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ffJS. 0. Sales of LANDS, by Administrators. Execu-
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the county in which the lanJ is situated. Notice of these
sales must he given in a public gazette SIXTY DAY 3 pre
vious to the day of sale.
Sales of NEGROES must be made at a public auction
on the first Tuesday of the month, between the usual hiurs
of sale, at the place of public sales in the county where the
letters of testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship,
may have been granted, fir*i giving SIXTY DAYS notice
thereof, in one of the public gazettes of this Stale, and at the
door of the Court house, where such sales are to be held.
Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be given in
like manner, FORTY’ days previous to the day of sale.
Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an estate must be
pahlished FORTY’ days.
Notice that application will be made to the CooTt of Or
dinary for lrave in sell LAND, must be published for
FOUR MONTHS.
Notice for leave to tell NEGROES must be published
for FOUR MONTHS, before any order absolute shall be
made thereon by the Court.
Citation s for letters of Administration, must be publish
ed thirty da,,—for dismission from administration, month-
/y fir month*—for dismission from Guardianship, forty
day*.
KULU for the foreclosure of Mortgage must be published
monthly forfotr months—for establishing lost papers .for
the full space of three months—for compelling titles from
Executors or Administrators, where a Rond has been given
by the deceased, the full tjtacc of three months.
Publications will alwsys be continued according to these,
the legal requirements,unless otherwise ordered.
REMITTANCES BY’ MAIL.—*A postmastermay en
close money in n letter to the publisher of a newspaper, to
pay the subscription ofa third person, and frank the letter if
written by himself.”-— Amos Kendall, P.AI. G.
Pifeteltengs
GYASCUTIIS!
As this fo.mithble animal is undoubtedly
“loose,” and as there Is no knowing the amount
of mischief lie may occasion while roaming at
large and distutbing the cogitations of those
quiet people who know nothing about him,—a
atntcmcnt of the particulars concerning his or
igin and remarkable escape will no doubt be
thankfully tcceived by an anxious public.
The story goes, that a couple of Yankees
travelling south ran short of (unds, and resol
ved themselves into a committee of ways and
means for the purpose of effecting a “raise.”-—
They determined to take advantage of the pas
sion for shows wliiclr possessed our people in
those days when the elephant and rhinocerous,
and tnonkics, were being exhibited all over the
country. Ono of this worthy couple, it was
ngreed between them, was to personate a rare
beast, for which they invented the name of
Guyascutus; while the other was to be keeper
or “show man” to exhibit the said Gyascutus
to tho curious spectators, stir bin'up with a
stick, throw him “feed,” discourse of his his
tory, capture, qualities, &c.
Accordingly an advertisement was made at
the next village, to the effect that a rare and
interesting specimen of animated nature, called
tho Gyascutus, would that night be exhibited
to the enlightened and generous public of that
town and vicinity. This animal was captured
on the disputed territory, where his species
was found, roving the wilds of the Aroostook,
on the banks of the Penobscot, and over the
circumjacent hills of the Possamaquoddy—
more ferocious and terrible than the Gnu, the
Hyena, or Ant Eater of the African desert.
Admittance 25 cents, children and servants
half price.
Curiosity was on tip-toe. Every body crowd
ed the door at the appointed time, where Jon
athan, the show-man, gravely received their
quarters and dimes, and politely bowed them
in. Across the corner of the room was stretch
ed a stout ropo and a curtain, behind which
was stationed Jonathan, the Gyascutus. The
courtpin did not quite reach the ground, and
beneath it the curiosity of the spectators, tempt
ed by a partial view of four horrible feet,
which to less excited fancies would have borne
a wonderful similitude to the feet and hands of
a live Yankee, with stripes of coon skins sew
ed around his wrists and ancles ! With palpi
tating hearts the)’ saw those big feet move and
flap about, and the monster shook his chain
and muttered his discontent in unearthly words.
The designated moment for opening the ex
hibition having arrived, arid Jonathan having
stowed a goodly amount ofl’ne shining spoil in
the big pocket of bis pepper-and-salt coat, he
stepped deliberately up for the purpose of com
mencing the performances. “Ladies and gen
tlemen,” slid lie, “die Gyascutus is not only
remarkable for the singularity and ferocity of
his appearance, but for the terrible tonos of
his voice. Before raising tho curtain, 1 will
proceed to sir him up a little with this here
stick, just to let you have a specimen of the
music with which he makes his native wilds
resound when angry, or about to seize upon
and run off with his prey.” He accordingly
disappeared—the stick was applied upon the
Gyascutus—the beast givo a few premonitory
grunts; bu; waxing in wrath, he began to rat
tle Ills chain like mad, and roar and growl in
most hideous sort, to the unspeakably delight
ful horror to all present. Expectation mixed
with n portion of apprehension, was wrought
up to a high pitch. When just at this juncture,
Jonathan leaped out with a mighty bound—his
eyes starting with fear—his limbs trembling in
every joint—terror in all his looks—exclaim
ing : “L ulies and gentlemen—save yourselves!
tho Gyascutus is loose !”
Pell mcll—burly burly—fainting, screaming,
leaping, crowding, the terrified spectators rolled
out; while Jonathan and the Gyascutus retired
tho back way, with all rr&sonabie expedition,
and are now, for aught we know, enjoying the
rewards of their adventure, among the circum
jacent hills of Passamaquoddy.
Greens. Patriot.
Short Double Relined Seimou.
Our beloved congregation ; if you are sober
euough to understand us, we will to-day address
you upon the following text:
«• It will never do to give it op jo.”
Our brethren—Do not be cast down tho’
you should be surrounded with difficulties and
dangers. If you owe money, and have not tho
needful to pay your debts, put your shoulder to
the wheel nnd tug away as if Satan wns kicking
you on end, and settle up to the last fraction.—
Don’t go to bed and curse the world because it
will not pour its wealth into your lap, but re
member that “it will never do to give ii up « n *”
hall—presidents, clerks, messenge s and mem
bers, joined in one. The speaker himself look
ed around in astonishment at this curious in
terruption ; but accidentally raising his hand he
grasped his spectacles, and the whole force of
the joke rushed upon his mind- He dashed
his glasses upon the floor ; look up his hat and
left the hall. The bill passed by a triumphant
majority; probably in consequence of the gen
tlemans silly and useless habit.
Political.
The following exquisite poem, from the pen of Edgar
A. Poe, is new to us. We can hardly call u> mind iii the
whole compass of American Poetry, a picture of more In
tense a. d glowing Ideality. It portrays with admirable
power and pathos, a noble mind, given over to wrer.it and
roll up your shirt sleeves, and with a yo, heave j deflation.
A 1 * Tii® nantci Palace.
DY EDGAH A. Pol',
In the greenest of our valley*,
By good angels tenanted.
Once a fair and stately palace—
Radiant palace—reor’d its bead.
In the monarch Thought'* dominion—
It stood there !
Never seraph spread a pinion
Over fabric halt so fair !
Banners, yellow, glorious, golden.
On its roof did float and flow.
(This—all this—was in the olden
Time, long ago,)
And every gentle air that dallied.
In that sweet day.
Along the ramparts plumed and pallid,
A winged odor went away.
Wanderers in that hippy valley.
Through two luminous windows, saw
Spirits moving musically.
To a lute's well-tuned law*.
Round about a throne where, silting
(Porphyrogene!)
In state his glorv well befitting.
The ruler of the realm was
And with pearl and ruby gloving
Was the fair palace door,
Through which came flowing, flowing, flowing,
And sparkling evermore,
A troop of Echoi'.i. whose sweet duty
Wins but to sing,
Jn voices of surpassing beauty.
The wit and wisdom of their king.
But evil things, in robes T>F sorrow,
Assail'd the monarch's high estate,
(Ah, let us mourn—for never morrow
Shall dawn upon him desolate !)
And round about his home the glory
That blushed and bloom'd,
la but a dim remember'd story
Of the old time entomb'd.
And travellers, now within that valley,
Through the red-liUen windows see
Vast forms that more fantastically
. To a discordant melody,
"While, like a ghastly rapid river,
Through the pale door,
A hideous throng rush outfor ever,
And laugh—but smile no more.
Macready the J ragedian, and Ole Bull
the Violinist.—These distinguished artists in
their late Southern expedition met on board
one of the Mississippi steam-boats. Macready
in his manner is exceedingly reserved even,
with those with whom he is in daily intercourse,
but more particularly so with strangers. He
seldom smiles; tragedy being his rule, laugh
ing tiie rare exception. The astonishment
such a man would feel, maybe imagined, when
a seven foot Kentuckian familiarly put his
arms around his neck, and giving him a bear
like shake of affection, exclaimed, “Come, hoss,
give us a song»” Macready having partially
recovered from the shock of such an unusual
and unceremonious attack, replied that he
could not sing. “Oh come now, old hoss, 1
know you can.” “ I pledge you my honor,”
replied the tragedian, “I have not a singing
note in my voice, but Ole Bull is on board, and
he will doubtless give you some music.” “What
can he dot” M Ho plays on the violin.”—
“ Thank you, hos9, here I goes and away
went the Kentuckian in search of Bull. He-
was soon found, and was, perhaps, no less as
tonished than Macready, at the hug, the hoss,
and the application. “Come, Ole Bull, hoss,
out with the rosam, and give us Jack’s alive,
and I’ll go round with the lint and get yon a do),
lar or two; come, go it while you’re young.”
Ole B.ull with his usual good nature obliged the
Kentuckian with the music, but offended him
because he would neither drink, fight, or re
ceive the money. A friend of ours who wit-
nessed this incident, says that Macready for
once forgot his tragedy and laughed outright.—
Brooklyn Daily Advertiser.
Female Shearing.—A correspondent of the
Newark Daily Advertiser at Paris, relates the
oil owing instar ce of barbarism: “At Caen,
but a short distance from Rouen, there is a
market, whither young girls resort, nnd stand
hour after hour with their flowing hair, rich
and glossy, deriving additional lustre from the
contrast with their naked shoulders. This is
the resort of the merchant barbers, some of
whom come even from England. The merch-.
ants pass along among them, examine'the co
lor, texture, evenness, and other qualities of
the beautiful fleece, haggle for a sous, and
finally buy. The hair then, after being cut as
closely as possible to the head, is weighed and
paid for, nnd the girl goes home to prepare for
another shearing, or perhaps to purchase a
husband with her money. An American girl
prefers to let her hair turn to silver on her own
head, or if it must be cut off, to enjoy the crop
herself.” - »
O! pull for the goal of happiness and prosper
ity. If you are not married, get a companion
as soon as possible—one that knows bow to
make bread and darn stockings, for if she can’t
do these things you have as much use for her
as a dog has for a dollar. Be saving—don’t
buy oyster suppers, and spend your money foo
lishly, for recollect lhat your creditors arc con
stantly watching you, and at every oyster or
swallow ofcogniac tlmt runs down your throat,
they exclaim ‘ curse him, tnal’s the way our mo.
ney goes !’ Buy nothing but what is absolutely
necessary, and if you don’t eat but once n day
you will have the consolation of knowing that
that one meal is paid for. Take the Budget
and pay up punctually for it. Take our ad
vice, and by Josey you’ll go through the world
as slick as grease.
Before we proceed with our sermon, we
would respectfully inform those two young men
who are so earnestly engaged in playing poker
in that next pew to the door, that we cannot
permit sucli doings here. We also think we
perceive a bottle sticking out of the side pocket
ofa chap right in front of us. That’s right my
friend, hide your bottle, for we don’t wish to be
led into temptation.
Our brethren—We are on trial in this life.—
If wo stand firmly up to the rack, and don’t give
way under every petty trial, we shall at last re
ceive our reward. But if we succumb to every
trifle, we stand an excellent chance of scraping
acquaintance with his Satanic Majesty. We
should be ns cautious us if we were treading on
briars—looking neither to the right nor the
left, but pursuing ail upright, straightforward
course. And Anally, when grim death shakes
his fist in your face, you can view his counte
nance with the calmness of a Stoic. That you
have been placed here for the accomplishment
of a mighty purpose, is as clear as mud. All
you have to do is to watch every action careful,
ly, nnd the end is gained.
As we perceive that a good portion of our
congregation are resigning themselves into the
arms of morplieus, we will conclude our dis.
course, for we have not the remotest intention
of casting our peurls before swine. We would
also recommend our brother preachers to sta
tion a person at the doors of their churches
when they hold forth, who shall cry fire when
ever the audience manifests an intention of go
ing to sleep.
A Scotch Musselman.—Osman’s history is a
curious one. He was a Scotchman born, and
when very young, being then a drummer-boy,
he landed in Egypt with Mackensio Fraser’s
force. Ho was taken prisoner, and, accord
ing to Mahomedan custom, the alternative of
death or tiie Koran was offered to him. He
did not choose death, and, therefore, went
through the ceremonies which were necessary
for turning him into a good Mahomedan. But
what amused me most in his histor)’ was this,
that, very soon after having embraced Islam, he
was obliged in practice to become curious and
discriminating in his new farm, to make war
upon Mahomedan dissenters, and follow the
orthodox standard of the prophet in fierce cam
paigns against the Wahabees, who are the Uni.
tarians of the Musselman world. The Waha
bees were crushed, anti Osman, returning home
in triumph from his holy wars, began to flour
ish in the world : he acquired property, and
became t ffendi, or gentleman. At the time of
my visit to Cairo he seemed to be much re
spected by his brother Mahomedans, and gave
pledge to his sincere alienation from Christiani
ty by keeping a couple of wives. He affected
the same sort of reserve in mentioning them ns
is generally shown by Orientals. He invited
me, indeed, to see bis harem, but he made both
his wives bundle out before 1 was admitted.—
He felt, as it seemed to me, that neither of
them would bear criticism, and I think that this
idea, rather than any motive of sincere jealou
sy, induced him to keep them out of sight.—
The rooms of the harem reminded me of an
English nursery rather than of a Mahomedan
paradise. One is apt to judge of a woman be
fore one secs her, by the air of elegnnee, or
coarseness, with which she surrounds her house.
I judged Osman’s wives by this test, and con
demned them both. But the strangest feature
in Osman’s character was his inextinguishable
nationality. In vain they had brought him
over the seas in early boyhood ; in vain had he
suffered captivity, conversion, circumcision ; in
vain they had passed him through fire in their
Arabian campaigns, they could not cut away
or burn out poor Osman’s inborn love of all
that was Scotch ; in vain men called him Ef-
fendi; in vain he swept along in eastern robes ;
in vain the rival wives adorned his harem.—
The joy of his heart still plainly lay in this,
that lie had three shelves of books, and that the
books were thorough-bred Scotch, the Edin
burg this, the Edinburg that, and above nil, I
recollect he prided himself upon the “ Edin
burg Cabinet Library.”—Traces of Travel.
From the Washington Globe.
FOREIGN NEWS.
There are many gratifying facts developed
in the late news from England, touching the
relations of that country with this. The poli
cy of Great Britain begins to wear vqyy visi-
bly the impress of an American influence.—
The reduction of the duties on cotton, and the
discrimination in favor of the sugar raised in
the United States over that produced elsewhere
by slave labor, imports much; and the speeches
in and oiit of Parliament, urging still further
reductions in the duties on the agricultural pro
ducts of this country which, even under the ex
isting tariff, flow into England in vast quanti
ties, promise, at an early day, the adoption, as
the settled system of England, of that which
the democracy of the United States has urged
as the only true financial and commercial prin-
ciples, viz: trade unfettered by any other than
a stritthj revenue tariff. The doctrine ot pro
tection for monopoly is alike abhorrent to the
musses of both countries; and the effect of this
feeling is evidently reaching both Governments.
The London Times, commenting on the primo
Minister’s speech proposing the lute reductions
in the Tariff, has this pregnant paragraph :
From the Times.
There sre cootl reasons for believing that the present re
ductions are only the steps to a more comprehensive plan
now under contemplation. The Premier almost violated
his pailiamen'.ary reserve by an excessive anxiety to guard
it, and told the House lie would intimate what tax iayo
come next for reduction, but for the serious mercantile in*
conveniences such it knowledge might occasion. A far
mote important and specific disclosure, however, now lies,
before us. in the shape of a document originally designed
for the peculiar direction of those in the ministerial confi
dence. but a portion of which we publish to*day. It is an
essay on "commercial and financial legislation," which,
though in perfect keeoing with the "financial statement” of
Friday, is a very bold end ample developement. With
the assurance that there was the most absolute agreement
on those questions between Sir Kohet Peel ana the late
vice president of the hoard oftrnde, and without the least
hint of any discordant voice in the cabinet, we have no it-
that the government of Brazil itsc” The right honorable
gentlemen opposite [Mr. Gladstone] ha* alluded to Mr.
Calhoun’* letter; ana I will put it to the House whether
the government of the United State* has not. with refer
eoce to this subject, plsced itself upon a bad^ eminence to
which Brazil never aspired, and to which, if it had aspired,
it never could have attained.”
A Conscientious Convict.—The Vermont
Mercury relates that a young man recently ar
rived at Windsor in the stage and applied for
admission to the State Prison, showing the pa
pers which entitled him to a residence there.—
It seems that he had been convicted at Montpe
lier for some offence, sentenced to the State
Prison for six months, and in order to save ex
penses, was fitted out with h>s papers and sent
to Windsor by stage, without sheriff or other
attendant! On reaching Woodstock, the stage
bv accident left him; but lie cool ! y waited a
dnv or two for the nex I st igp !
A Practiclc Joke.
“How use doth breed a habit in a man.”—
Every body has noticed the truth nnd point of
this exclamation. We remember an instance:
A gentleman of considerable talent as an or
ator. became a member of a legislative body in
one of the eastern States. In speaking, lie was
addicted to a habit of handling his spectacles,
first placing them upon his nose, suffering them
to remain a minute or two—throwing them up,
and lasing them before him on the desk.
One day a vety important question came up
fir consideration, he commenced a speech iu
oppos'on. A friend to the propose ! measure,
who was a most inctrrigible wag withal, deter
mined to spoil tho effects of the honorable
member's nemarke, nnd accordingly before he
entered the House, provided himself with a do-
*en pair of spectacles. The member commen
ced his speech with his usual ability. But a
few minutes had elapsed before he was at work
with his spectacles, and got them upon his fore
head. At this juncture, our wag, who stood
ready, laid another on the desk before the spea
ker. These were taken up, and by rehular
gradations, gained a place on his forehead, by
the side of the others. A tnird, fourth, and
fifth pair was disposed of in the same manner.
A smile settled upon the countenances of the
honorable members, which gradually length-
enec into a grin, and at last, when the speaker
had warmed into one of his most patriotic and
most eloquent sentences he deposited a sixth
pair with the others, and there was one long
loud peal of laughter, from all quarters of the
From the New England Farmer.
CAPONS.
Mr. Editor: The subject of caponing is one
of interest to the community. By the usual
process, many fowls are killed by the opera
tion; and but few of our farmers are found
either able or willing to practice it. I dcsiie
to communicate to you a plan unaccompanied
with danger or uncertainty, even to the unskill
ful. A keen knifo, a pair of scissors, and a nee
dle, arc the only instruments required. As
soon as the young cock Iv-gins to crow, begin
to fatten him. When his comb becomes blood-
red, keep him from food for 24 hours. Then
catch him, and tie him down on a board, by
fastening his wings wi'h straps drawn through
holes for that purpose. His feet may be left
loose, or if preferred, m >y be made fast to two
uprights fixed in the hoard. With scissors,
cutaway the feathers from below the anus;
then make an incision as near to the aims as
can be done without cutting the rectum—let it
follow the side-bones, until the hole thus made
is large enough to insert the fingers, push them
along down the back bone until the testicles are
felt. Then put the finger over the testicle,
and by bearing at its base, pull it off. Serve
the other in the same way.
A littlo practice will enable the operator to
bring the testicles out on his finger. But this
is of no importance ; break them loose, and if
you do not get them out, being certain that you
have removed them, let them remain. They
will soon become absorbed, and give no trou-'
hie. Sew up the incision, being oa refill to
take up the upper skin.
Turn the fowl loose after marking him, and ••
he will do well. This plan has been tried with
success for years, and is safe as any man could
desire. One of the proprietors of one of the
Virginia springs, always has on hand a supply
of capons, made in tins way.
I intend to try the operation upon turkeys.
Why will it not succeed in improving that fa
vorite, about “ Christmas time,” as wdl as
the chicken ? I will let you know the result,
if it prove successful. Thos. P. ILo.vr.
Wyoming, Perm., Jan. 27, 1845.
tentative but to read, in the document before ns, the ulti
mate intentions of the present ministry, ao far ns they have
been reduced to tangible form, and as far as circumstances
seem likely to admit of their execution. We havc only
space, this day, to give to our readers the two first intro
ductory papers. Their style is compendious and suggest
ive. but there can be no mistake as to their drift. THE
FREEST POSSIBLE EXCHANGE OF COMMOD
ITIES. AND THE IMPOSITION OF TAXES ON
LY FOR REY’ENUE. All? MADE THE BASIS OF
A SCHEME WHICH WE THINK IT DUE TO
THE FINANCIAL ACTS OF THE MINISTRY TO
PUBLISH EVEN IN ITS PRESENT IMPERFECT
SHAPE.
There is another national point in which the
policy of the democracy of this coun'ry lias
had a.triumph over the diplomacy of Europe,
aided by the treachery ofsome who, thank God,
no longer hold power in this Government. We
allude to England’s pretension to the right of
search,-which she attempted to bolster by a
Christian league of all Europe. This league
was preached like a crusade against tbe United
States, in the name of a war against the slave
trade. One of the last acts of Air. Stevenson,
while minister in London, representing the ad
ministration of Mr. Van Buren, was his bold,
powerful, eloquent letter, exposing the design,
and refuting the principle on which it was at
tempted to assert, under a new name, the usur
pation of the right of search. General Cass,
our minister in France, met it there with the
same spirit; and, by a triumphant argument,
which convinced the French nation, absolutely
annulled the engagement entered into between
the governments of France and Great Britain
The last arrival brings us the result of the bold
and patriotic rcsistanceof our ministers abroad,
in defence of our rights, which were betrayed
at home by the Anglo-American power, install
ed in our government by the uufortunute elec
tions of 1340.
Willmer and Smith’s European Times of
the 4th of March, has this notice of the chang
ed aspect of this question:
“The right of search—that irritating surveillance of the
high seas, which has proved of late years, an endless source
of annoyance to American shipping—is virtually at an end.
The commission which has been appointed on the pan of
the English and French cabinets to modify the evil, may
throw dust in the eyes of the Exeter Hall saints, but it will
assuredly deceive no one else. For all practical purposes
the power is gone. Public opinion in France is so potent
against tbe principle, that no ministry can withstand <t; and
some of the most clearheaded of English statesmen think
that not only doe* this obnoxious right of search constantly
keep us on the confines of a collision with the U. States, but
that, ao far from mitigating the horrors of the slave trade,
it has actually increased iu”
IIow this altered state of opinion has come
about, will be seen in the communication of
the French premier to that of England. In
speaking of the rightof search to the French
ambvssador, in his despatch delivered to Lord
Aberdeen, M. Guizot says:
“All *be events which have occurred, all the reflections
which have forced themselves upon us, since this question
was rai-tfd, have mule us feel more strongly the necessity
of modifying the system actually in force. In order that
this system should be effectual, and without danger, it ia
not sufficient that the two governments are animated by re
ciprocal good will and confidence. Constantly liable in ita
application to oppose, cramp, and injure private interests,
often legitimate i>ml inoffensive ones, this system keeps ud,
in the minds of a numerous class, active and neceisarily
rough in manners, a source of irritation which, though it
may sleep for a time more ot lea* long, may by an unfore
seen accider i at sea, or by the slightest disturbance in tht
political relations of the two States, be a* any moment
developed, inflamed, extended and transformed into a
powerful and formidable national sentiment. This be
ing so, the system of right of search, used ns a means for
repressing the slave trade, is more dangerous than use
ful; for it compromises, at one and the same time, peace f
good understanding between the two countries, and even
the success of the great cause which it is intended to serve."
Tho hint given that the French monarch
could not withstand “a powerful and formida
ble national sentiment,” had its nat'-ral and
necessary effect on Lord Aberdeen. He dared
not insist on vviiat would bring on war between
France and England, especially when he was
assured ofil by Lord Cowley, British Minister
in France, who thus writes, underdate of ISth
January, 1845:
U A great change had taken place in the opinions of
the Chambers, as well a: if the public generally, upon
the question of the right of search. It would be useless,
he said, to enter into any examination of the causes
which had led to that change; he would only say that the
picjudice existing throughout Fiance against the rxercise
of that right was unconquerable, and wai daily increasing."
Lord Aberdeen yields to this representation.
But although Lord Cowley did not choose "to
enter into any examination of the causes which
had led to that change'' it was looked into
and fully exposed by one of the ablest of Brit
ish statesmen, Mr. Alacauley. He said:
“To tills system of maritime police which, as I think with
humanity and wisdom, the government of this country pro
posed to institute, Brazil submitted. The United Mates
refused to submit to it, by such refusal, deprived the sys
tem to a grett extent of its importance and efficiency ; nay
they even contested that right of visit which, I will ven
ture to sav, was perfectly consistent with the laws of na
tions, and in every part of the continent of Europe they
have been endeavoring, through their diplomatic agents,
to excite an opposition to it. You cannot have forgotten
General Cass’s letter. You cannot doubt that, if the Uni
ted States had submitted to the right of search, the outcry
in France against the exercise of power would never have
been excited. But when one maritime nation makea it a
point of honor to refuse assent to such a power, you cannot
wonder that any country in which there exists a feeling of
national pride should be unwilling to submit to exercise.—
They will naturally say "Why should the tricolor submit
to this degradation more than the stars and stripes." It ia
very well for the right honorable gendeman opposite [Mr.
Gladstone] to say that, if my noble friend'* proposition is
adopted, the right of search will be uuelens. We all know
that this right of search is already, in effect, abandoned.
A negotiation has been entered into on that subject with
France. Every body knows how that will end. France
will be released front the supervision of this maritime po
lice. Spain will then ask fora similar release, and, if it is
acceded to. all other nations will make a like request.
The right of search is worth nothing when France and
America refuse to accede to it; and I will venture la say,
therefore, that the right of search is abandoned in conse
quence of the course of conduct, pursued by the U. 8tates
of America. For the existence of the slave trade between
Congo and Brazil, the United State- are more responsible
■ From the Washington Constitution.
Speculations and Opinions concern
ing the President.
We observe sundry speculations of the' press,
in regard to Mr. Polk’s future policy in I he od •
ministration of public affairs. Inferences are
drawn from his appointments of certain indi
viduals to office, as well as from the omission
to appoint others to such places as publi: opin
ion, or their own requests, had assigned them.
These inferences have already placed him in a
position of hostility to this particular clique,
or that particular division of the Democratic
party. It is assumed thot his measures and
acts are already shaped in reference to the suc
cession, and that he now looks to that position
himself. They even profess to know the feel
ings entertained by distin uislted individuals
towards the Administration, and assign them
a position of hostility or friendship towards the
President, as their reasoning upon such doubt
ful premises may seem to warrant.
Now, assuming to ourselves the same priv
ilege of reasoning nnd deduction from what
we believe and what we know, we must say,
that much of this speculation and inference is
naked assumption ; nor warranted by any ex
isting state of facts, or by any thing that tbe
President has done, or is likely to do. In the
first place, he recognizes no factions or divi
sions of the Democratic party. He looks at
it and considers it as n whole, nnd not as divi
ded into sections or cliques. He was elected
by the whole, and not by a portion of the par
ty. He has emphatically declared his pur
pose, to be the President of the entire people,
and not of a mere portion of the people. In
carrying out lhat determination, then, he will
administer the Government in reference to the
advantage nnd benefit of the whole, end not
of a part. It is obvious, therefore, that whilst
thus acting upon a general principle for the
benefit of all, it must needs bo, that some, who
claim a preference, will necessarily consider
themselves neglected. They will imagine a
slight, where none was intended, and where
no such impression ought to be felt. But, in
the midst of all this reasoning, a very import
ant question arises, and one which, it scents to
us, the speculating and surmising gentlemen
have not well considered—and that is, has the
President indeed sufficiently developed his
policy, as to warrant any-such grave conclu
sions as we have seen drawn from his action,
in regard to his nominations and appointments ?
We take leave to say, that in our judgment he
has not The only foir deduction from the
appointments already made, is that they were
not made in reference to any particular section
of the Democratic party, but were considered
in reference to the enlarged rule, declored by
himself at various times, and reiterated in his
inaugural address, that his action in the ad
ministration of public affairs would look to the
whole people, and not to a mere portion of
them. His official action, thus far, discloses
the fact, that it is in harmony with his repeat
ed declarations, and no more. He that ca
see any thing else in it, can as easily mak
any other deduction from it which folly or
fancy may suggest.
But the opinions nnd conclusions to which
we allude are not only crude, but premature
They do the President injustice. There is
manifested in them a morbid anxiety to find
fault, to forestall public opinion, or to suggest
to him objects and motives for his official ac
tion. It is even suggested to him as highly
politic—nay, absolutely necessary to his sue
cessful administration of the Government—
that he should at once proclaim himself a can
didate for the succession. This, it is gravely
affirmed, will subdue all faction, put down
discontent, and create a general peace foi eight
years to come. Even if the Pres'denl had
not voluntarily imposed upon himself a condi
tion upon his acceptance of the nomination for
the Presidency—which was, that in no event
would he be considered a candidate for re-elec
tion—there would seem to us an obvious pro
priety in abstaining from tbe annunciation of
such a fact, at the very moment of entering
upon the duties of his high official trust. If at
the end of four years, the people should indi
cate a desire for his continuance in office a se
cond term, a self-imposed obligation might
seem Jess formidable than it appears at pres
ent. But, to put the President upon the pur
pose of thus hastily disregarding his own pledge,
would, so far from creating harmony, be, in
our estimation, the certain wa to create dis
cord and division, and to bring censure and
opposition upon him from quarters, where he
| now has a right to expect friendship and sup
port. Such reasoning places him not only in
a false position, but in a bad position, and one
which we feel persuaded he is not willing to
occupy. It would ascribe to him inordinate
ambition, and a want of fidelity, the very op
posite of those elements which make up his
character, and which have drawn upon him so
large a share of popular favor.
“Patience is a virtue,” saitli the proverb.
And it is better to leave it to time and circum
stances to interpret, what it is unsafe to spec-
ulateupon, and unjust to judge in advance?
From the Charleston Transcript,
Oregon Territory.
The following article, which we copy from
the London Times of tho 1st inst., is deserving
of particular attention, and the more so as
there is reason to infer, from internal evidence,
that it may be of a semi-official character :
It is not an easy task to discriminate be
tween the ponderous levities of American le
gislation, brought forward merely to gratify
party passions or national vanity, and sup
ported by nothing but n certain faith in their
failure, and those measures of Coigress which
really do represent the will and the policy of
the American people. We are most unwilling
to incur the ridicule of attaching importance to
mere displays of ignorant rancor against for
eign nations—the favorite resource of demo
cratic orators, who imagine that to bully other
countries is the best way ol serving their own.
The effect of such appeals to the dignity nnd
morality of the people to whom th- y are ad
dressed is to be regretted ; but that is all the
notice we are disposed to take of them. This
indifference, however, proceeds from an utter
contempt of such methods of popular agitation,
not from any hesitation or luke-warmness in
the defence of our own national rights when
they are thus attacked. On all the points on
which the policy of Great Britain has excited
the malignant jealousy or the unscrupulous
ambition of the people of the United States,
we need scarcely say that we are prepared to
defend the claims of this country to the utmost,
whenever they are seriously challenged. The
moderation of our own language on these ques
tions (in which we liavo shared the general
tone of the British Government and the feeling
of the English people for nearly 30 years past)
is a proof of our readiness to accept an arnica-
ble and equitable adjustment of disputabfo
rights to vast territories ; but we shall yield
nothing to menace illegal assumption or violence.
The disputed rights of the two States to the
Oregon Territory, are precisely a case for such
an adjustment; und probably the best method
of arriving at this result would be by referring
the matter to the arbitration of a third State
provided the powers of the arbi.er were suffi.
ciently extended, and both parties were rigo.
rously boand to abide by the award. This ex
pedient has been repeatedly but ineffectually
urged upon the cabinet of Washington by Mr.
Packenham in the course of the negotiation.
But in the United States measures of concilia-
tion nnd prudence are not to the ta3teoft| )e
reigning populace.
A bill of a most extraordinary kind haspas*.
ed the House of Representatives by a majority
of 140 to 54. It was introduced into the Sen.
ate on the following day, read twice and refer
red to a special committee.
• .# * # * *
This territory, or at least the greater part of
it, is ns much a part of the British empire as
Canada ; and the first settlers of Canada were
in fact the first traders in, and masters of this
very country. At the present time it ts essen
tially British. Fort Vancouver is a British
station, some miles up the river ; the agents of
the Hudson Bay Company are the only class of
men who can be said to occupy the country,
under the express authority of their Roval
Charter; and the Indians are all Well affected
to the British interest. The seizure of such a
province would be an incredible act of hardi
hood. but in the present temper of American
citizens, we suspect that a silent but resolute
determination to put our positions there in a
state of defence, and to send a sufficient squad
ron to that, coast, is the wisest answer to those
measures of the House of Representatives.
We have reason to believe, however, that the
American Government, perhaps intent ort their
schemes of aggrandisement in another quarter,
repudiate this project for the seizure of Ore
gon, and will oppose it in the Senate. If they
are sincere in these assurances, let them con
cur in an amicable settlement, which can alone
terminate the controversy. If they refuse, they
expose themselves to the imputation that they
are only delaying this act of aggression until
they have a better chance of consummating it.
From the Washington Globe.
English Pretension to Oic^on.
While the English government is compell
ed, by the irresistible influence of the commer
cial and manufacturing classes, to surrender its
hostile policy iti reference to the agricultural
growtli of this country, it would seem that its
design to make conquest of such commanding
regions around us as will forever render our
power an easy prey when embarked on the
high sens, is not to be relinquished. Hear the
semi official language of tbe London Times in
regard to that commanding opening to the
heart of our country which looks out upon Asia
and all the world of the vast Pacific and south,
ern Ocean! It would appear that Great Brit
ain is not only resolved to hold all the harbors
and rivers and shores which give our country
access to the Pacific, but that the whole coun
try in our latitudes west of the Rocky moun
tains belongs to England :
“We have no hesitation in giving our opinion that/At
claim of Great Britain to the whole Territory in dispute
is just—substantially nnd historically, as wel 1 as geographi
cally, complete. If blame ran be attached to past negetia*
tions on this subject in 1818 and 1837. it is that English
ministers have not insisted enough on the extent and integ
rity of our rights, and that the Americans hare been al*
lowed to convert the very slight doubt they endearo«*#d la
throw over a part of the case into an admitted right of
joint occupation.
This territory, or at least the
w reater part of it, is as
much a part, of the British Empire as Canada; and
the first settlers of Canada were, in fact, the first traders
in. and masters of, this very country. At tiie present time
it is essentially British. Fort Vancouver is a British eta*
tion, some miles up the river; the agents of the Hudson’s
Bay Company arc the only class of men who can be said
to occupy the country under the express authority of their
royal charter, and the Indians are all well affected to the
British interest. The seizure of such a province would be
an incredible act of hardihood ; but in the present temper
of American citizens, we suspect that a silent but resolute
determination to put our positions there in a state of de*
fence, and to send n sufficient squadron io that coast, is the
wisest answer to these measures of the House of Repre
sentatives.”
“ T’ic claim of Great Britain to the whole
Territory in dispute is just—substantially and
historically, as well as Geographically, com
plete ! ! as much a part of the British Empire
Canada ! ! !" This is the result of Mr.
John Q. Acl tm’s negotiation, ns Mr. Monroe’*
premier, in 1818, for the mutual occupancy
of our own Territory ; and of Mr. Webster’s,
as premier for John Tyler, in IS42, for the
happy adjustment of nil our controversies with
England ! ! Mr. Webster told the country
that all wns settled, or arranged for settle
ment—and how, is now folly developed. The
mountain barrier of .Maine, extending one hun
dred and ten niiies beyond what England tvni
anxious to receive before as a boon, under the
award of the King oflhe Netherlands, (a gene-,
ral in her pay,) was added by Mr. Webster,
to complete the British empire on the side of
Canada ; and Oregon was left in her possession
and jurisdiction as earnest that it was “ <J*
much apart of the British Empire as Cana
da,” to complete the circle of British power
around us. We are now told, solely on the
strength of this double betrayal, that all Ore
gon belongs to England—1 hat “ the settlers of
Canada were in fact the first traders in and
masters of this very countryand that 11 *!
the present time it is essentially British.” The
forts, we are now given to understand are Brit
ish ; the British agents are “ the only men tchs
can be said to occupy the country," and thu
hey do “ under express authority of their roy
al charter and, what is still more decisbe
of their aboriginal title, “ the Indians arc all
well affected to the British interest !" T<*
this complexion has blue-light federalism—th®
ally of England during the, last war—brought
he question of the nation’s right to its westef 11
shores. The sum" men who were so happy ^
see England make her abode in Castioe—W&o
rejoiced when she burnt the Capitol of the con
federacy, its public offices and archives, * n “.
drove the Chief Alagtstrate from the sco* 0
Government—the same men who were con -
founded when the invaders were crushed* 1
New Orleans, and have pursued tiie victor
undying hate and curses ever since, no w » w ’ 11 *
they defend the British intrusion in • Oregon'
would shut the door in the face of Texas, a*
throw it also into the arms of the tiang ei<111
and grasping rival of their country.
Do these men persuade themselves that pa 1 *
riotism is extinct in this country, because
treason hns not yet met the punishment it
serves ? They should not tempt their '*
luck so far. They should remember the I*
of the tories of the revolution, and net cod»
too securely in the hope that the next Hard®
convention will find unothcr philosophic “
sident to spare the traitors who may
overthrow of their government and the ruin
the country.
It is said that the members of a debating
ciety “ down epst” are hammering away U P^
the question “ Does a man, when drown 1
go the way of all flesh or of all fish ?”