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GEORGIA TELEGRAPH Mr.ssa*. Editor* ' ' ll seems iliaf no in in can presume to think or act fir himself, if 1":- has ever belonged to the Whig party of Georgia, without thawing tip m himself, pcrwtnnlly, a pack who slam ever ready to Any for the party. •They have, made their onset tipna me in the last “Messen ger, simply because I dared to express my iii- diviihial opinion when civilly asked, and suit dry certificates are given that my opinions are ertnneous.—As to the truth or error of those opinions, the future will settle that matter. 1 might give a host of certificates substantiating the truth of my statements; nay, I could give extracts from Whig papers at the North, ac knowledging that a majority of the Abolition ist* were from the Whig party, and that they •were thereby in danger of defeat; and 1 say again, that no honest man there ever denied it to mo : bat 1 disdain certificates. The people of the Sooth may believe me or not. as they please; I shall stand as good a chance as others, let what will come hereafter. 1 put it to every candid Georgian to say, if this is not a singular s'ate of things. 'I lie pro. pie of the South are reviled and denounced as Barbarians. Thieves, Robbers and Hypocrites by the wholesale at the North, their property' constantly stolen from them, and their citizens imprisoned in the penitentiary if they attempt to rega : n it; and not content with this, the whole Whig party of tlm North press upon the National Legislature Aho’ition petitions, denouncing to the world the citizens of the Sooth as thieves, robbers and hypocrites; and yet, if a citizen of the South d ires to speak •gainst this immaculate Whig party at the North.or simply give it ns his opinion that they arc rnenvc* of the South, he must he denounc ed and reviled in a spirit and style of vulgarity that would make even the Ahcd tiouists them selves blush; and this, not by the great Whig leader, John Q. Adams, hut by his allics-in t!>e South. Here lies all our danger; the South could defy the ho lility of the world meted, if all her citizens would be true to her; hut such is the delusion of party and the love of r fTieo. that in the boor of peril she will he betrayed to the enemy for “thirty pieces of silver.” But it was unnecessary to certify that the Whig party at the North are tint Abnlilinnis's, for 1 never saul they were.—But T now say that they are Abolitionists as to the Territories. They believe, or profess to believe, that no new S'ate ought to he ndmi'tcd with Slavery. Does Judge Holt intend to deny that the extract front Mr. Choate’s speech is not genuine or that,it is not the sentiments of the Whig par ty at the North ? yea or nay ? that speerli- is circulntciLnt the North ns one ol their Text Books,..nnd.can be easily obtained. 'I nnVr will, however, take up seriatim tho>r several attacks, and depose of them as they merit, nnd I hope to do it in a better temper than has nctuated those who have so wantonly assailed me. First, in n^der. come the "Editors of the Messenger, and the Hon. Judge Strong, ceitainly 1 can have no objection to the edi'o- r<al comments preceding the extract of a let'er furnished by Judge Strong. But I must snV. that the respect there avowed for me by the ed itors is rather equivocal, taken in connection with the scurrilous piece against me, ins-rted bv them in a subs' tpiert part of their paper. ' Now, a* to the extract of a letter—certainlv that letter is mine. It is to he regretted that party ma'ice is sometimes suffered to interrupt .1 1 _ . * «... f tlm n«A«t *o/tr/»n’ rnlolmtto nf net*. 1 deemed it my duty to take the stump and address the ci'izens of Georgia, and urge them to maintain their rights, and their patriot Gov ernor against Federal misrule ; since then my humble efforts have been directed to the main tenance of an indigent family, but if it bpcomes necessarv. I will agon devote my humble tal ents to aid. in some small degree, that old pat riot in pulling down the rule of Federalism in Georgia, and I know there are enough that will help us—-Georgia cannot he made a Federal State. S. T. BAILEY. MACON, October 5th, 1844. A FI.T IX THE LOCK. to the measure, if adopted. Bur how have all those expectations been fals Bed since? While Mr. Clay is saying he is not personally opposed to annexation, all Ids Whig friends at the North, by the press and their speeches, say that they never will consent to receive Tex as with her slavery, and it was in this connec tion that the extract front Choate’s speech was delivered hv him. Can they get any ex Judges or street cotton buyers from the North to certi fy that this is not true ? Wc shall -ec. Nay, if the Whig newspapers at the North tell the truth, Vermont and Massachusetts have re solved that annexation would be a virtual dis solution of the Union ; and all this, because it would strengthen the Southern States. Again, the Whigs et the North treat Mr. Clay’s aban donment of the protective policy with contempt, and say they will hold him to his ancient faith as to annexation and protection ; in short, they intend to control him, and not be controlled by lum. There is doubtless n misprint in the extract of the letier given. I cannot believe that 1 used the expression “Calhoun Slaves," for I rememb'-r well, that I intended to write “Cal houn party.” It is well known that I disap prove of the abstraction that by the Coestitu. tion a State may disregard the laws and re main in the Union—that this was revolution and so not sanctioned by the Constitution, but that each State lias a right to judge for herself and withdraw from the Union, thereby aban doning the Constitution if her safety require it. I think when Mr. Calhoun or his friends threa ten the North, or argue the question of Shivery withEngland.be or they net unwisely; the one cannot be frightened nor the other convinced so as to change the course of either, hut em boldens both in their agressions, and gives in-, , , „ , . . „ , fluonce an i power to such good Wldgs as John ( ,hfl best ^ of th “ Rp P oW,e Q. Adams—and this is all I intended to convey Froof of the Combination between ^h'5* and Abolitionists. Ex-Governor Seward, one of the most ac tive and influential whies, in the state of New York, in a late letter ad lre«sed to the whig*, nnd Liberty party, writes as follow* : " The time ha* come to disabuse fh ft m ,blic mind of it* prejudices. Our adversaries are broken up in their central councils 8n ,1 j n , h „; r caucus cohesion. T ev have committed themselves bevnnd retreat to the extern" and fortifica io n of Human Slavery The have kept the word of promise to the ear and It is whispered about town, that several of ex ^e ("font foreign tli- CERTIFIERS in ,h. Me*-.,.r n.„r I saw the certificate uniil it appeared in that pa- I the United States now take their attitud^* ° is that, one or more of. friends of civil and religious freedom nr humanity, such an attitude as will command the hat mony* of the most sacred'relations of life, and tu^re men to net in a manner that th**ir cooler judgment would condemn. On Monday teat, lodge Strong came to mv house.- nnd in a peremptory tone, demanded if I had a piece coming out in the Telegraph, T renlied I had; he replied, well, sir, I shall publish yontg s < first letter to me, jf it is against the Whigs, IJ f c replied In substance, that I had nothing to con ceal, and that he was welcome to publish all my letter.*, that I should act in that matter, and in all matters for my*clf, that if he chose, be could adduce hetter evidence of mV attach, ment and fidelity lo the Whig party in times past, than that letter, hut that he well knew that I had changed my nrind as to the policy and principles ofthe'two parties—there the mat ter ended. Subsequently the note calling forth my reply in the Telegraph. Extra, reached m-. and now we have the Judge’s threat veri fied —now, since I am to be victimized ns far as party rancor can drag me up from nn bumble private station to the altar, l shall struggle n little to defend myself, and may hone my ene mies will find there are blows to take ns well as blows to give; certainly it is a warfare most disgusting to me, but when attacked, I shall de fend myself. Why is that letter paraded a- gainst me? Only to induce a belief that wha* I have since stated is untrue—Now the public would hardly expect that when Judge Strong furnished that letter for the press, he had in his possession a letter subsequently written, where in I expressly declare that I wholly reverse my previous opinions and give my reason* at large on two closely written sheets—bad that letter also been published, it would have p'acrd I nio in a different light, and the Judge would’ hn ve done me justice. Again, I had learnt when a hov from Cicero the heinous impropriety of "making privat-' letters public without the con sent of the writer, doubtless the old Roman knew nothing of the rules of honor. In this in stance, I gave my assent that all my letters should be published, but that was after an em phatic declaration from 'he Judge that this one should be published nolens volcns, without ask ing my assent. But what are the facts? the letter from which the extract is taken was written the n<#^ : dsv after 1 arrived in Vermont from Gcorgte, I had seen enough even then, to convince me of the danger that threatened the South, but I had not learned then the feelings of the two rallies toward the South, and I believed th.it Mr.Clay having shown by hisspeech in the Se nate that he was sound upon the subject of Sla very, and by his tetters, that lie was opposed to a Tariff for protection, that h-s follower, both North and South, would adopt his policy as their own, and abide by it. True, be was op posed to the annexation of Texas, a measure which I fas all my friends in.Georgia know if they would speak.) have been from the begin- ing ardently in favor of. I believed, however that in that matter he would bo guided by Con- ;<icsk ns lie **« not opposed to Slavery, and Would rrcorril^lh'* federal f» -ond* a. I he No-fa per. Another rumor them has declared that the part embraced in, (parenthesis), which is the only ohjectionable j * R f e £J PCtan 0°'fidence of th» uprising mnp- portion of n was not in the original. The j jJjetefon*secure the confidence of th e people Democracy care no* a fig whether these ru- of America. Once comnel our countrymen mors are true or false. It is sufficient for them j to admit that the whig party are, as they truly to know that the extracts below clearly sub- arR -*be party of emancipation and of progress. stantiate Col. Bailey’s statements, and vo lumes can be produced to corroborate them if | strike down the necessary. in that letter. But if Judge Strong believes that its publishment will injure me or gratify my enemies, lie is welcome to all the pleasure it may afford him. Certain it is. I hope never to try to take a like revenge upon any one for whom I profess to have, not love, but the least respect. But the Moloch of p- rty must he sa- tia'ed, and I may as well he the victim as ano ther. And now as to Mr. Bond, of Lee. All that was said on the occasion alluded to, I do not re member; hut I do nm'-mher of holding a •hoit argument with Mr. Bilbo, wherein I con tended for the right of Congress to pass a Ta riff for incidental protection—but that 1 spoke enthusiastically of the prospects of the Whigs is not true, for no one ever heard me so speak, even when l was strongest for the Whigs. It is easy to account for the error of Mr. Bond, meeting woli old friends. I did not desire to ob trude my political ~I» „n them. Dr. Meals was zealous, and they all appeared im bued with warm political feelings, and when they treated me as holding the same opinions as formerly. I did not feel called on to put them right, and Bond took the enthusiasm of others for mine. But it is probable that l expressed n belief of the success of Mr. Clay and the Wing party, for I then believed that thev would succeed, but I could not have expressed any desire for such success, fv I l»ad before then so exp'essed myself. Three weeks be fore then, I had declared on board of a boai near Rochester, in New York, that I should vote for neither Clay nor Polk on the occasion of taking a vote on hoard the boat for President, and that was my then determination, fori had seen enough and heard enough, to convince me that as a citizen of the South 1 ought not ttvaid the Whig party of the North to acquire power, as the election of Mr. Clay would certainly have thtft effect, and yet could not bring my- elf to the resolution of voting against friends for whom I had then, and feel now the greatest respect; moreover, I anticipated and dreaded the onset of the pack who have been let loose upon me, for I know tte-re are men in nil par ties who cannot appreciate the feelings of one who votes as his conscience dictates—men who believe if a man has once thought and acted with them, thai he is a machine hound never to change lrs opinion or action, and that if he does he does it corruptly. Next, come the Obears, and other*, with tlieir certificate to prove that I am mistaken a- bout Abolitionism ; I give it up, doubtless they know more about it than I do, and ten to one these same gentlemen on their return to the North, after having made a fortune out of the Southern people, can be got to give a certifi cate that Southerners are the clevere*t gulls thev have met with or read of in Gulliver or any other author. Next comes ex-Judge Holt, who flew with the speed of steam from Saratoga to the Fall*, and from the Falls to Boston, and then hurried home, and of course he knows all about the sentiments of the mass of the Northern people, no one doubts, the Judge believes all that the very polite people of Boston told him—they deny there now that they are Federalists, or ev er wire, but the Judge proves no error in my statement. Next comes n scurrilous piece from a puppy beneath my notice, the miserable tocl tries to insinuate that 1 have ceased to practice in Bibh; doubtless he believes I have, although I am at every Superior Court in the county; the fact is, [ have to keep out of the way of this “nice young man.” I am afraid of him, being a little ner vous, moreover, he does nearly all the practice, so that there is no practice tor me. Again, he has found out what 1 never said nor knew, that Titus Hutchison is my uncle, or any relative of mine. I am sorry that edito s who profess to be my friends, and for whom I have always had a high regard, should have suffered such a libel in their paper. F*-r the present I have done, this warfare is none of my seeking, hut now it is begun, I am not the one who will be f iund running or backing out. I m»de no attack Upon, nor charge against the Whig party ol" Georgia, nor any member thereof, but because I saw fit to express my humble opinion of a certain class at the North, 1 am lo be trodden under foot and annihilated by men here in the South ; but they are mistaken, they are not the whole peo ple of Georgia, I know the Georgians, ano I love them, for th- y have hcietofore been my friends. awd 1 know they will not all forsake me now. Twenty years ago, when the patriot ’IVmtp * a* smuggling against Federal bayo- COT.. *1. T. BAtt.KY’8 T.ETTEB. AVe ask every patriot, every Southern man, every citizen whether native or adopted, whose heart heat* in unison with the land of his own surny cbme. to read and ponder wpII upon the letter of Col. Bailey. It is the vindi *ation of an honest man, whose patriotism would honor Col. Bailey, for having the manliness and patriotism to love the State with whose dpstinv his f irtunes for weal or for wo nre connected better than the success of a party, has been s'ngled out a* the next subject for the Whig Guillotine. In cor roboration of the facts a’leged against the Whig party of the North in the letters of Cob Baily, we will not attempt to mislead our fel low cit'zens of Geargia with pariizan certifi cates, but will give them proof from the living record, from the speeches and letters of such men as Webster, Choate, Seward, Slade, Adams and Burchard—men who are known to every school b<>y in the Stale, ns the Conceded leaders and oracles of Whig principles at the North: such evidence is worth ten thousand certificates. People of Georgia, read then for yourselves, and remember that by the vote you cast on Monday next, you may in some degree be the humble instrument of vindicating the institutions nnd honor of your State from the foul calumnies ol your wo. or virtu ally abandon her to an uncertain fate. The people of the South are upon the brink of a precipice, and it becomes the m as men and pa triots to exam ne the ground upon which they stand. THE VALUE OF ONE TOTE. Let no Democr.it fail to vote on Monday next. The value of one vote is incalculable— one vote may save the District. Nay, it may be the very salvation of your country itself.— Remember that by one vote alone the Decla ration of Independence was carried. One vote alone secured the election of Jefferson • ver the traitor Burr. The one vote of Martin Van Euren saved tiie South from a deluge, of incendiary abolition publications which might have otherwise proved an unceasing tide of conflagration and death to the people of the Southern States; one vote may elect COL. CHAPPELL, and we must do that, in the language of the brave and gdtenl Sarke, of revolutionary memory we say “Boys we must sleep in Bennington lo night, or Molly Starke a widow.” TO THE BEinOc'BACT OF THE OI.OBI- Ol'S TillKD DISTRICT. The eyes of the people of twenty-six sovere ign and independent States are upon you. The hopes and freedom of the South as well as of a kindred republic a e in a great measure in your hands., On Monday next you will have the high privilege of vindi cating the course of tlte noble Chappell- tlie unbound Promethius of the South; will you show yourselves equal to the great trust committed to your care; will you show that the spirits of the fathers still ani mates the bosoms of their children, and that the fearless and noble spirit of the Georgian yet lives to sustain and vindicate the man whose only crime is that he loves his State and the in stitutions of her people, too well ever to sacri fice them upon the altar of party. Under such circumstances the election of Col. Ch»p- ceil will be no barren triumph. The glory of the District w.ll be the common property of all its citiz> ns, and they may proudly challenge ns they will receive from their democratic br< thren of the Union, the “Star of the Legion of IIonoH.” When such Whigs ns Col. Ba'ley withdraw from their former political associations on ac count of what his own observafon nnd experi ence have tnught him to be the settled pf tlci- ples of the Northern wing iff the Whig party, to wit: the most relenfl* *>• hostility to the South, and her peculiar institution*. Most men who know Col. B. miist be sat sfir <1 that “there is something rotten in the state of Denmark.” and we shall no longer ha ve to complain of anv portion of our f.'llow-citizen* that they strike down the arm which uphold* Republican institutions and controls them for the public welfare,” I am dear sir very respect full y, vour oh’nt servant, WM. H. SEWARD It will be seen from this, that Gov. Seward, in charging his opponents, (the democratic par ty) with having eommited themselves beyond retreat to the extension and fortification of sla.tery—makes no exceptions in f.ivorof that party, either at the north or south, but includes both alike in his charge, Is not Gov. Seward good authority, or can it be possible if any por tion of the democratic party at the north are in any way connected with the abolitionists, if should have escaped him. Gov. Seward’s means nnd opportun'ries for informing himself correctly on the subject, are far better than those who are attempting to conceal from the people of the south, the true state of parties at the north. The following extracts from a letter, addres sed by CHARLES BURCHARD. one of the most influep'ial and talented abolitionists of we*tem New York, to the Hamilton New York Millboy, on the 2d of July last- will show whnt light Mr. Clay’s present position is re garded by the abolitionists there, of whom this Burchard is chief: tt?*’ “Having after mnture reflection, ar rived at the conclusion that it is mv rl..iir «„ cast mv vote for Henry Ctev at th** next pre- • tv.- nun, i ueem it due to tbs friends with whom I have acted in the Liberty party, and who have been pleased to honor me with a public mark of tlieir confidence, frankly to .state the reasons which have brought me to this conclusion. It is necessary to premise that the contest lies wholy between Mr. Clav and Mr. Polk. Noi>e are so sanguine as to expect that Mr.Bimey will carry a single siat-, or even that he can concentrate the present strei gth of the Lib-rty p^orty Henry Clay or James K. Polk will be next president of these United State*. This is morally cenain. What then is the great issue to bederided by the con- test ? To my mind it is clearly and indubita bly this : Whether Texas ax she is, with' her slavery and her debts, is to be immediately an. nexed to this Union or not ! In other words, whether slavery in this country is to be placed, humanly speaking, hopelessly beyond the reach of anti slavery efforts, and forever or in definitely perpetuated, or to be left ns it is, ex. posed to the opposing influences whieh are now so actively and powerfully at work in hasten ing its overthrow. I say this, to my mind is the great issue." * • * • • “Whatever faults belongs to Henry CUy, open hearted honesty has not been denied him by bis bitterest enemies, who knew him or had any honesty themselves. I do not therefore have any feurs ol Mr. Clay on the Texas ques tion. The noble sentiments of his letter will govern him in this matter, and that vil'anous scheme of the advocates of perp'-ttrif slavery, and swindling speculutiorsand and script own ers, to hang around the neck of this nation, the sinvcholdiug, insolvent, Botany Bay of rhe A- mericati Continent, erm find no favor while he stands at the helm of this government. Here, then, l repeat is the issue before the American people i Polk, Texas, War, nnd pc, pe/ual sla very or Henry Clay, no Texas, no War, and slavery (at the worst) left as it is. # * * m • ‘•If one succeeds, we are to have a slavehold- ing nation whose inhabitants rebelled from their rightful governmeat. and conquered a free country, and cursed its virgin soil by planting upon it the foulest system of oppression on which the sun ever st'Oiie, yoked wrthe car of Out destiny ; by which act we shall plunge in to a bloody war, saddled with a debt df un counted millions—the organic tew of ourgfori ous constitution destroyed—the political rHa- tiotiS between the nr>rfb and souih changed— the ddrW'in 6f slavery placed upon a throne 'high &> lifted up,’ win re he can laugh to scorn our puny efforts to d-throne him,; and our country made a hissing arid By-word throughout the civilised world. And afl fhls to please (he unblushing advocates of perpetual slavery,- itnd a set of unprincipled and selfish speculators in Texas land scrip'. The notio'tt of the South ern annex itioniits is open and avowed. It is to extend and swet/rfc the ‘peculiar institution.’ The correspondence connected with the tele Treaty negotiations views this b»'yo-id contra diction! This vittb of the question cannot be blinded. If the o’her succeeds, then all the evils we have enumerated will be averted. We shall h"ve no Texas, no war, no change in the con stitution, no national disgrace, and the peculi ar inst tution in our country left as it la, to ( The War horse of Troup ; and with Troup.) Here is shoit work for you. Here’s the way Col. Alford, doffs whiggery. Hamilton, Sept. 11, 1844; Ctntlenuni—1 hate this moment rekd old , Troup’s letter. Set me dowu for Palk, Dallas stand or fall upon the territory it has already and Ha r ralsotr. attd I am with yotf as long as cursed and withered and exhausted of life, sub. you fight against Clay, Advms and Slade. I ject to the influences which are now success. Yours, Ac. JULIUS C. ALFORD. fuHy assailing it. What hater •( fl^yerv what lover of hi* cotlntrv ran hesitate as lo course of duty in this crisis ? Thus I have imperfectly set forth my. views of personal duty in the approaching canvass. I felt it due to friend* with whom l hive politi cally acted for some time past to be thu* frank, that they might understand and appreciate my motives 1 wi*h to act openly and honestly in ’•II that I do, and refrain from every thing which I should f-el ashamed to be proclaimed from the house-tops. A great and fearful crisis, in my opinion, presses upon this na*ton. I wi*h so to discharge my duty in reference to it as i to preserve a conscience Void of offence to wards God and man.*’ CHARLES BURCHARD, Again, one of the great hich priests of Whiggery and Abolitionism in Vermont, Wm. Slade, late Whig candidate and Governor •- lect, nf that State, speaking of whnt he char acterises as a new and fearfully important question to wit: the annexation of Texas, held the following language. ”1 need not say that the success of our opponents in this Presidential election would be the success of this measure. Their candi date has been selected for the very purpose of carrying it. He is committed to it irrevoca bly. And where is Henrt Clay?—opposed to it; A ND OPPOSED FOR REASONS OF PERPETTAL FORCE. THE ACT OF TAKING A STAND IN OPPOSITION TO THIS MEASURE. HAS GIVEN HIM A NEW CLAIM TO THE C< ‘NFIDF.NCE OF THE NATION. HE HAS IN EF FECT 8MD—LET US STRENGTHEN AND CONSOLIDATE OUR PRESENT UNION. RATHER THAN HAZARD ITS EXISTENCE IN AN ATTEMPT TO EX TEND AND PERPETUATE SLAVERY MR. CLAY DOES NOT WISH TO PER. PETUATE SLAVERY. He hn s no sym pathy with the absurd and monstrous sentiment, that its perpetuity is essential to the perpetui ty of republican institutions; and whatever may be his view# in regard to immediate e- mancipation, he stands, in reference to the great issue on which the question of Slavery is now turning, on the side of freedom and of his country. “The Whig party occupy, at th : s moment, a position of unparalleled interest. Beside their advocacy of the measures to which they have long been committed, they constitute to all present, practical purposes, the true “Liberty party;” because, with the'r great leader, they are coming to the rescue of the Union by re sisting the consummation of a scheme, whose avowed object is to augment the power of Sla- verd, and fasten its rule irrevocably on the country. I respect the motives, and concur in the main with the ultimate aim of my friends of live “Liberty party,” 1,ot>x— -., imni urg-ntfiDMuii martequaie, and inappropri ate, to the end proposed ; but I should uo vi olence to my own feelings, and disregard the dictates of ttty most d -liberate judgment, if I were to withhold my support front the Whig party—since it is not only pledged fa the poli cy of Protection—to the lienificent measures connected with the disposition of the Public Domain, and to the effecting of reforms loud- ly demanded by a suffering and misgoverned country, but stands at this moment as the only effectual harrier against the speedy consumma tion of the dangerous and suicidal scheme of Annexation for the purpose of peipetuating Slavery. I tender my salutat'ons to my fellow citi zens. who may be assembled at your meeting, while I remain, Yery respectfully, vour ob’t. serv’t. WILLIAM SLADE.” Webster’s speech »Vmut twelve days ago on Boston common, is “proof as strong as ho ly writ,” that the Whig party in ihe New Eng land States as well as a large majority of that party in the adjoining free States, are “hand and glove” with the abolitionists. We sub join some extracts from the speoch in question, and leive it to the plain common sense of eve ry man in the country to say what is the issue here presnted. “Then, on tire other hand, there is Henry Clay. Hi* opinion on this subject of Annexa tion has been repeatedly expressed. And, gentlemen, allow me to say here, in this con nection, that 1 know of no m. n who has taken the ground of opposition to this project earlier than myself. It did happen to me some seven vears ago, in h speech made at a meeting in-the city of New York* to state my views on this matter; and those views have not been chang ed. I spoke them then, not bring, and nev er being afraid of committal, on what 1 thought valid grounds. Those grounds are no lesi val id now than they were then. 1 have no new sentiment upon the question. And I, lor on6, say that—under the present circumstances of the case -I shall hearaly give my vate to Mr. Cla^. Among othe^ tlii | >g£, because he is pledged against the Amrexwtiotf of TexaS.-^= With tin opinion's he has expressed in his speeches attl letters, there c*u be no contro versy on the point. These opinions tfre my opinions. HE HOLDS AND I HOLD DISTINCTLY THAT ANNEXATION MUST AND DOES TEND TO THE EX TENSION. PROMULGATION & PER PETUATION OF SLAVERY. If there be any here, any elsewhete, who thinks that An nexation can advance the freedom of any one — 1 cate ticrt of whnt color, for 1 would regard tho*e of all colors—from that roan 1 must dif fer. With me Annexation must be opposed, firmly, readily and steadily. But the strongest and plainest exposition of Mr. Clay’s views on the question of slavery, is given in the following extract from the same speech: “Mr. Clny is against annexation, except it can be effected with the common consent of the Infle country. He has said that he regards the Union as M grand copartnership, into which no new member can be admiuea ogoto*; the will of any one of the general copartners. And he holds himself bound to oppose annexation, without that general consent. Here i ; « bis Ple'l^e, and I stand upon it. I bal\etfe fa his honor and principle* (A vci$f fa thy here exclaimed, “WE Wlt.1 TiKf tstoi AT MIS WORD.") M?wL T * K * “ ? WE WILL TAKE HIM AT ms WOKD, AND HE DARE NOT FORFEIT IT.? ^ Now it is distinctly stated fa the abdve ettiact. that the Northern wing of (he great Whig 'array intend to hold Mr, Clay to his pledge fa rela* tion to Texas, or in other words, it is here plainly declared, (hat if Mr. Clay is elected, the Government and legislation of thwcotinfry meat lend to the views of the WEBSTER, the AD AMS, the SLADES; and the SE.WARDS, What can the people of the slave holding States expect from such Councils. < - But as a crowning argument to this black catalogue, we give nr. extract from Prentice’s life of Clay. This Biography of Mr. Clay has never been disavowed either by hitbtelf at hb friends. Mr. Prentice, the author of it* is now as he always has been, one of the most cote,, asd rampant Whigs in the South West... ”<.ho neighbor, confident, and intimate friend of Mr. Clay, and doubtless as well acquainted with ins sentiments on this and. every other subjeci, as any man in the Union—at any rate; it is Wfag authority, and cannot be gainsaid as a Demo cratic fabrication. Here it is, read it fur your* selves; “The commencement of Mr. Clay’s pofiite c»l career may be dated as far hack a* theyear 1797—a period at which he had scarcely begun the practic ■ of law. The people of Kentucky were then about to elect a Convention Id frame a new Const itution for the State; and one Tea* ture of the plan which had been submitted to them, was a provision for the final emanripat "«c of the stdve population. The strongest' prsjtti dices of a majority of the people in every port of the State, w ere arrayed against this metterr, and Mr. CLAY wasnware of the fact, but hfc SENTIMENTS and his feelings were"on the ride of EMANCIPATION ; and without tak ing a moments heed to his popularity."he'enfer.: e<? into ihe defence of hi* FAVORITE t?Qts* TCY, with all the deep and Unquestionable .ar dor of his nature. His vigorous pen'was btfsy in the public journals, and his eloquent vd : ce w*8 raised in almost every assemblage, in favor of the election of men to the Convention, who would contend for the ERADICATION. OF SLAVERY. Let it not be supposed, that the principles which lie essayed to vindicate, were the same that were avowed by certain ill-judg ing philanthropists of the present day, ' He dni not propose to break suddenly down the Kariisf* of the foarfuf lake, and let the da^k and thun dering torrent sweep over the country like the tide of death—but to open an outlet through which the waters m’ght pass off in silence attjA saf®«y T" 1 *.. -imaele was a fierce one, but th» advocates of stevery prevailed, and the young champion of liberty and equal rights, who mode aristocrats of the tend tremble for their ancient prerogative, became unpopular on account of the part he had acted. The trua principles of slavery Were not then tfhdertrfffOd. The idea if emancipation was new. If alarmed the preju dices of the multitude, and Mr. Clay’s power ful vindication* of it wer© regarded hy maay c as the brilliant but wayward efforts of a yMing votefy of ambition striving to attract attention hv the startling and paradoxical character of ilia opinion*, than as the results of a calm and d<*> fi 1-erafe chWvicf’on of richt. This wss unquew- tionab'v a mistake. His SINCERITY IN opposing Negro servitude wsi manifest from every act of his life—from hN professional no less than hid politftat exertion#.' Whenever a slave brought an action of law for h : s liberty, Mr. CLAY volunteered aa his sd> vneate ; and it is said, that in the whole of hi* practice, he never failed to obtain a de cision in the slaves favor. A passion for the liberty of mankind seems to have, at that early period, been a portion of his being, and he has never changed s’nce. He has been the "slaves friend through life. In all stations ho has pleaded AFRICAN FREEDOM, without fear from high nr low. To HIM, MORE than any other individual, is to be ascribed (hat GREAT REVOLUTION which has taken place in tbs' ptfbfie sentiment upon this subject—* tovohr- tion, whose wheels must continue iff tsote in ward. till they teach" the (faafl of tJNfVERSAfa. FREEDOM. A conviction of the expediency ’ nrtrf necessity of EMANCIPATION, httbeo) spreading further and further among our coun trymen, and taking deeper and deepet* root iff , their minds, and it requires not the spirit (if prophecy to foretpll the END. This rapid > and continued triumph of the PRINCIPLES, A of which it was the object of Mr. CLAY’S first j political labors to establish, may well be a 1 source of pride to him, and honest exultation tw ' hfs friends /* The following is a frCsb fattef from Mft Clay. It is, if possible/ more explicit in re gard to tke Tariff, than his former tetter On' the same subject. Ashland, 9tli September, 1844. “Gentlemen—I this day received your let- tef, addressing two inquiries to me—Msi, Are you in favor of the Tariff Act of 1842'—and •2d, Would you, if elected, support the Act as it is, without modification, or would you bo in favor of modifying it V “I have so of en.- gcntfcmtfa/ expressed toy opinion in favot of the Tariff of '42, that thd only regret I feel is, that you should deem it at all necessary to request any renewed pression of if. Nevertheless, I take pleasure in complying with your request, in saying that I am of opinion thnt the operation of tho tariff of ’42 has been eminently salutary; that J aM decidedly apposed to its repeal; that I #h*sti regard its repeal ca a great oat ions! Cafatoit and that I am unaware tf the netitsity of amp modification in it. I am therefore opposed alike to its repeal or modification. A fixed and stable policy is what the eouatry new asoei needu, and I sincerely hepe that the Tariff ok' 1842 may be maintained, and thus tfierd a #e\ curity for that desideratum. 1 am revpefafcHj* Yo«r oVsdvept«erv4nW„ ClAlv Messrs. MrHer, Lyaph, Dp**W*00v Moore,, S* Here, Blyle* Sfaydfr, Peffvr, and