would be but giving assistance to Tex as, nnd whicbTaccording to my understanding of Mr. Kent, it would nut be a violation of the law of nations. Mr. Kent says, “that it often becomes a question how far one nation may giant assistance to a people, who have revolted and de clared their independence.” Mr. Kent says, ‘‘that howev er great the oppressions, so long as a people remain actually subject to the Government, another nation may not induce “ ‘ ' itiona- merica. British policy, or American freedom, 1' or the trial of such issues, I feel assured every patriotic citizen of the Republic is prepared! _ Lastly, because, by the incorporation of Texas, witli this country, our Union will be strengthened—the spirit of com* nenml.a mkLl. mi.n kl»ll< nllf flniKtillllinn lYIRl lit 31110(1-“ promise which ga Ire ve birth to our Constitution maintained the home of freedom on this continent enlarged, and a greater counterbalance constructed on these Western shores to the policy, domination and mouarcliial spirit of the old world. In the hope you will pardon the length of this letter, I am very respectfully. Your fellow citizen. m. hall McAllister. To J. II. Stark, and others, Committee, <3cc. educated, and w which I trust I sbjjl ever adhere I am willing that this, as all other questions, should be fairly de termined by the people; 1' feel a most abiding confidence of their desire to do right, and when not improperly influenced ni11?,1 Stales bank—a protective tariff—a system of internal nd designing politicians, they will gener- • • - • — - J ;-—=*-—s— PERRY, June 25th, 1844. Gentlemen—Your letter of tlie 17tb insL, as a Commit inittee of “a late meeting of citizens of Bulls county.” re- qucsliiig me to attend “a Young Men’s and Mass Convention of the friends of the immediate annexation of Texas to the American Confedei acy, to be held on the 25th July, at the Indian Spring,” has been received. Nothing of the sort, at this time, could afl’erd me more pleasure, than to avail my self of your kind invitation, but circumstances out of niy pover to control, forbid me that gratification. The Inferior Coin of this county commences its session on tlie 22d of Juy, and I am compelled to attend the Court during iu ses sion which will last, at least, two days; should the Court adjiurn at the end of two days, tho distance is too great for rot to reach the Spring before the meeting, or even during itscontinuance. I embrace this opportunity of congratulating you, and ev eiy Republican, on the rapidly increasing appearance, that tie danger which lately menaced us, connected with Mr. Clay’s election to the Presidency, are fast fading away. The clouds which were gathering, which skirted the noliti- cil horizon, threatening a storm, have been dissipated, and again the pure sun of Republicanism, is seen rising inall its splendor, to scatter its rays over our Union. The action cf the recent Baltimore Convention, has produced harmony throughout tlie Republican ranks, restored old friends long teparated, by presenting to the aountry two as fit and unob jectionable men as the country perhaps can boasL. It cannot but have struck your attention, that the efforts (gainst Mr. Polk, by the Clay press, Ac., is feeble and una vailing ; indeed it was supposed that another would be nom- haled for the office for which Mr. Polk has been nominated, and no doubt, against him, they were fully prepared to act; low the whole arrangement of the campaign, is to be re- modled if any contest at all is carried on. At one time, good old Georgia, appeared to be gone, I thought and felt so; now good old Georgia is sale from Federalism, and will, without doubt, in the approaching elections, sustain her loug cherished and correct principles. From what has Georgia escaped ? Suppose Mr. Clay should be elected the policy of his administration may be understood from the leading measures which would characterise it, to wit: a U- VALDOSTA, Laurens Co., 22d July, 1844. Gentlemen—Finding I cannot be with you, on the 25th inst, as I wished, I write to assure you of my entire concur rence with your views in relation to the immediate annexa tion of Texas.—It is not less important, because the Treaty has been rejected—nor is it less important, because Louisi ana baa recently given token of her listlessness and iudifler- i,iigmiiub.vvj—— : - -a-* “-! to dapper, and if tim to her own false sense of security. She willBe neither the first or la-t of independent States who have sacrificed themselves to the Demon of Party. It is not the fault of Eng land, that the flag of abolition is not at this moment, flying on the right bank of the Sabine—Mexico rejected her propo sition, but inay re-consider it to morrow, and yield every tiling to the power and influence, which the great abolition ist can bring to bear on it—Texas is more necessitous even than Mexico, and may have no liberty of consulting, aught but tbo wishes of a master.—It will be too late to think of acquiring Texas, after England shall have made only a Commercial Treaty with her. We must then tale her with the Treaty, or tight England and Mexico for takiaplicr without it. You are right, then, gentlemen, in the efforts you make to acquire Texas without delay, as the only chance of acquiring it without a war with England. Eng land docs not want Texas, or the control of Texas, bat as a means of abolishing slavery throughout ihe world, aid she knows, that by making Texas a Free State, and a place of refuge, she can more effectually accomplish her object than by all her oilier means combined. It is for this, gentlemen, that we of the Southern and Western States, should resolve, that the portion of Texas bordering on Louisiana and Arkansas, shall forever remain identified with those States in policy, interest and arms, and that wc will maintain this resolve' at all hazard!, ap pealing to the God of battles, if necessary, for uphohlirh his, of old time denunciation, against a race which had (ullen a greater display of li under his displeasure and sustaining his sacred word’; a- objection afterobjccti gainst an impious and wicked nation, who, by its srooked ways, would make that race the instrument of our ilestrac- lion, and the falsification of bis Holy Word. England has said, that in her own time, and according to her own ways, the judgment shall be arrested, and the Great Jehovah shall stay nis hand. England has no right to assume to herself, the representation of the Great Jehovah, until she has ob tained the forgiveness of sins nndproduced tlie commission When the Gteat Jehovah shall revoke his Decree, as sig nally as it pleased Him to make it—"vengeance is mine, and 1 will repav,” Ac. His will, will be ours, and we will abide it. England may take warning, that in defying and setting at naught, the Law and the Prophets, a just and righteous condemnation does not fall upon herself, for sac rilege and heresy, and that her own people in turn may not be made the hewers of wood, and drawers of water, to oth er nations. The signs are porlcuious. The meek Christian spirit of the South, has rebelled tgainst the unchristian fa naticism and bigoti’y of the North, and the division of oar great Church, is likely to be followed by ethers on the Mine question—a foundation of disunion, stronger and more last ing than tbc wrangles and strifes of'politira. Whatever shall come of it, we of tlie Southern country will be found with pure hearts and clear hands. We bave not intrigued and conspired the destruction of other States through the medium of their domest-c institutions. Very respectfully, gentlemen, G. M. TROUP. Messrs. James II. Stark, Simon II. Sanders. B. W. Col lier, Henry Dillon, nnd Wm. M. Pope, Committee. They rcsolvedjo have a cent ral meeting of I 1 }*™ to r«Yolt’ but he say*, “thai the roon unexcemi , J , . - o. . . ° bis case <n wliicu aasifilauce maybe granted, is where a the county, twin aro 6aiu to Il'IVO issued more people have revolted, declared their independence, and limn two hundred invitations to Olliers who ,ISTU zkown us sufficient spirit sad ability to int/iire a . .L„ rpi.„ reasonable corjidence” of ilieir ability to maintain such in- Wfre not CltlZCliS Of the County. The pream* depcnden.-c. (I quote from memory.) The question oc l)Io recites that, curs, does the history of the Texas Revolution afford evi- “Whereas the citizensof Georgia have wait- deace *«»!«* c»*p exists ? Mr. Kent illustrate* by the » i t i i *i ® • . . example of the assutance rendered the North American CtJ patiently unu looked Wltil anxiety to tnc J Colonies iu ’.heir war for independence, he says, that that SAVANNAH, June 27. 1844 Gentlemen—I have the honor to acknowledge the re ceipt of your communication inviting me to attend a meeting of the friends of annexation of Texas to the American Con federacy. I regret that an engagement of long standing will preclude my attendance at tlie Indian Springs on the 25tb July next. The annexation of Texas in my opinion is n question which should bave but one side with us of the South, and regarded as a national question, demands the hearty acquiescence of tlie citizens of this Confederacy. 8ome of the leading politicians of the day have taken a side with Great Britain and Santa Anus, but tlie people will rise in favor i f Texas and the extension of free institu tions on the Norih American Continent. Tlie venerable Jackson proclaimed the patriotic sentiment: "The Federal Uuion—it must be preserved." The people sustained him. He has since announced in reference to this question of an nexation, tlie equally noble aentimeut, ‘AVe must leave our friend, and stick to our country.” Again will the people respond to the lofty aspiration, of that atern old patriot! Without attempting to iutrude upon you an argument, per mit me to refer briefly, to a few of the reasons, which have conducted tue to the conclusion, that the incorporation of Texas into tlie Union, is demanded by every consideration of national expediency and honor. I am in favor of ibe measure, Because, a casual view of the physical features of Texas, and of dial portion of our country which borders open her. is suificteni o exhibit the importance of annexation to our safety in time of war, aud our unity and power as a nation, in time of peace. Because, the vital importance of die measure, is proved by the efforts of almri&t every administration, to obtain a retrocession of Texas, since the "inauspicious alienation” of lier by the treaty of 1819. Because, the aunexauon of Texas, would open a wide field for American enterprise, and American capital—would create a large home market, for the manufacturing interests of the Northern States—increase the shipping interests of the middle and Eastern States—enlarge the demand for the pork, beef, flour nnd other products of the Western States —add to the security and safety of the Southern States, and extend tlie circle of free insutudona. bringing within the talons of ihe American Eagle, a domain over which die policy of England, would have die red cross of St. George, to wave with undisputed sway. Because, the British Government is opposed to the tneas- ure,distinctly unveiling its desire to exercise "a maratinie aud commercial ascendancy in the new world,’’ and iu de termination to presj certain peculiar views iu relation to improvements by tho General Government—a distribution of the proceeds of the public lands mnongst the States—and, pei haps, another bankrupt law, Ac., Ac., to which may now be added, uniform opposition to the annexation of Texas. It would seem, in all conscience, that here was enough to determine every Georgian as to the correctness of that op position which Mr. Clay lias always experienced from Geor gia ; enough, we may nope, that however, ardently plied, party organization will never be able to overcome. Mr. Clay’s administration would be bad enough from tlie indi cation of what it would be, but a recent circumstance ad monishes us, that we should look to who would be his suc cessor, should he die—Mr. Clay is an old man. Mr. Frc- linghuysen is a gentleman of high moral and religious char acter, (which perhaps, could make him a very disagreeable companion, for Mr. Clay,) and of sufficient talents to con duct the duties of the Executive office, but he agrees with Mr. Clay, in bis views of the measures above alluded to, nnd I have seen it charged upon him by a New York pa per. and not contradicted, that Mr. F. is an "out and ontab- olitionisL or was one." Mr. Folk is all that tlie South should tequire a Fresident of the United States to be ; but suppose tlie office ehould be cast upon Mr. Dallas; ibis gentleman agrees with Mr. Polk in sentiment, and his administration would be ihe same, tmtt nc'wak iu laiiAY't- J.t-« o.-coeo.j.'rVust-Mr,. JJallas, is subject, I am perfectly satisfied "with Mr. Dallas, since 1 have seen bis letter to Mr. Wentworth, of the Sthirst., in which he says, ‘‘allow me undisguisedly to aver, that as tlie relation now subsisting between the national Democra cy and their candidates is appreciated by me, it would be impossible that I should, by any official action, aid in the es tablishment of another Bank of the Uui.ed States.” The treaty for the annexation of Texas, has been rejected by the Senate ; I wish I could dislodge from my mind, the thought, that this measure ol tlie Senate, was induced from a strong desire, at least, on the part of many, to promote tlie election of Mr. Clay. However, the act has been done by the Senate: the offers on the part of Texas, to become a member of the Union, have been discarded ; but let this be understood not to be the act of the American people ; far from it, let not Texas think so, nor act as ifit was so; Tex as has the sympathy of a largo majority of the American people, nnd that sympathy will continue to enl arge in it i range anil increase in its weight until it will become the preponderating sentiment of all but the abolitionists, who it is expected never will favor annexation- There never was a question presented to the country, since I have been able to understand such things, where the objections to it, have been more fully met, and more triumphantly refuted, than in the case of Texas; never did any cause enlist in its favor, so large a number of the patriots of tlie country, and call out I ’of talent and patriotism than this question; jeetion has been made only to be overcome and silenced. In view of this, let Texas be patient, and that spirit at work for her, will yet be triumphant, and her lone star shall serve to enlarge the number of our own bril liant constellation. Let us not abate a inite in our efforts for Texas, but let us urge and press her claims, and our in terests, umij her annexation to us is accomplished. There is blood mingled in the soil of Texas, there are bones bleaching on lier plains, subject alike to the summer’s licat, and the winter’s storms, winch belong to Georgia; let Tex as be oars, and then shall we give to these precious relics, that sepulchre which honored remains should always find. Accept, gentlemen, for yourselves, and those you repre sent, my warmest assurances of respect, Ac. HOWELL COBB, of Houston. -Messrs. Stark, Sanders, Collier, Pope and Dillon, Com- I. We hesitate not to say that Annexation, effected by any act or proceedings of the Federal Government, or any of iis departments, would be identical with disulution. It would'be u violation of our national compact, designs, and die urea? elementary principles which entered into us for- Illation, of a character so deco and fundamental; and would bo an attempt to emernise an Institution and a power of na. lure so unjust in themselves, so injurious to the interests, and abhorrent to llie feel.ngsofthe Stales, as,in our opimom mu ° ,, 'y , "® vl !?J > I qi FULLY TO UTION OF THE UNION, BUT r ULL i tu DISSOLUTION JUSTIFY IT.” . . , , . . q. „„ Tlie New York American declared that annexing Texas to this country -WOULD or ITSELF be a DISSOLU TION of the UNION." Its editor, Charles K'ng. has since been selected to preside over the congregated Clay Clubs of the Stale of New York. ■ r Boson Atlas, the leading Federal gaper ofMawaehu- sotts, in March last, had a long article, filled with froth and fury, from which we take the following extract. "For our own parts—as conductors of a public press as citizensof this free republic-we declare, *olemnly. ser,. ouslv; advisedly—that we will not stand by, and «eo the in dependent nation of Texas annexed to this country, as a part of its territory, and as a wide-spread fiield for ihe.ex^ tension and dissemination of slavery. \\o es every wav in which resistance can be effective. We will resist iMuthour tongue. We will resist it wid, our who e soul-with every nerve and muscle of our body. resist it with the last drop of our blood. ^ here ,' s n h ?P® of happiness on earth that we will not surrender, rather than submit to this accused, hellish plot. . . We might multiply extracts, but sufficient has been ad duced to sfiow the sincerity of these Union-loving Whigi. And their conduct, when in power, demonstrates that the attachment of many of them for the Union is graduated pre cisely by its efficiency as an instrument of plunder for uteir benefit. T iu Is E Cl R si P MI. MACON: TUESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 13, 1844. FOR PRESIDENT, Of Tennessee. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, Of Ptnnstjltania. Democratic Electoral Ticket. For the State at large, ALFRED IVERSON, of Muscogee. CHARLES J. McDonald, of Cobb. For the Districts, 1st (list. R. M. CHARLTON, of Chatham, 2d 3d 4th 5th Cl It 7th Silt BARZILLAI GRAVES, of Siewari, GEORGE \V. TOWNS, of Talbot, WM. F. SAMFORD, of Meriwether, CHARLES MURPHY, of Cass, WM. 13. WOFFORD, of Habersham, II. V. JOHNSON, of Baldwin, ELI H. BAXTER, of Hancock. [To be elected by general ticket.] (ij’Wc arc authorized to an nounce lion. A. II. CHAPPEIili as a candidate lor Congress in the 3d Congressional District. Ol/ 5 * The following named gentlemen will act as a Committee, to take into consideration the claims of each county for the Prize Banner, to be given to the Coumy sending the largest Delegation, on the 22d inst.—taking into consideration, the distance, the Democratic vote of the county, and the circumstan ces under which they come : Col. David C. Campbell, of Bibb, Gen. John W. Gordon, of Jones, Col. James M. Kelly, of Houston, Col. George R. Hunter, of Crawford, Hon. A. M. D. King, of Monroe, Thomas Purse, Esq., of Chatham. And having brought our treasure where we will Then take we Jov/n bis load and turn him off Like to the empty Ass, to shake his ears, And graze in commons." Yes f this is the base uses to which some of the fiery Nullifies of’32 have at last come. They nre now moving heaven and earth to secure the ascen dency of principles and measures, and to advance the interests and views of men, by whom they are utterly despised. With the other paraphernalia and emblems of Whig principles, displayed by the Delegation from this county, on their departure for Madison, might be seen four Coons—one of them, front his superior size and age, was denominated the “Same old Coon.” We regret to learn, however, that tho Delegation had not proceeded many miles on their way, before ibis representative of the Whig Party was seized with a violent attack of a disease, known in infants, as Cholera infantum, but in Coons of adult growth, as Cholera Morbus, which, we are informed, proved seriously, but laughably incon venient to those in whose charge this “Same old Coon” was placed. After several hours of great mental, as well as physical suffering, manifested by severe convulsions and the most heard-rending shrieks, the Coon expired, despite the most assidu ous and anxious exertions of his friends, at a quar ter before 11, precisely—amid the lamentations of his sorrowing partizans and allies. Requieseat in pace. He was buried near Walnut Creek; and we have been furnished by one of his brother coons (given to poesy,) with the following pathetic ac count of his funeral: Two drums were heard, and a negro’s fife. As near Walnut Creek we tarried, To bury our Coon who had lost his life— But the other three we carried. We buried him darkly on Saturday night, While his weeping friends stood round him; But we fear that the hogs at morning light, In rooting round, soon found him. No useless coffin encased his hide, Notwithstanding he smelt like wradi; But far happier he than if taking a ride. As he lay near an old cow path. Now these, in short, were the prayeis we said, And we spoke them iu accents of sorrow: Oh ! may no more of our coons be dead, And we go half the way to-morrow. We thought, as we hollowed his narrow bed, And took a drink over his grave, Jfthe bogs did’nt find dim, the locos would. And we at the Whig conclave. Lightly they’ll talk of oar coon that’s gone, And o’er his cold ashes they’ll taunt him; But nothing he’ll reck, if they let him sleep on, For he died of Cholera Infantum. But half of our heavy task was done. When we found it was time to retire ; And some even tried ot this death to make fan, As we squatted around a big fire. We buried him sadly in Walnut Creek dal?, Anu this is the ei-d of bis story; - We carved not a line, but we cut off bis tail. And then left bim alone in bis glory. From the IVashington Spectator. The Cry of Disunion. The false and slanderous charge, originiating in personal ukea upor " ' malevolence and hatred, seems to be looked upon by Whig- try. next to the anti-Texas speeches of its author, as its most reliable and efficient argument for tlie prostration of the Democracy. We have heretofore exposed tlie shallow- ness and insincerity of this new-born zeal for the Union, by tracing the origin of die threats against it to some of the prominent leaders and organs of Northern Whicgery, long before a word was breathed upon the subject in the South. Nor is disunion a new thing with many who are promineut in the whig ranks.—Josiah (luincv, now a lead ing Massachusetts Whig, hasbeon a disunionistas far back as 1811. When the bill for the admission of Louisiana, of which Texas was rightly a part,.was before Congress, Mr. Q.. employed this language: “If his bill passes, it is my deliberate opinion that it is vitally A DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. That it would free the 8tates from their moral obligations; and that, as it will be the right of all. so it will be the duty of some, definitely to PROPOSE FOR SEPARATION—AMI CABLY IF THEY CAN—FORCIBLY IF THEY MUST.” Leveret Saltokstall, one of the Vice Presidents of the recent Baltimore Convention, which nominated Mr. Clay for the Presidency, was also an officer of the Hartford Con vention, which was concerned for the purpose of devising a scheme for the dissolution of the Union. In a letter of John Reed, the present Lieutenant Gov ernor of Massachusetts, dated August 4, 1843, while he was candidate for that office, lie said: ’•It must be understood that the free States will neither consent nor submit to the Annexation of Texas to this U- nion.—SUCH ANNEXATON WOULD result in its dissolution. Indeed tlie Annexation without provision iu the Constitution, and without consent, would be an abso- lution from the bonds and the obligations of the Consti tution.” At a meeting in the town of Milford, Massachusetts, March 25,1844, on the subject of Annexation of Texas, a number of violent ard denunciatory resolutions were adopt* ed, of which the following may be taken as a specimen: “Resolved, Thar we are on the verge of a revolution; that terrible alternative is before us; that the official promul- S ation of the rumored treaty ought to be regarded as the ealh-knell of the present Federal Union; that the Com monwealth of Massachusetts, having repeatedly protested against the said Annexation, with no other response than repealed contempt from the slaveholding States, will then be ABSOLVED FROM ALL POLITICAL OBLIGATIONS TO those States, and that her inhabitants, ns with one great soul, will be bound to refuse all countenance and support to the Federal Government, in carrying on the wars pro- yoked by such unprincipled and monstrous aggression. At the close of the 2fith Congress, thirteen \Vhig Repre sentatives, to wit:—Messrs. J. (1. Adams. W. B. Calhoun, and N. B. Borden of Massachusets, Wm. Slade, John Matlocks, and Hiland Hall, of Vermont. Seth M. Gates, Thomas C. Chittenden, Victory Bidseye, and Christopher Morgan, of New York, Joshua tt- Giddings, and Sherlock J. Andrews, of Ohio, nnd J. M. Howard, of Michigan, pro mulgated a solemn manifesto in opposition to the Anuexa- of Texas. The following is a portion of it: North Carolina Election. This State, as was expected, (lor we have never claimed her,) has gone Cot the Whigs—but the Democrats have gained, in all, probably 2,000 vole?, since the election of 1842, and is a good index of the changes in our favor all over the Union. If they were to lose North Carolina, they would cerratnly lose all hope of getting a respectable minority—as there were only five States in the Union, that gave them a larger majority, comparatively, in 1840, than it, namely: Kentucky, Vermont, Massachu setts, Rhode Island, and Louisiana. The latter State is now against them, by about 2,000 voter, as is clearly shewn by the last election in it. If the Whigs shall lose in tfle othet States, as thi y have lost in Louisiana, and are likely to Jose in North Carolina, the following will be their pyramid: VERMONT KENTUCKY MASSACHUSETTS NORTH CAROLINA RHODE ISLAND (t/ 3 We shall hear from Kentucky soon. 6 12 12 13 4 47 Our neighbor of the Messenger, is mistaken, if he supposes that we were afraid to moke mention of the recent Whig Convention held at Madison.— Our omission to notice it in our last, was caused by the accumulation upon our hands, of other and more important matter. Having disposed of that and being reminded by the Messenger of our otnis sion, we will endeavor to make the “ amende hon arable,” this week, by noting some important inci dents connected with this great era in Whig histo- ty, which the Messenger has overlooked. After two months hard drumming, the Whigs succeeded in getting together a respectable Convention, num bering probably 10 or 12,000, all told, including such as went out of curiosity, as well as the mem bers of the Whig Party proper ; and we doubt not that every thing went off greatly to the satisfaction of those for whose benefit it was intended. The most remarkable circumstance connected with this Federal Jubilee, and one that struck us with more force and astonishment than any other, was the spectacle presented by the Delegates from this county, in our s'rects, the evening of their departure for Madison. Wc allude to tho final consumma lion of the change from Slate Rights and Anti-Tar iff men of 1832-3, to the shameless and most ultra advocates of tho protective policy of Mr. Clay, in 1844. On that evening, the old Nuilificrs of Bibb, unfurled to the “battle and the breeze,” the Black Flag of Protection, inscribed, Henry Clay, a Na tional Currency, Revenue, and PROTECTION! Yes, the high mettled Hotspurs of 1832, have doff ed their old party insignia, and rallied under the tat tered flag of Clay and hisEastern allies, and are now cheek by jowl with the men who denounced them in ‘32, as vaporing and cowardly bragadocias—and who now scorn and despise them as dastardly re creants, who are only fit to swell the train of the oppressors, or to be used, Lepidus-Iike, y To groan and sweat under tlie business, Eithet led ordrjven, as we point the way; Extract from a letter, dated “MONTICELLO, August 3, 1844. “Jasper county will be represented in the ap* proaching Democratic Mass Meeting at Macwn, by a Delegation of at least 350 or 400 strong, good meti ariinrue. ixevet Have I Williesacil so mud, bar- monj' in the parly before; no one of our unterrified Democrrcy here, being required to do his duty, since all are impressed with (act of union, energy, zeal, every thing for the cause.” MILLEDGEVILLE, ,4ugust 8th. 1844. “Now, by St. Paul, the work goes bravely on." Mr. Editor—The prospects in old Baldwin (or Democracy are bright and cheering. Every hour adds strength to our cause, with a unanimity of feeling. I he names of Polk, Dallas and Texas, still meet with the warmest approbation, and the most cordial support of the entire party. Great preparations are making by all classes to attend ihe Mass meeting to be held in your favorite city on the 22d inst., and yon may rest assured, that this county will be highly represented by a uumbernot less than ttco hundred. AH is enthusiasm, the De mocracy are aroused with the firm determination that victory is ours. They will this fall inflict a death blow upon modern Whigeerv, which lime will not eradicate. Their days of triumph are numbered “with the things that were,” am! rtofr, can they look back with shameful regret at those principles, so 'inconsistent to Republican Govern ment exercised alone by them. Baldwin is certain for Polk and Dallas in November next. Ourzeal fir success has been responded (and loudly) to by all sections around. “The work goes bravely oa.” “And -still they come,’ the gathering throng, * t\ bile rings afar the thundering cry From host to distant host along For Folk ( for Dallas! Victokv.’’ GRIFFIN, August 6th, 1844. Dear Sir:—I am thus far on my way upth® country; and, as I have a leisure moment on my hands, drop a line or two. In every direction, the Democracy are arousing themselves to action. Never before have they so truly felt the great importance of rushing to the rc»- cue of the Constitution, and tearing that time hon ored instrument front the hands of the Federal Par ty. Mr. Clay’s friends have at last admitted what he himself dares not avow, because the people of Kentucky are not yet ripe for the measure: “ that his administration will be eminently Anti-Southern and Anti-Slavery in its tendency This has driven the Rev. Thomas C. Trice, oi Pike county, from them—a respectable and influ ential Baptist Divine, and one of the purest patriois of the land. Isay this, from the character he en joys at home, and his able and unanswerable ria- dication ofCol. Chappell's opposition to a Prciec- tive Tariff, and his immediate Annexation views* No man could have penned such a production' without fooling to the very core, the true interests of his country, and that the Texas question was one of salvation to the South. His good example has been followed by many, and his address will tell oa the coming elections, wherever it is read. Publish it, and let the world see what an eminent member of that “Republican Church,” the Baptist denom ination, thinks of the great question of Annexation. I stopped one day in Forsyth, to hear Stephens address his Protective Tariff friends. It was& meeting of the Tariff Party, and they had invited Chappell to discuss the question. A fow Repubh cans had dropped in, mostly by accident, and nn self among the rest. The result was as is usual «t these Federal Tariff meetings for free discussion-- Stephens had all the noise, and Col. Chappci l hc argument.