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3 M - - T. %1 * last it not h*»-t of th«-ir diia.ter,- The nun nr can- nature4, prepared before the nomination. the standing slan ders and t'.ihe Dane*. «ml atereotyped abuse of all kinds, are all I'ouud to be prepared for the wrong persons and fall to the ground still-born. Besides such a calamitous loss of politi cal ammunition, on their part, we have now in our rightful Mra ns to me.isiires and principle* become the as- aiding p-tny. We will l»y God's blessing carry the war i:it> A tries. We are not so soft as to let the enemy choose any more issues ftr us. Reanimated and fortified in thi* ne ar position by a set of pox* principles, by gnod candi dates! a good condition of the party, and good prospects, what isttpresent tbe umerrilie.l Democracy from rising again with Anean rigor? “ 'J'rutk crushed to earth• shall ,rixc ogam." We hare now an o|>en held, a clear deck, skies bright. Nearly the whole Scuth and West are with us in stiitl phalanx. Texas ami Oregon, are with those ie- gi ins the ran# riul of national questions, and gradually inoulding more their whole people into union, energy and victory. Two at least of the middle States are likely to sustain the same viewa and with the timely help nf your- aclves ami New Hampshire, should no others come to the rescue, all will be ante. Thus nnd thus alone will be se cured not only the quiet possession to us westward, but to the Rio del Norte and the mouth of the Columbia, but the triumph and diffusion of democratic principle!, all their saving influences on the people at large, who may ia line till Ills whole space from the rising rays of the suu In the Ailaulie totlseir selling in the Pacific. Oh our success in this straggle may depend the destinies of this growing Re public nn.l free principles the world orer for ages. Eyes no.v gjxr on me which miy see our. population ndvanced. sm die i in less than sixty years to sixi^ millions—outstrip ping bath France an 1 KugUn.1 combined, ami with such Vast outlets for Agricultural emigration, to rich virgin soils at the lowest prices, such markets for Eastern fabrics, nuch durable security for romfuruhlc livelihoods to the raid Ring classes, on the prairies and valliea of the west ra ther than lowered visages in heated factories, such strong guards to republican principles in these virtuous pursuits and ample resources mu only for. subsistence but useful ed ucation and moral training of the young, it is not extrava gant to expect, mat if remaining true to nur principles, thay will then have secured a foothold and developement making us if not the envy of nil nations at least independent of their influences, and fearless of their taunts as well aa tueir |>owcr. Falter nut then, waver not, faint not. But line honorable course remains for ns. either to carry out and onward the liberalizing, elevating spirit of llie demo cratic principles, which were consecrated by our fathers on die day we celebrate, or acknowledge die incompetence ,0'tiie people fur self-government, renounce nur National Iwie;>endeii.-e mil return ou:e more under the iron rule of our (incicnt oppressors. Base and derogatory arc all our pretensions to sovereignty or greatness, if they are not iiiinrully sTi.-.iainod, amt a "nation' which can tamely submit to lie curtailed of its fair proportions first in the northeast, next in the northwest nn 1 Inst in the southwest, and this (Yom fear of a jealous rival, oris purchase quiet at the cost of rights, security, greatness and lioeor, is unfit to contin ue 4t*| irately in the family nf nations. Tiie dem u r Its aa a party denounce rncli degradation, you will all denounce it. Such a spirit, the true spirit of democracy is not only that best Sued to save die nation, hat in Iniild up faster and lirinern new .Slate and new city like uni di of yours, and thus llie calls of interest unite with those of duty and glory to rally you under the fins of that democracy, surmounted as it waves before us with the in spiring name* of POLE axd l>Ai.I,AS Under that flag you cannot fail to conquer tl*the baltle cry ia vigilance, energy and union, and believe me victory now, will give a strong assurance of victory forever. 1 flint for Cotton Growers. The duty on Bagging under the Tariff of 1842, only not allow yourself to be l.umbugccd by thi. nominal | From the South Carolinian, legulation. fhe«e Northern manufacturers te'l you that 1 -ri.„ iw^j. Wbtos nnd 1hl> Tariff they'can sell good* cheaper than their English rival*, and | J ne “ f0r 6 11 ""‘e* 011(1 me lUriQ. vet’they call for protection. What, in the nnme of com- i A correspondent of the Columbus, Geu. Times in giving i • , _.. . i _•,•», : a «niinllo5 CCnl non sense, do they want of protection, if that be the I an ^eouetSTapolitical ttmdi n at the Warm Spring,. I 4 ccn, f l ,er s, l“ are y ari1 ' ' v l)ILh ? 1 T ,al _ _ L ense f Can any man be such a fool ns to believe, that if i Meriwether county, Georgia, on the 12th inst. in which " "" ' tbe original price of a yard of cloth in England be five cents. ; Col. Toombs was the principal Whig speaker, gives the following at one of the positions of Col. T. on tbe Tariff: He argued that the cohsuimn'er does not pay the duty. lUK llll^lltai . - --W- W* «a JSIII* • •• mii^iuou U X, save, X x. ilia, am] a duty ti* 1 five cents is laid upon it. bringing it up to ten cents, that the farmer can buy it as cheap as if there was no tariff upon it f In other words, ran any man be such a fool as to think that five and five inake.f<mr instead of ten T He must be blind, indeed, who does not perceive tbe wolf in llie ass'a skin in this nominal legislation." The Coon shut up shop. ' From the Globe. Another Whig Misrepresentation—Col Tolh and ILc poor. We are in the daily receipt of letters from all parts of a , rt ‘ < i e •?“? lie affected bv causes the country asking for information of an authentic character *' 1 * r «** »««*••*•• From the Savannah Georgian, Nominal Legislation. While travelling along in the cars to the great Conven tion at Macon, happening to procure a seat upon the pas- «rngcr train, in which there were a number of genuine Whigs, We had the pleasure nfoverhearing a conversation between a Democrat and a Federalist, upon the various q leslioos of llie day. The latter ^eiitlemaii. who appears in have been one of "your Whig Nullifiers,” had display ed a singular anxiety to provoke a discussion. He was eternally suggesting to iiis neighbor the certninty of Mr. (Hay’s election. “He must be elected, sir—lie can’t be kept nut—he will carry twenty States to a dead certainty— -perhaps more—I have been travelling through the North, an I speak from observation—he will carry New York by 20,000 majority !" "Humph!" said the Democrat. "He is sweeping Missouri. I understand that he is car rying every thing before him, and Benton willbetanneJ xiut io his own State.” '‘Humph!” said the Democrat. " 1 should think that the Indiana election would be enough to settle the question. The Democrats were certain of that State, lint Ciay has swept it finely.” "Huu.puV’ continued the Democrat. A pause here followed, for the cars had arrired at a watering place. The banks of the rail road wrere lined with men—hard-fisted, sun burnt farmers—with their knapsacks upon their backs—awaiting the arrival of the trains that were to take the delegations up to Macon. A little in the rear stood numbers nf "the fairer portion nf creation,” waving their handkerchiefs to the bteeze, and exhibiting demonstrations of great rudiusissm. The conn's face grew dark and lowering. ' “What n magnificent failure this Macon Convention is going to he!” ‘‘Humph!" exclaimed the Democrat. “I’ll slake my head that a thousand persons do not go op on this rail mac to-day V’ "Humph!" continued the Democrat, looking as if be thought die stake hardly worth the wiuning. Puff! puff!! paffpuffl'l went the engine, away flew the cart, and the coon returned to his old track. “I stopped in Richmond, and inquired into the prospect* of parties io Virginia. The Locos have been very san guine about that State, bat the Wliigi will be sure to carry it- Tyler and Wise have played the <1—1 with the Demo cracy there; and Tylvr hss no notion of withdrawing. lie wi#receive some litleen thousand votes; as 1 understood, this was a limited by old Richie and it will certainlv give the State to Clay." “Humph P observed tbe Democrat. “I and ray neighbor,” continued the coon, painting to a brother Whig, near him, “have got, in our trunks, a large package of documents, in relation to the Tariff, which wore given us in Washington, and which we intend to dia- trihu'e among the farmer*.” • I hope to heaven you will do it,” observed the Demo crat "if they contain the truth f" Coon.—"Yes. air, I intend to go ainongqfhem, myself, and converse with them—man to man—upon the subject of the Tariff— fori have made a study of it, of late!” D'mocratj—'"Humph!" (.'mil.—'-I shall show them that the Tariff operates moat beneficially upon them.” Democrat.—"In what way 7” ' Coon.—'•Because it makes prices lower!" Democrat.—“Makes prices lower, my friend, will you be so good as to demonstrate the fact?” Coon.—“Why it doe* not need demonstration. Every man who buys any Manufactured article, knows lie fact that the price of goods is lower now than what It was in former tiinrj." Democrat.—“Aral can you attribute this to noiliing else hut the Tariff? Haa the low price of cotton, the staple production of the world, the diminished quantity nf money a float, tlie improvement in machinery, by which one man cand i as much work as fifty formerly—have all these cau ses had untiling to do in making goods cheaper? Let me put this question to you—which pay* most for his goods, the pluntcr who sells Iiis cotton for fifteen cents a pound and buys Iiis negio cloth at twelve cents a yard, ot the planter who tell* his cotton at seven cents a pound and buyshis negro cloth at eight or nine cenla a yard l Which is paying most in proportion, the planter whose negroes are worth to bins five hundred dollars per head, and whose land will *HI for ten dollars an acre, ami who pays forty dollirs fora broad cloth coat, nr lire planter wLose negroes will r.ul bring, three hundred dollars per head, and whose lind cannot be sold at ail, and who gives thirty-fire dollars for Ida coal t" Coon.—“I do not care n fig for all that. I can see very clearly that if the Southern people, goon producing cotton as they do, they will ruin themselves. Why, air, if this thing i* not changed, I would not give a dollar an acre for ssll (he land in tuc cotton growing States in the course of five yesrs. The market will be drugged with the raw n Perial. The Southern people must go to manufacturing. This Tariff will induce them to do it! It is wise legisla tion nn that account!” Democrat.—.Wise legislation, indeed ! Where do you find, sir, anyclauso in the Constitution which justifies you in any such legislation as this 1 Legislate to force people to manufacture indeed ! What right have you to fonse me or my neighbor to mxnafariore ? What right have you to impoverish and to oppress the former, to take from him in i hard earnings and give them to the Northern monopo list, in or ler to force him to go to manufacturing, whether he will or not ? Wise legislation this of a verity!” Coon.—“But we do nut nporcas the farmer—because we can sell him goods at lower prices than he could get them without the Tariff." <. Democrat.—’“What do you want w ah the Tariff then?” Coon.—“?t Is already known that our inenulai-i'irrs ran compete with the English in foreign markets—in the West ,'udiesfor instance." Dens crof.—“What do you want with a Tariff then ?” Coon.—“Particularly in the manufacture of cotton g—ids. I ascertained at the North, that on account of the cheaper price of the raw mateiUlbere, our manufactures could un dersell the English." Democrat •&'What in the name of common sense l hen, do Ton WANT WITH A TARIFF ?" Coon.—“Why, I do not kuuw that it does iiiueli anv way; after all, you make a great deal more noise about Jt *han there is any reason for—ir is o.vi.v .nominal lkuu- I ATION!’ Ik-mocrat.—'-Nominal legislation indeed ! Do we tend ■jiresenlaiivei to Cougrcs*, and i lie purpoie ol titling on tiouf No.i pal Ir^i.ibtiinn for this, then,—nominal /eg -i.iuiifarturer is contending - resolves itself into nominallem ■hinge it then—just to: tin l"- in inntnr'.nrir n. card.I; in order to satisfy tl... c oi to rebut the falsehoods put into circulation ngainsl Col. Polk by tbe whig orators, aong-singerj, and publishing and frank- iug committees. Documents are being circulated, purport ing to give an authentic record of the opinions and votes of Mr. Tolk when in the House of Representatives of the United States. The recorda in this respect are so garbled as to misrepreseat not only bis opinoions, but his votes. As the most ready mode of complying with the numerous calls, and of doingjustice to that distinguished man. we have de termined to recur to the record, nnd give each transaction in detail, or in such a form as will lay the truth and the whole truth before the American people. In one of these documents Mr. Polk ia represented as having voted uncon ditionally against giving to the poor of Georgetown thirty cords of’wood. Such was not the whole troth. He was in favor of relieving them. He was in favor of giving them more substantial relief than tbe original resolution called for; and for that reason he voted against the previous ques tion, which went to cut off the proposition he was in favor of. He was in favor of the proposition directing tlie scr- geant-at-arins to deduct one day’s per diem (eight dollars) from each member, to be applied to the purchase of wood for the poor of Georgetown—thus giving more than $1,000 for that object, in stead of the thirty cords of wood paid for out of the public treasury. He conscientiously believed that Congress usd no right to take the people's money to* give pecuniary relief to the people of the District of Columbia. The money was collected from the people for the support of the federal government, and not to support the poor of the District of Columbia, or of any other portion of the Union. A representative's private sympathies can furnish no justification for his violating the constitution which he is bound by oath to support. So thought Mr. Folk, who ia n moral,conscientious man. The following, copied from the journal of the House. Gales ft Seaton’s Register of Debstes, and the United Slates Telegraph, gives a full statement nf tlie wood ease. from the printed journal of the House, vd session, Slst Congress, page 242, Tuesday, February 1. 1831. The speaker presented a letter from the mayor of George- town, in the District nf Columbia, asking the House fora donation, in wood, for the benefit of the poor of that town; which said letter being read, Mr. Washington tr.ov"^. die following resolution : Resolved, That the clerk of this House is hereby authori zed and -Ji, erred to enure thirty cords of wood to be deliv ered to tlie order of the mayor of Georgetown, for the use of the suffering poor of that town. This resolution being read, a motion wss made by Mr. Blair, of South Carnnina, to amend tbe same, bv striking out after the word “resalved," and inserting as follow*: “Tliat the sergeant at arms, be required to deduct from the compensation of the members of this House one day’s pay. and deliver said snm to the mayor of Georgetown,"to be applied to the purchase of fuel for the paupers of that town : Provided, nevertheless, that such deduction shall be made from the compensation of such members only as vote in favor of this resolution.” Mr. Polk (who was in favor of the amendment to the re solution offered by Mr. Blair, of South Carolina, contribut ing 8 dollars out of their own pockets for the relief of the suffering poor, instead of voting it nut of tbe public treasury) is reported in the U. 8. Telegraph as follows. “Mr. Polk said he knew it was an ungracious task to op pose a proposition for the relief of the suffering poor; but be fell himself bourn! to enter his protest against the present measure. A practice was about to bo adopted which would lead to the voting away of all the money in tbe treasury within the ten miles square. What claim haa any one section of the community for the relief more than another ? If (said Mr. P.) I recollect aright, I remember that on the very day of the conflagration of Alexandria, on which oc casion were called upon for relief to the unhappy sefferers. ob that very day a destructive fire occured in Cincinnati, and yet no claims were set up for assistance from that place. If we pursue tbit practice we shall have people coming here every winter to beg wood ; and "we shall, moreover, only render the District an asylum for one general congre gation of paupera from all parts of the Union. If we give them wood, they will next ask for food and clothing, ami we shall have to buy all this with the public money. Every where persons are reduced by accidents to poverty and ruin ; and every where destitute families are suffering from tbe inclemency of die weather. Where, then, or on what principles of justice can you make a selection of objects of bounty, and not of your bounty but of that of the country— of those many of whom are themselves ruffering. I ap plaud the kina and humane feeling which bn given origin to tbit proposition; but I maintain tbatyou Lave no constitu tional right to adopt it. I do not object to the expense of these thirty cords of wood, bat I regard the principle whip], if it should be assented to, would be violated by il. “Mr. Blair,of South Carolina, said he did not rise to en ter into a formal argument againtthis resolution. lie hop ed lie had as tnneh charity as most members of that House; but he was not disposed to indulge it at the-expense botli of the constitution and tbe people. He woulTl act on the prin ciple that, ‘if we mast be generous it should be at our own expense.’ According to bis interpretation of the consti tution, Congress had no power whatever to pass this resolu tion. If(said lie) we have a right to vote away fuel, pur chased with the money of the people for our own accomo dation, we have an equal right to vote away millions of dol lars Io purchase clothing ana food for the inhabitants of the ten miles square. This might be called n small matter, but it involved an important constitutional principle. It would sanction a bad precedent. It would have a tendency also to render tlie people of the District improvident, and teach and encourage them to rely too mneb on the munifi cence of Congress. He was, in this instance, disposed to relieve the sufferers, but lie would do it at Iiis o» n expense. He wss not disposed to do it at the cost of the constitution, or even at the expense of hit brother members, without their consent. He, therefore, proposed an amendment, for which he would vote himself, and which would obviate ail tbe objections to which he had alluded. He proposed to strike out all after the word ‘Resolved,' and insert the a- mendment above.” In Gales tc Seaton’s Register of debates, vol. vii., page 336, Mr. Polk ia reported to have said as follows : Mr. Polk said be knew it was an ungracious task to op pose a resolution in betalf of the suffering poor of this Dis trict, or any other country. He must be permitted to re mark. However, that the precedent of appropriating the pnblic funda for such purposes was a bad one. Tbe resol ution now before tbe House bad come upon it suddenly, and it was not of sufficient consequence to move its post ponement. lie recollected that, some years ago, there was a fire in the district, to be seen from the windows of tbe Capitol, and an application wta immediately made fof ex tending relief to the anfferera. While he waa disposed to do full justice to tlie motive which prompted members, on that occasion, to draw money from the treasury for tbe re lief of the sufferers, he would aak, was tbe course adopted a proper one ? Was the obligation to contribute to the re lief of aufforera within the ten miles square grealerthan to those of other parts of the Union ? The very same day that tlie fire occurred in Alexandria, property to a far greater extent was destroyed by the nine element in Cincinnati, Ohio; but he bad never heard that those sufferers applied to Congress fot relief. There were many sufferers in the United States—many objects of charity—but they did not call upon Congress to help them. Condone to pass resolu tions ofihe character of that now before the House, and what would be the consequence ? Why. every winter, when the snow fell, or the Potomac was frozen over, ap- E lieations would be made to Congress, and members would e engaged in the dignified object of buying and stowing wood, to give to the poor of the District of Columbia. Mr. P, remarked that, in opposing the resolution now under consideration, he did it on principle: the House had not the power to make the donation requested. He might be told that Congress was the exclusive legislature for the District. Rut was that any good reason that they should give away all the revenue of the nation to the people of tbe District of Columbia ? If so, the poor of the other sections of the country had nothing to do but to come and sit down here in this District, and apply to Congress for relief. It was not to the amount pro|>osed to be given that he object ed—no, not the paltrv cost of thirty cords of wood; but be would state that gentlemen came here to legislate on the great concerns of the Union, and net to give away tbe pub lic property. It was not money from the treasury, but the expense was to he defrayed by the contingent fdhd of ibis House. That fund was’voteif for the use of the House; there should be some discretion in its appliration;and if we may give away a part of it, for the purpose other than for wlut it was intended, we may give away the whole. He might well address himself, on this occasion, to those who, by ihe operation of the previous qnestion, had cut off all op portunity of remark on a former similar subject. Theinno- lives were kind, no dnobt, and he gave them credit for them; a severe storm was raging, and they yielded to their feelings as men. No such reason could be urged now, however; for the present was one ofihe most pleasant days they had enjoyed for some time. But it was said the poor nf Georgetown were suffcring~sn tnny be the pour of New York, anil other sections of the Union. In conclusion, he trusted that the House would, by its vote to day, put a check to legislation on matters of this sort. “Mr. ltlair ol South Carolina contended that it was nnt competent for the House to vote donations of fuel for the District. Ifso, it wuuld have power also to vote millions of the public money to feed anil clothe the suffering poor of He took the article of iron, which he said had been much harped on, and asked the planter liow much more he paid for iron now. than lie did Irfore the Tariffactofl8t2 ? and if no more, how does this happen, when there is a duty of $23 per ton on the article?" Without pausing to controvfctt, as we might do, tbe posi tion of Col. Toombs, by a comparison of prices, as they were before, and bare been since the imposition of the Tariff of ’•10. we presume even lie will admit, that the prices .of the artirle may be affected by causes wholly disconnected with the Tariff; as. for instance, by large importations prior to tbe Tariff, and in anticipation of it; oy an inflatiob and sud den contraction ofllie currency; by an over ora scan sup ply of the commodity. Ac. but we should be plessed to see Col. Toombs explain the following instance of the practical operation of the Tariff; and that too, on the very article be select* in illustration or bis argument: and we hope our Georgia friends will urge it upon Col. Toombs with all due pertinacity. The price of English iron in the New York market.at present, is $62 50 per ton. Nowletus suppose a Georgia planter and a Texas planter to meet in N. York, and that each requires n ton of iron fbr tbe use of Iiis planta tion. The price of the iron to the Georgian would oicourse be $62 50. and the same to the TeXian • but with tiis es sential difference: llie Texan could go to theCustom House and have the duty, which Col. Toombs says is $25 ptr ton, refunded to him as a draw back, which would of entitle re duce llie price of his iron, in fact, to $37 50 per ton. Now will Col Toombs inform his Georgia admires of the la riff whether the Georgia planter pays this duty Of $25 Or tot 7 And if he does, (as ia most assuredly the case,) what be comes of the favorite whig fallacy, that “the consuimner dies not pay the duty ?” According to the correspondent of the Times. Col. Toombs admitted that he had avowed the principle, in a speech in New York,of discriminating, in our Tariff lutes, be tween free labor and slave labor, in favor of the former, and glories ie it! 11 Wbat think you of that, slare-holderi of the South, whether Democrats or Whies ? For a some what similar avowal on the part of Mr. Clay, Col Ptestnn publicly denounced him as an abolitionist—declaring, in bis speeches to the people of this State, that in a conversation between them on tbe Tariff.at the Virginia Springs, onliii telling Mr. Clay that his Tariff principles and measure: would uniimately destroy the value of slave labor [ofcoursi by discriminating against it in favor of free labor.l and there by compell the Southern people to emancipate tneir ?!«'’?• he (Mr. Clay) replied that that waa one of the objects o' them,(his Tariff principle* and measures,) or words to ilia: effect. Col. Toombs was a decided Suilfer in 1833, and d course a thoroughgoing opponent of Mr. Clay, the Whig!, and the protective policy; and is now die Whig candidate fir Congress in the 8th District. He stood shoulder to shoult- er with us at that lime againt: the whole host of Fedenl abominations, and is now one ot the most zealous advocate of them in Georgia! Well, if ‘-times change, and mm change with them, it is some consolation to know that prix- ciples do not.” , the running yard, and perhaps a little more on tlie wider desctipiions—the avetage price of Cotton this reason, at a liberal estimate will not exceed, 5cents per pound. It is cleat - then that a tax of 5 pounds of Cotton, is levied by the Government on eVeiy bag of Cotton brought to market, ibr5yards is the usua' quan-tily ill each bag. The receipts of Cotton in Macon alone, will be on a reasonable calculation, 90,000 bales during the present season. This will yield at the above rate 450,000 pounds of Colton to the Government Treasury, which, at 450 pounds to the bale, would make 1000 bales of Cotton, or S22.500- Let it be borhe in mind, that this is the Tariff on a single article, and one too from which the farmer derives no benefit, because he gives it away when he sells his Cotton, and the enormity of the tax is at once perceived. At the same time we should remember that dve stufis and other things used by the manufacturer to prepare his fabrics for market, and to render them more saleable, are admitted du ty free. eery,” we have the evidence now that it was au- j thoriied by him, and what i9 df nmre importance, | ,| le ,; rst he now repeats the sentiments of that letter and will carry them to the polls in Octdbelrartd Novem ber. Bin further, by the annexed certificates, llie letter in the Messenger is proven conclusively to be a “villanous forgery/’ alld though the Mcssen- ‘•othlhk.ffiheM' 1 "''' I.... or curi!" days of i lie revolution) were opposed to nri>r„' ne,n "' gln same parties exist, holding the same principleSL*?jJ3'« -nil culled by the frame name—there was a Were?-/l 81 Qtid there is a Whig party now, battling in tlieaa ^ 5 . ous cause—there was a party opposed to th* \\ri!- ne S* or i- and there is a party opposed to the Whigs note ••?*- lhcD » of you tell its name?’ 1 *- r ‘ nui.uua .u.fcv-.,, .... Of you tell iu name?” (after a pause) “everaV;i',‘r U * na8 J ger was forwarned of it; he declared he Would pub- they have in their books—Tory! Tory' i To rv 'ira°L CJn * .MS-WdUtSaWita by 4ir. Koval, wl.icl. he &XS£S2?3W&fS very Well knew Mr. Doyfll would not do. We are perfectly willing td tike this as “a fait speci men of the truth of the frequent reports of political changes (and of Monroe county especially,”) and we only ask every honorable man arrirtng otlh oppo nents, to read the subjoined evidence and then say if it is possible foi a party to triumph by such trick ery as is heie exposed. From the JUlrcon Messenger, 5th inst. What Next We ajked lait week, will be the resort of the Democratic leaders, after attempting to circulate Abolition papers in Georgia fertile advancement of their cause? The next thing we find is a villanous forgery in the Federal Union, purporting to be a letter signed by John Parker, an old and respectable citizen of Monroe county, giving llis reasous for abandoning the Whig parly, (oi which he has always been a staunch supporter) and going over to Polk and Democracy. The letter says many clever ‘hings of the Polk family, of that he had made a had in n... •. , .. t , ri-.i i Lu...t.,s. his acting with them ns Jeffersonien Republicans. Ac., in But It may be argued that the Cotton blrdught North Carolina. Itwillbeseen by his letter, which fol- Macon is not all packed in foreign bagging, and ( lows, that he knew nothing of any such publication, that he „ . . ., rn is still a Whig, and never knew the Po'k family, nnd that in that therefore (Ins amount is not paid. Io this* 1 eve _ respect the letter is a vile forgery. This is a fair we have only to say, that that portion which is not | specimen of the truth of the frequent reports of political changes (and of Monroe county especially)—and of the desperate resorts of tlie Democratic party. t Fj jd e a n ,1 jp me . MACON; TUESDAY MORNING, SEPT. 17, 1844. FOR PRESIDENT. ^®2* Of Tennessee. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, Of Pennsylvania. Democratic Electoral Ticket. For the Stntc at large, ALFRED IVERSON, of Muscogee. CHARLES J. MtDONALD, of Cobb. For the Districts. 1st (list. R. M. CHARLTON, of Chatham, 2d “ BA’RZILLAI GRAVES, of Stewart, 3d “ GEORGE XV. TOWNS, of Talbot, 4th •• WM. F. SAMFORD, of Meriwether, 5th “ CHARLES MURPHY, of Cass, (till “ WM. B. WOFFORD, of Habersham, 7th “ II- V. JOHNSON, of Baldwin, 8th “ ELI II. BAXTER, of Hancock. (To be elected by general ticket.] CANDIDATE# FOR CONGRESS* (Election on the first Monday in October next.) 1st District—CHARLES SPALDING, paid to the Government, comes out of the pocket of the Cotton grower, still in the shape of boutities to the Domestic Manufacturer—for no one will deny that if there wore no Tariff the foreign article could be had 5 cents per yard lower, and therefore the domestic article would, in the absence of the TarifT be reduced in the same proportion to compete with iiiC imported Hemp and Gunny. We shall pursue this subject farther in our next, and show to any Who desire to be conVihced, the fallacy of the new fangled doctrine of Southern Whiggery. when descanting on the “biessed effects of protecting domestic industry.” Young Hickory Club. Another Democratic Association has been organ ized in this place, under the above popular and in spiring name; we give below a list of the officers. President- WM. G. SMITH. Vice-Presidents i A. P. Powers, M. N. Burch, Wm- Gu.irt, Geo. M. LooA?f, Asiier Atres. Corresponding Secretaries. J. A. White, James S. Smith, James Ralston. Recording Secretaries. J. A. Pringle, E. A. Wilcox, B. C. H. Evaks. Central Executive Committee of Bibb county. Geo. M. Logan, Samuel J. Ray, S. M. Strong, J. A. White, Richard Bassett, John Bailey, Henry Newsom, Samuel B. Hunter, A. P. Powers, J. M. Green, M. N. Burch, C. A. Ells, Stephen Wood ward, John G- Coleman. Cicero Tharp. The Central Executive Committee of Bibb county, j are requested to meet at the Club Room this eve- ning, at 4 o’clock, P. M. Punctual attendance is required, as business of importance is to be trans acted. 2d 3d 4th 5i!i Clli 7llt 8i!i SEABORN JONES, A. H. CHAPPELL. If. A. IIARRALSON. JOHN H. LUMPKIN, HOWELL COBB. ABSALOM JANES, E. J. BLACK. The Telegraph Will be furnished to Subscribers from the pres ent number, to the 1st January next, for 50 cents paid, in advance. To Correspondents. All letterslo this Paper, on business or other* wise, must be post-paid to receive attention. Vermont Elections. The elections in this State have resulted in fa vor of the Whigs, which no one ever doubted would be the case. Their candidate for Governor, Slade, will have a majority of near 4000. Harri son's majority in 1840 was 14,422. It will be re membercdrlial Slade is the leading Abolitionist of that State, and therefore concenttated the strength of the two parties. Next to John Q. Adams he has perhaps done more injury to the South than any Northern Abolitionist. But whether he too, like Adams, "is a much abused man,” Mr. Stephens has never yet informed his friends in Georgia. Hemocrallc Meeting in Twiggs. The Hon. A. H. Chappell, and Hon. Marshall J. Wellborn, will address the citizens of Twiggs cctinty, on Thursday, 26th inst. The citizens of the adjoining counties are re spectfully invited to attend. MosttOt County, August 3tst, 1844. To the Editors of the Georgia Messenger i Gentlemen—Although I am averse to appearing before the public in my declining years, even in aelfdefencc. yet I cannot forbear noticing promptly a letter published in tbe Federal Union of Iasi week, purporting to have been writ ten by myself. It is there stated that I had left the Whig ranks, and that I knew nnd acted wiih the father of Jas. K. Polk politically, in the State of North Carolina. In the first place, I had no acquaintance whatever, with any Sucli char acter as the gSrilleinan alluded to in said letter. If said Polk had a father, he may, or may not, have belonged to the Republican party—I know nothing about his political views or actions. As for detaching myself frolii the Whig party, with whom I have acted since its organization, I pro nounce it a base falsehood. I shall live and die a member of that party, if they continue to advocate such measures as have been taught and advocated by our Revolutionary Fa thers, and which is now inscribed Upon every Whig banner, ar.d found at the mast head of every Whig newspaper in the whole Union. What! I vote for “Polk. Dallas and Chappell!!!” Never! never! I intend to vote for men and principles; and I conceive that those qualifications at tach td neither of the aforesaid getitlethen. In conclusion, I pronounce the whole letter a vile forgery, and I have deter mined to ferret out the name of the author, and deal with him in such a manner as his olficionsness deserves. And I now state that any party who can deliberately write such a vile letter for political effect, in the absence of principles, for the purpose of deceiving the honest voters and yeomanry df the country, disserve no couhteuanre. It is certainly a desperate shift—but is in character with many of the pitiful subterfuges df the falsely styled Democratic party. Well, gentlemen Editors of the Federal Union, if you have any regard for truth. I hope you will do me the favor to correct the falsehood, which you havb been made thd in strument in circulating. JOHN BARKER. Witnesses to the signature of the above letter. D. D. DOYAL. W. W. WOOL3EY, WM. SWAN. JEPTHA P. PARKER. Also three ladies present; (CP Recorder ind Jourtiil will copy the above; To the World : I shall vote for Polk, Dallas and Chappell—I shall vote with an open ticket like every freeman ought to do. Every man will be at liberty to pub lish it if he chooses. GEORGIA. Monroe county. This is to certify that D. D. Do.Vat eSttife to my house on the first day of September, 1844, with a written certificate, stating to me that someone had written a letter to the Fed eral Union in my name. Doyal said he believed Ambrose Chapman wrote it, from what he beard him say He slated that li a lvi/1 caon tliss loti au !. ... . time n/i conscience, and fe a -;„ , . ... impression, immediately h, P himself to qualifying his remarks. He now stntesiK? c would be unfair, uncandid and ungenerous to sav i' t whole Democratic party are tories. The mass of thi “ e those not huhting office, were es honest as himself „ P * rly ‘ Whig in I lib konst. We now understand himto'tav the mass of the party were not Tories, he still 1 that their leaders were. led ’ b “t Wb may nothavfe given Mr. Poe’s exact!anrraaeein.- • f instance, hut aaseh wr* haliava waa »Vi« =«,..? _ t® , ™ . spirit of ry instance, but such we believe was the sonl and his remdrkS. N W BATTLE, S H MARTIN, JOHN HAMLIN; KIIHC DILLARD; W F BROWN, WM THOMAS. W T WILSON. WM DEWBERRY, A TALMAGB. NATHAN PHILLIPS. WILEY II POPE WILLUM SIMS. JbHN H FLOYD ARCHEBALD DAVlS JOHN SLACK, H CHERRY, T STEWART, S P MORGAN. W C JONES, DU* More names if necessary fcan be had. From the Mitledgevile Recorder, Sept 2o, 184 Mr. Chappell The late hour at which this worthy gcntelman wa* nom inated has prevented him from minding, as he would have wished, with his fellow citizens, and has precluded that in the District. The House had no right to give away public money for any 5uch purpose ; and if gcntlrinen were disposed to l>e liberal, let them be libcr.*il out of their own money. He, therefore, moved the substitute above. ‘•Mr. Polk asked for the yea* and nays On the amendment observing that be wOnld vote for it with the greatest plea sure/* Pending the question on Mr. BUir’s ainendineut. the pre vious question was moved by Mr. .*“lorrs, of Npw York, (a gentleman who was in favor ol voting the money otiJ of the treasury instead of his own pecket.) and being demanded by a majority of the member* present, the said previous question waa put, viz: •‘Shall the main question be now put T M It passed in the affirmative, by yeas 3C-I, to 31. Mr. Woodbury’s Speech. Wc cannot too strongly commend this speech to our readers on the subject of the TarifT and Texas xtracts from which will he found on our first page. It was delivered in Bangor, Me., and it is gratifying to know ihat this pure and incorruptible statesman, though living almost within the din of Northern Factories, thinks and feels for and with the South, at the same time carefully guarding all intercstsof the Union; while Southern men are found abandoning the high ground of strict construe tion of the Constitution, and would betray us into the merciless hands of those who care for naught hut their individual aggrandizemenr. case of Mr. Chappell, than in many who might have been ptesented for their suffrages. For the reputation of this gentleman is certainly commensurate with the limits of onr State, and far, very far beyond those limits. And it is a reputation sufficiently solid to justffj; the suffrages of all who wish to be represented by an ability unquestioned and an integrity beyond assault. This gentleman, withal, pos sesses in a high degree, qualities more rare in public life, and by a large and the best portion ofsociety, more esteem ed than even ability, be it ever so decided. He is posses sed of a purity of feeling and character which not only a- dorns ralct,l,... ev.ramies the proper use of it.ond renders him a proper and safe guardian or a trust so uncreil ax (list -of the representative ofihe opinions and feelings of near half a million of his fellow-citizens. In a word, we thinh pH who really know ourcandidate, will join us in the expres sion of our confidence, that if chosen by the people theirre- prrsentative in the national councils, ho will quite as much, at least, adorn and elevate the station as the station is capa ble of elevating him. This is a lofty tribute, we feel when we otter it, but we feel no less truly, that it is as just as it is lofty, and especially appropriate at our hands, who by onr position have necessarily been brought very often to the con sideration or the public and private merits of the gentleman We do not desire to write a panegyric on Mr. Chap pell, tsuch as we esteem him; we only present him in a friendly way to the voters of Georgia, with the simple re mark, that it character, ability and worth, will insure votes in Georgia, Mr. Chappell certainly will represent her. [From the Savannah Republican, same date.] Mr. Chappell has been very long favorably known to the people,as a sagacious ucd profound slatesman. whose views of public policy have been distinguished by a eomprehen- , sive and far reaching scope, undimmed by the selfishness Of ; hands of the Macon Messenger. He refused to give it up, the Party Demagogue. We cheerfully commend him to | but stated he should publish it unless demanded Dy Doyal that he had seen the letter, and it was written in a beautiful hand. L r pon these grounds I gave him the certificate I did. When 1 came to see the letter, it was the one that my son, Col. C. Parker, had written. He was authorized to write- such a one from what I had told him. The principles eon tained in that letter are my political principles, and I shall be found canying them out in October and November. If there is a word in the certificate saying tnat I intend to vote for Clay, it was not read to me. his Signed JOHN y, PARKER. September 3, 1844. mark. Teat, HAYWOOD HARPER. PLEASANT L. FOSTER, JAMES DUNN. JAMES FOSTER. GEORGIA, Monroe County. This is to certify that I was at the bouse of John Paikcr, in Monroe county, on the first day of September, 1844. When I got there’ I found I). D. Doyal with an instrument of writing which I look hold of and tried to read, hut could not make out one word in five. Mr. Doyal took hoM of it and read it. There was not n word read to him that he (Pirker) intended to vote for Clay. I further state that I never signed the certificate given by Mr. Parker, nor au thorized any one to do it for me. Signed. J. P. PARKER. September IS, 1844. GEORGIA, Monroe county. This is to certify that I was at the house of John Parker, on Sunday, the 1st ofSeptember, 1844. When I got there, D. D. Doyal was there with a written paper. The coments I do not know—1 know it was quite short. Signed, NANCY PARKER. September 12,1841. GEORGIA, Monroe county. This is to certify thst I never signed the certificate riven by John Parker, which I see published in the Macon Mes senger, nor authorized any person to do it for me. Signed, WM. W. WOOLLEY. September 12, 1844. GEORGIA, Monroe county. This is to certify that John Parker authorized me todraw the certificate that he gave in contradiction to the one in the Federal Union, from D. D. Doyal, or any person in whose possession it might be found. For he says that il was obtained through fraud or what he conceives to be the same, misrepresentation. I further stale I found il in the Too Good to be Lost. A fiicntl tells us the following anecdote :-=-’*In Houston county, a good Democratic farmer, like most of the thrifty men of that county, lias a work shop on his premises for ihe repair of his tools, <Scc. Not long since a Whig neighbor of hi.«, who was busy in circulating the documents uf iiis party, call ed nn him, but not finding him at home, left n num ber of the "Whig Rifle” on his workbench. Our farmer coming in shortly after, picked it up and began to read, when, to Iiis surprise the first article that met his eye, was an argument in favor of the restriction of the Vein Power. Ho resolved in a moment, what to do, so taking a handful of wet clay he bespattered the paper and hong it lip in his shop. Iiis neighbor called the next day to know how be liked the "Whig Rifle." "Rifle?" said he, 1 saw no rifle, but in place of it a d—d old Brit ish Musket, and that aimed at the heart of the Con stitution, then pointing to the paper with the dabs of clay on it, nc said, ‘and there sit is my commenta ry cu the anicle,’ The coon took the back nack.” th« confidence oftthe people, as every way competent to ad vance their interest, and utterly incapable of abusing their trust to subserve his own ends. We have selected tho above extracts from the Southern Recorder and Republican, to show what was the opinion generally entertained, not only by the Whigs but all parties, of the purity and Unblem ished integrity of Mr. Chappell. The opinion of the press was universal and thatufthe Macon Mes senger was more fulsome and adulatory, we would commend it to tho perusal of that veritable print. Ic these disjointed times they seem entirely to have forgotten what even a year since they were so eager to proclaim. The party hacks arc now vociferating all over the country their foul and slan derous assertions, that Col. Chappell is now actua ted by.the base and sordid motives of interest, that lie is interested in Texas lands, which now prompts his course. We are authorized to declare most unqualifiedly, that Col. Chappell has no interest either directly or indirectly in Texas lands, nor never had. So much for this calumny. Wiiat next ? Mr. Mil Parker and the Messenger. In our last we stated that Mr. Parker was seen at our Convention walking in the procession and carrying a banner, all of which was attested by a good Whig of this city. The Messenger did not deny tlie facts, but threw out a dark hint that this good Whig should be attended ro in due season. After reading the certificates below, we should be pleased to know in what manner this good Whig is to receive the friendly attchtton of our neighbor. If tlie damning proof of guilt somewhere in the Whig ranks is not now apparent to every one, we despairoferer furnishing it. So far from Mr. P’s Doyal refused ro draw il from the fact that he was instru mental iu procuring of tlie above from said Parker. Signed. PLEASANT L. FOSTER. September 12, 1844. GEORGIA, Monroe county. I hereby certify that I was at the house or John Parker’ in Monroe county, on Sunday, 1st September, 1844. when D. D. Doyal came to Mr. Parker with a written paper, read the same to him in my presence. The —’ writing wasou . “ “““*** , ” _i one side of a letter sheet, ind I do not know that it filled the American question was disorganizing in Us iem.eney. aw whole of ttat aide even. And further, it was stated by Mr. Doyal to Mr. Parker, that he believed Ambrose Chapman and some one else, who, I do not now recollect, wrote the recont letter to the Federal Union under his signature, and that Christopher Parker did not write it because he did not believe he had sense enough to write such a letter. I am confident that there wds not more than one side read to Mr. Parker, because the paper w«i not turned ever by Doyal while he read. Given under my hand, this September 4th, 1844. WM. C. SWAN. E3” The Mdcdn Messenger, the Journal ard Recofder, Milledgevilfo, are requested to publish the above. FOR THE TELEGRAPH. FOR THE MACON TELEGRAPH; To WASHINGTON POE. Esq. Sir,—During the late war, Mr. Webster declared tl, s i he would not vote one dollar appropriation tor iu expense * though the “enemy's cannon should be battering dowiuhe walls of the Capitol.” And to endorse this sentiment more fully, the Tederal Legislature or Masc.-icliusetit voiej , iu Senate chamber that it was “immoral and irreligious i" rejoice at the victories of their country over Great Britain '• The aame man that uttered these ssntiments still lirnto side with England in 1644 on the Texasquesnon smi to on pose equally with that power the extension of our republi can institutions upon this continent. How is it then, that although you coincide with Webster' and Seward. nnd_Slade, and Birney, the very -head and front of the Abolition parly of tlie North in opposition to tbe annexation of Texas, you could still charge a portion of your fellow citizens with being tories. You kindly say in your explanatory note addtessed to E. A. Nesbit, Esq. that the Democrats “who were not in pur suit of office” were as honest as yourself or any member of the Whig party. The charge is equally abrupt and un founded as it the denunciation included every voter of the Republican party ! For the very men that vou denounce, (or at least many of them) have by their noble conduct in' the field of battle, established their patriotism before the American people. What! are ihe hetoes of 1812, ‘13, and ’14. those who in the darkest hours of the republic, up held our country’s flag and cheered the desponidng hearts of the patriot, to be thus rewarded for their glorious ach ievements? Is Col. Butler of Kentucky, a torv? Do you that de- nounreour own Newnan and Tennille, the one covered with wounds, and tho other who left an arm upon ihe i ti ll* field ? Did Cass and Johnson and Gaines, those gallant old warriors, who by their glorious victories have earned an imperishable fame, prove their toryixm by warring against old England? And are you willing thus to dese crate the most glorious recollections that hover aiound the American Eagle—to brand that man with being a tnry, who defeated, ignotninously defeated the veteran legions of Wel lington, saved tbe fairest City of the West from conflagra tion, and the daughters of the American people from the unholy violence of a licentious soldiery ? People of Geor gia I are you willing that the Hero of New Orleans shonld bfe thus defamed, and that no voice be lifted up in his he- half? But the old soldier needs no defence. Hit adtt- cates are the hearts of the American people—It defamation cannot strip one leaf from the laurels with w hich they hare ddorned his brow. But will yrtu ttll us why it is that you here resorted to such unmitigated abuse ? You are to be permitted to deal out at your leisure, charge upon charge, libel U|ion libel, upon the great and the gnod ofihe land, while your friends claim that yonr opponents have nt> right to expose your po litical tergiversations to the people. They go fartlirr—they not only proscribe ihose wild ate active in the canvass, but tLey dare to threaten me through bnonyuious rommuni cations; hs though they suppbsed that I could be silenced by the same abject fenrs and servile motives that actuate their own conduct. Let these men who lurk iu tbe dark, and are ready to use tlie assassin's knife to silence the in dependent expression of opinion, kntw that I hold it a» the most “inestimable boon" of aft American citizen tx« only to vote as my judgment may dictate, but freely to do- cuss before the public your claims to office and your chart acter as a public mnn 1 But pardon this digression and le ns return to the subject. Tuc same, misfortune In your explanation of this charge still accompanies you. You first make the most unfonu- nate blunders, and then in your attempted exculpations,• are involved in still deeper difficulties. You shon'd not only think twice before you speak, hut submit vour pro ductions lo a mare cautious and considerate friend (Iran ton- correspondent of the Messenger. In your lener to lifn af ter stating what vnu did say. and what you did ihH say. yon proceed to make this grave statement. “That the Whigs of this country have always been found battleing for ihe privileges of the people against the usur pations first of the King of England and (hen (lie Chief Ma gistrate nf this Confederacy from our Revolutionary strug gle to the present time." If you were as w ell read in flat polit'cal history of the country as you arc in I’rinee's Di gest, you would have known that parties did not assume a distinct difference in name until the contest between Job" Adams and Mr. Jefferson, when the country became divi ded into two great parlies, the Federal and" llpnblican or Democratic. Mr. Jefferson assumed the head of the De mocratic and Mr. Adams that of llie Federal party X«v formidable party was ever arrayed against Gen. Washing ton's administration—and yet in ihe fare of this (art, inn tell the people that the Whig party battled against (he Chief Magistrate from our "revolutionary struggle to the present time." It is true, that as great and good as Gen. Washington was, there were men even in those days, that envious of his renown, opposed his administration and would hare detracted from his merits both as a hero and a statesman. Bat it has been left Cir Mr. l'oe’s historical acumen to dis cover that a Whig party then existed to battle against Gen. Washington simply because he was tlie Chief Maeistrsie of the country. The same party I suppose continued (be war against tbe administrations of Jefferson. Madison, Monroe, and so on up to the ‘‘present lime” and will IK* doubt continue the war until Mr. Clay is elected, and then I presume they will most graciously grant lo ihe country an armistice! But the people of theUnited States seerag so little harm resuliing to the Union from (his protracted war fare upon the Chief Magistrates of the ccmnlry from “our revolutionary struggle to the prcscct time” by the Whig party, will no doubt indulge their pugnacious propensities by the elevating at least one more republican adiTinistratioir into power. You will not therefore, sir, he |restrieted in the exercise of what^’ou proclaim lo be a public yirtoe, wit:—the battling against the Chief Magistrate of your country. 1 presume [when you penned the above tnent that yon were fresh from the “Lest of the Barons and thougnt like old Warwick you would soon be able to make ana unmake Presidents at your pleasure. Suffer ir»e however to remind you that such romantic folly, however delightful the illusion, is but ill-adapted to the plain repub lican natures of the American people. And wiih nil your plausibility you will never succeea in making them belic'C that there was any virtue in battling aeaioft such men a* Washington. Jefferson, Madison and Monroe. But upon whatdoyou found this charge of tnry ism against the Democratic party of the United Stales. ^ of their sympathy Cor the young republic of Texas 7 .‘-ball it be surrendeied to minister to the infuriated fanaticism o the Abolitionists ? Or do you aeree with the greet of your party the (Richmond Wkif) that the possession ot Texas by England is not lobe deprecated. H«>w hup b»* it been since you arrived at the conclusion that this g™ FORSYTH, Sept. 1.1, 1811. Mr. Editor.—W r e notice in the Messenger of t*’e 29th August, a note addressed by the Hon. E. A. Nisbet. to Washington Poe, Esq. in which he states that a report had been circulated in Macon and vicinity, and he doubted not. - it would extend over the District, that he (Washington Poe) j would not yield to the prevo had stated in a public speech delivered in the town of 1 1 * 1 Forsyth, “That tne Democratic party were all tories.” He inquires oi Mr. Poe if he had used such language, if not, what he did say on that occasion. Now, as we were present, and hesrd that part of his ad dress when lie referred to the matter above alluded to. and as we do not believe that Mr. Poe replied to Mr. Nisbet’s note fairly and candidly, and being anxious to relieve our selves and our party, !rom|ihe foul imputations of having fra med and given currency to a report ndt based in truth, we have determined to publish to the voters of this District and to the world, what we deem a correct statement of this gen tleman s remarks in Forsyth. Mr. Pob, after paying complements to the ladies presen that the addition of five new stars to our national btnoev would endanger the Union. . Let the Messenger republish your letter of 1832, these questions will be fully answered. Are you willing that that letter should again see tlie ligln ? Or like tbe W; ter of Mr. Clay's in F.P. Blair’s possesaion, are you airs*" of the effect its re-publication might produce ? How different is Col. CbappeU*t position before the vo ters of Georgia. The Legislature arranged this districtt as to give hun a majority of 857 ^votes. We sent him * Congress to represent the people and not Mr. Clay. ** refused to surrender K\& judgment and his conscience ^ the Federal dictator, and voted against a Protective - * riff. He nobly rejected the office that the Whig P* r 0 * necar^d to him by giving him an overwhelming major 1 and appealed to the virtue of an independent people'oJV tify his course. And for this he has beeu denounced, p scribed and vilified. . The people will not see him sacrificed for not w*’.® a represent their interests in Congress. He recognized republican the sorcreitfii trill of the pc°P railing monarchi.«ni of a f 'i by submitting to the sovereign will of Henry CltJ* ^ though for a time they may shadow his greatness ) traction and calumny, by invective and abuse, ^ with which a fierce and unscrupulous faction wo . shroud him shall roll off benenth hi* feet and lie ' l unbroken sunshine of popular ^ Respectfully* S. M. an residing 1 erect in the i Extract of a letter to tlie cdilar, frem a gcullcu:: n Cherokee: _ ,,«q . “Ourgain in Murray will not fall short of I.5" r the 3th, Lumpkin’s majority will be from coot). Tories were in favor of royal prerogatives. He said tho s ® nit Pities were transplanted into this country previous to tne revolutioH—llie re was a party rtow that called themselves letter in the Federal Union being a "villanuus for-1 ci*y'D^^bmI.?tho“ s hlVTnfl 6 'cmeT 1 ^ , t . w i —^ iu kc. mtiitra in xociit, 1 iiil x. uiijum u j itjcji't •. Sa n wa* n E°nar«d ,r, L , p “I'Tf*' 1 "' the origin of ! h ju „ heard from Chattooga, (he immortal Colq • parlies was in Rnoland. In England there were two par- I J , ,, a public discus.-oi ties, one Called Whigthe other Torv—the Whig: nlway < dcalln g "death blows to \\ higgery.^ A . [>jn] arl ) battling against the prerogatives of the Crown, while the cornea off at thi. place on the 12th, Co quilt, 8 am ford arc expected. You can assure our tri our gain will average fn 5th.*’ -