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I that the i-Tno at all. In all l wo classes, or the me.l to he necessari- I uv, i xpressly ezclufled ii in the management of Republican Government Universal sufirago, tlinutjh public dutios than the rich; rant are whollv until fu'r 11 r * . countries save nuts th poor rather, who arc pre ly ignorant, are, b from all particijviti public affairs. In ; tb s c mnot be done, not essential in tlieorj*, seems to be in fact a naecssnry appenu igo to a Republican system. Where universal suffrago obtains it is obvious that the Government is in the hands of a nu merical majority; and it is hardly necessary to say that in every part of the world more than half the people are ignorant and poor. Though n > one can look upon povc:ty as a crime, and we do not generally here regard it as any ohjee-, lion to a man in his individual capacity, still it must be admitlo 1 that it is a wretched and in secure government which is administered by its most ignorant citizens, anil those who have the least at stake under it. Though intelligence nnd wealth have great influence here ns every where in keeping in check reckless and unen lightened numbers, yet it is evident to closo ob servers, if not to all, that these are rapidly usurping all power in the non-slavchoiding States and threaten a fearful crisis in Repub lican Institutions there at no remote period.— In the slave-holding States, however, nearly one half of the whole population, and those the poorest and most ignorant, have no political in fluence whatever, because they aro slaves. Of the other half a large proportion are both cdu. cated and independent in their circumstances, while those who unfortunately are not so, being still elevated far above the mass, are liigehr to ned and more deeply interested in preserving a stab'c and well ordered Government, than the same class in any other country. Hence, sla very is truly the “cornerstone” and foundation of every well designed and durable “Republican edifice.” With us every citizen is concerned in' the maintenance of order, and in promoting hon esty and industry among those of the lowest class who are our slaves; and our habitual vigi lance renders standing armies, whether of sol diers or Policemen, entirely unnecessary.— Small guaids in our cities, and occasional pat rol? in the country, ensure us a repose and se curity known no where else. You cannot ho ignorant that, excepting the United States, there is no country in the world whose existing Government would not bo overturned in a month, but for its standing armies, maintained at r.n enormous and destructive cost to those whom they are destined to overawe—so ram. pant nnd combative is the spirit of discontent wherever nominal Free labor prevails, with its. ostensivo privileges and its dismal servitude.— Nor will it be long befono the “ Free States” of the Union be compelled to . introduce the same expensive, machinery to preserve order among their “free and equal” citizens. Alrea dy has Philadelphia organized a permanent Battalion for this purpose; New Ytfirk, Boston nnd Cincinnati will soon follow her example; nnd then the smaller towns and densely popu lated counties. The intervention of their mili tia to repress violations of the ponce is becom ing a daily affair. A strong Government, afeer some of the old fashions—though probably with a new name—sustained by the force of armed mercenaries, is the ultimate destiny of the non- slavehohling section of the confederacy, and ono which may rot be very distant. It is a great mistake to suppose, as is gene rally done abroad, that in rase of war slavery would be a source of weakness. It did not weaken Rome, nor Athens, nor Sparta, though their slaves were comparatively far more nu merous than ours, of the samo color for the most part with themselves, and large numbers of them familiar with the use of arms. 1 have no apprehension that our slaves would seize such an opportunity to revolt. The present generation ofthem, born among us, would nev- or think of such a thing at any time, unless in stigated to it by others. Against such instiga tions we arc on our guard. In time of war we should be more watchful and belter prepared to put down insurrections than nt any other pe riods. Should any foreign nation bcs4 lost to every sentiment of civilized humanity ns to at tempt to erect among us the standard of revolt, or to invade us with Black Troops for tho base and barbarous purpose of stirring up servile war, their efforts would be signally rebuked.— O ur slaves could not be easily seduced, nor would any thing delight them more than to as- sist in stripping Cuffee of his rcsimenlals to put him in the Cotton field, which would be'the fate of most black invaders, without a very pro lix foi m of “apprenticeship.” If, as I am satis fied would be the case, our slaves remained peacefully on our plantations, and cultivated them in time of war under the snperintendance of a limited number of our citizens, it is obvi ous that we could put forth more stiength in such an emergency, at less sacrifices, than any other people of the same numbers. And thus ive should in every point of view, “out of this nettle danger, pluck tho flower safety!” How far slavery may be en advantage or disadvantage to those not owning slaves, yet united with us in political association, is a quostion for ilicir solo co: sidcration. It is true that our representation in Congress is in creased by it; but so arc our taxes; and the non'sluvo holding Slates, being the majority, divide among themselves far the greater por tion of the amount levied by tbe Federal Gov- crnmonl, and I doubt iot that when it comes to a close calculation, they will not be slow in finding out that the balance of profit arising from tho connection is vastly in theirfavor. In a social point of view, tho abolitionists pronounce slavery to he a monstrous evil. If it was so, it would he our own peculiar con cern, and superfluous benevolence in them to lament over it. Seeing their bitter hostility to us, however, they might leave us to enpe with our own calamities, but they make war upon us out of excess of chanty, and attempt to pu rify us by covering us with calumny. You have read and assisted to circulate a gn at deal about affrays, tlucls and murders occurring here, nnd all attributed to the terrible demoral ization of slavery. Not a single event of this sort takes place among us, but u ;s caught up by the abolitionists and paraded over the world with endless comments, variations and exagge rations. You should not take what reaches you us u mere s imple, and infer that there is ti v ist deal more that you never hear. 1 ou heat all, and more than all, the truth. nt of honor is recogni- s'ave region, and tint dis* -es are freq net illy referred “trial by combat.” It : for mo to enter, in of tbe practice of du. at length ihnt it does not fa ( It is true that tlie zc I throughout th putes of certain cbisse lor adjustment to the would nut be approprint this letter, into a defence oiling, nor to maintain tarnish die character edge n standard of linnt may arise from them, however, tli attributed to slavery, sin lu.ll custom piev; ils both in franco a Few of your Prime Monsters, ol century even, have 1 " u beliew. The ultra' >te io aciiuowl-" Whatever evils cannot be the same notion and Vance and llngland. the last half contagion, 1 it' which si much is said, and in which rift. s, bowie knives and pis tols are so prominent', occur mostly in the fron tier States of the South West. They are nat- Vallv incidental to th-J condition of society as ex sls in manv sections of these recently settled countries, and will as naturally cease in duo time. Adventurers from the older States and from Europe, as desperate in character as they are in fortune, congregate in these wild regions, jostling one another, and often forcing tho peaceable and hoaest into rencnntrc3 in self defence. Slavery has nothing to do with these things. Stability and peace are tho first de sires of every slave holder, and the true ten dency of the system. It could not possibly ex ist amid the eternal ana r chy and civil broils of tho ancient Spanish dominions in America, and’ for liiis very reason domestic slavery has cea sed there. So far from encouraging strife, sucii scenes of riot and bloodshed as have within the last few years disgraced our Northern cities, and ns you have lately witnessed in Birming ham. and Bristol, and Wales, not only never has occurred, but 1 will venture to say never will occur in our slave holding States. The only thing that can create a mob (as you might call it) here, is the appearance of an abolitionist, whom the people assemble to chastise, and this is no more of a mob than a rally of shepherds to chase"a wolf out of their pastures would be one. But wo are swindlers and reaudiators!— Pennsylvania is not a slave State. A majority of tho States which have failed to meet their obligations punctually arc non slave holding; and two third* of the debts said to Ixj repudia ted is owed by these States. Many of the States of this Union are heavily encumbered with debt—none so hopelessly as England.— Pennsylvania owes $222, for each inhabitant— England $222, counting her paupers in. Nor has there been any repudiation defi nite and final, c>f a lawful debt, that I am aware of. A few States have failed to pay some in stalments of interest. The extraordinary finan cial difficulties which occurred a few years ago account for b. Timo will set all things right again. Every dollar of both principal and in terest awed by any State, North or South, will bo ultimately paid, unless the abolition of sla very overwhelms us all in one common ruin.— But have no other nations failed to pny ?— When were the French Assignats redeemed ? How much interest did your National Bank pay on its immense circulation, from 1797 to 182i, during which period that circulation was in convertible, and for the time repudiated ! IIow much of your National Debt has been incurred for money borrowed tp meet the interest on it, thus avoiding delinquency in detail, by insuring inevitable bankruptcy ani repudiation in tho end ? And what sort of operation was that by which your present Ministry recently expunged a handsome amount of that debt by substitu ting, through a process just not compulsory, ono species of security for another] I am well aware the faults of others do not excuse our own, buW when failings are chargeable to slavery, which are shown to occur to equal ex tent where it does not exist, surely slavery must be acquitted of the accusation. It is roundly asserted that we aro not so well educated nor so religions here as elsewhere.— I will not go into tedious statistical statements on these subjects. Nor have T, to tell tho truth, much confidence in the details of what arc commonly set forth as statistics. As to ed ucation, you will probably admit that slavehol ders should have more leisure for mental cul ture than most people. And I believe it is charged against them that they are peculiarly fond of power, and ambitious honors. If this be so, as all the powers and honors of this country arc won mainly by intellectual superi ority, it might be fairly presumed that slave holders would not be neglectful of education.— In proof of the accuracy of this presumption I point you to the facts, that our Presidential chair has been occupied for forty four out of fifty six year3 by slave holders; that another has been recently elected to fill it for four more, over an opponent who was a slaveholder also; and then in tho Federal Offices and both Hou ses of Congress considerably mure than a due proportion of those acknowledged to stand in tbe first rank are from the South. In this are na tho intellects of the free and Slave States meet in full pud fair competition. Nature must have been unusually bountiful to us, or we have been at least reasonably assiduous in the culti vation of such gifts as she has bestowed—un less indeed you refer our superiority to moral qualities, which I am sure you will not. More wealthy wo are not; nor would mere wealth avail in such rivalry. The piety of the South is unobtrusive. We think it proves but little, though it is a cot fident thing for a man to claim that he stands higher in tlie estimation of bis Creator, and is less a sinner than his neighbor. If vociferation is to carry the question of Religion, the North and probably the Scotch have it. Our sects arc iew, harmonious, pretty much united among themselves, and pursue their vocations in hum- ble peace. In fact, our professors of Religion seem to think—whether correctly or not—that it is their duty “to do good in secret” and to carry their holy comforts to the heart of each individual, without reference to class or color, for Iiis special enjoyment, and not with a view to exhibit their zeal before the world. So far as numbers are concerned, I believe our cler gymen, when called on to make a showing, have never had occasion to blush, if comparisons were drawn between the free and slave States. And although our presses do not tecin with con troversial pamphlets, nor our pulpits shake with excommunicating thunders, tho daily walk of our velgious communicants furnishes apparently as linlo food for gossip as is to be found in mest other religions. It may be regarded ns a mark of our want of excitability—though that is a quality accredited to us in nn eminent degree— that few of the remarkable religious Isms of the present flay have taken root jtmong us.— We have been so irreverent ns to laugh at Mor- monism and Millerism, which have created such commotions farther North ; and Modern Prophets have no honor in our country. Sha kers, Rnppists, Dunkor», Socialists, Fourrier- ists and the like keep themselves afur off.— Even Puseyism has nut yet moved us. You may attribute this to our Domestic Slavery if you chose. I believe you would do so justly. There is no material here for such characters to operate upon. But your grand charge is that licentiousness in intercourse between tlic-swes is a prominent tra.’t of our social system, and that it necessarily arises from slavery. This is a favorite theme with the Abolitionists, male and female- Fo lios have beau written o»*it. It is a common observation, that there is no subject on which she would write-a book lias furnished her im- erials—a game too often played on Lourists in this country. The constant recurrence of the female Abolitionists to this topic, and their bit-, terness in regard to it cannot fa 1 to suggest to even the most charitable mind, that *• Such rage without betrays tbe fires within.” Nor arc their immaculate coadjutors of the oth er sex, though perhaps less specific in their charges, less violent, in their denunciations.— CORRESPONDENCE HE! WHEN MR. M. A.LLIS- TER AND MR. HABERSHAM. Holies , ol infra District iSu V£t l To tbe Hon. Bim Clay, Attorney's Office, ) hii.'i, ftSlh Feb., 1:27. J f State of tbe United States. Sin—On the 02d instant 1 received from tbe Honorable the Secretary of War, a communication under date of tbe noth January, ultimo, instructing mo tb procure and place in tbe bauds of the Marshal of this district, a warrant for the arrest of certain persons charged with being engaged in surveying the lands of the Creek Indians, contrary to the laws of tiie United Statcsnnd the Treaty of Washington.— But recently in yonr Islam), a clergymen hns, j at a public meeting, sligm,)! zed the whole slave region as a “Brothel.” Do these people thus cast stones being “without sin”? Or do they only *• Compound for sins they are inclined to. By damning those they have no mind to." Alas that David and Solomon should ho allow ed to repose in peace—that Leo should be al most canonized, and Luther more than sainted —that in our own day courtezans should be formally licensed in Paris; and tenements in London rented for years to women of the town for the benefit of the Church with the know ledge of the Bishop—and the poor slave states of America alone pounced upon nnd offered up as a holocaust on the Altar of Immaculntn- nes3 to atone for the abuse of natural instinct by all mankind; and if not actually consumed, at least exposed, anathematized and held up to scorn, by those who “ write. Or with a Rival's or an Eunucb’s spite.” But I do not intend to admit that this charge is just or true. Without meaning to profess uncommon modesty, I will say that I wislj the topic could be avoided. I am of opinion, and I doubt not every light-nnnded man willicon- cur, tlm the public exposure and discussion of this vice, even to rebuke, invariably does more harm than good; and that if it cannot he check ed by instilling pure alid virtuous sentiments, it is far worse than useless to attempt to doit, by exhibiting its deformities. I may not,‘howev er, pass it over; nor ought I to Lei any delicacy in examining a question to which the Slave holder is invited and challenged by Clergymen and Virgins. So fur from allowing, them, that licentiousness pervades] this region, I broadly assert, and I refer to the records of our Courts, to the public press, nnd to tho knowledge of all who have ever lived here, that among our white population, there are fewer cases of divorce, separation, crim con, seduction, rape and bas- tardy, than among any other five millions of people on the civilized earth. And this fset I believe, will be conceded by the Abolitionists of tliis country themselves. I am almost willing to refer it to them and submit to their decision on it. I would not hesitate to do so if I thought them capable of an impartial judgment on any matter where Slavery is in question. But it is said that the licentiousness consists in the con stant intercourse between white males and col ored females. One of your heavy charges against us has been that we regard and treat these people as brutes; you now charge us with habitually taking them to our bosoms. I will not coinmeut on the inconsistency of these ac cusations. I will not deny that so nc inter course of the sort docs take place. Its charac ter and extent, however, aro grossly and atro ciously exaggerated. No authority, divine or human, has yet been found sufficient to arrest all such irregularities among men. But it is a known fact, that they are perpetrated here, for the most part in the cities. Very few mu- Iattoes are reared on our plantations. In the cities, a large proportion of the inhabitants do notown slaves. A stiil larger proportion are natives of the North, or foreigners. They should share, and justly, too, an equal part in this sin with the. Slave-holders. Fact3 can- not be ascertained or 1 doubt not it would ap pear that they nre the chief offenders. If the truth be otherwise, then persons from abroad have stronger prejudices against tho African race than we have.—Be this as it may, it is well known that this intercourse is regarded in our society as highly disreputable. If car ried on habitually it seriously affects a man’s standing, so far as it is known; and he who takes a colored mistress—with rare and extra ordinary exceptions—loses cast at once. Yt u will say that one exception- should damn our whole country. How much less criminal is it to take a white mistress ! In your eyes it should be at least an equal offence. Yet look around you at home, from the cottage to the throne, and count how many mistresses are kept in unblushing notoriety, without any los9 of caste- Such cases aro almost unknown hero, and down even to the lowest wa'ks of life it is almost invariably fatal to a man’s po sition and prospects to keep a mistress openly whether white or black. What Miss Marti- noau relates of a young man’s purchasing a colored concubine from a lady and avowing his designs, is too absurd even for contradic tion. No person would dare to allude to such a subject in snch a mauner in this coun try. If lie did, he would he lynched—doubt less with your approbation. (to be continued.] >f eminent virtue anil no which in ■ ladies dwell, maids, insatiut States with llie endless herntion. much delight to cial learned old Miss Marlinoau linger with such nn relish.' They ex-pose it in the Slave >-t minute observance trail Miss Miirtineau, with pecu liar gust relates a serier of scandalous stories which would have made Boccaccio jcalousofner pea, hut which arrf so ridiculously false ns to leave uo doubt that some wicked wotr, knowing SAVANNA H, Juno 24, 1815.- ilm AIozo and the Treasure found by him on the banks of the Altamaha. Dear Sir—It is not probably kutfwn to nin ny of our citizens, that a regular trade was car ried on in England with the Spanish Provinces in America, nnd elsewhere, by the Birming ham manufacturers of spurious Spanish del lars, from ihe year 1790 to 1800, and perhaps to a later period. This base coin was made and sold in Birmingham, as they sold any other hardware—giving to the metal tho appearance and stamp of Spanish dollars—and wore bar tered nwuy at the rate of about five shillings to the pound sterling." These manufacturers made with impunity this base foreign coin in great quantities, but would have been hung, every man of them, if they had tried their skill on an English sixpence The merchants of that period, settled in Sa vannah, were urged to take large sums of it, and I was informed recently, by a gentleman of great observation and knowledge, who was in England about the year 1799, and spent some time there, that to the honor of these mer chants the offer was indignantly declined, mid in justice to Capt. Swarbrack, I mention his name, as he was particularized; yet doubtless ly much of this Birmingham money found its way into Georgia and the Floridas, and tho large amount said to have been got by Mr. aIo- zo (who is a very honest and clever man,) was without doubt taken by speculators to die place where it was found, lor the purpose ol trading it ow'ay to the Indian?, lor skins and other products of die wilderness country, and for security, was buried where it was discover ed by Mazo, and such sums only disinterred as might be wanted for trade. I understood that the data of these dollars was 1795. They may be worth something to Mr. Mozo, at least, I should suppose, to the amount of the silver they may contain. It is probable they were secre ted by persons who were either destroyed by the Indians, or wore obliged suddenly to vacate the trading establishment. i ours truly, w, j. mcintosh. John Crowell, Agent of the Indian*, requesting him, ns soon as rnighr be practicable, to send to this place, such wit nesses as me necessary, and could be procured, for the purpose of establishing before the District Judge the facts, on which to foand a warrant of arrest, and delivered the same to Lieutetuyil Vinton,who left thiscity yesterday for the Greek Agency. On the same day I communicated to the Honorable the Secretary of War, a copy of the letter, and stated, that as soon as .the warrant could he obtained, I woald deliver to the Marshal such instructions as would be necessary for bis guidance. Thus much I have felt it my duty to do, in compliance with the order above referred to because I did not think myself atflibeMy, by a resignation o my commission, to create delay in tbe proceedings, or to leave-the interests of tho United States unrepresented in this District. Some time must elapse before ihe arrival of the witnesses from the Agency, and I therefore avail myself of thp interval thus afforded, to comniunicaie.lhroitgh you, most respectfully to the President, that neither my feelings nor convictions, will permit ine to prosecute the case in be half of the United States. In a contest in'v.’hich the inter ests and character of Georgia are so deeply iuvolved, should feel myself unworthy of the office 1 bold and of the confidence which tbe President bas hitherto reposed in me, f, contrary to my own views of right and the higher duties I owe to ray native State, I could array myself against her.— If, therefore, it becomes necessary that further proceedings should be had in this matter, I have no alternative but to ten ler backto th 1 ; President, the trust which has beon conti ded to me—a trust which, for eight years I have faithfully and zealously discharged, aud which 1 only relinquish, be cause I can no longer retain it with honor to myself. I have the honor to be. Sir, with great respect, your obe dient servant, • ■ RICH. }V. HABERSHAM. Mr. ilrAUitlcr to Mr. Habersham. Savannah, August 57th, 1834. Dear Sir—Misrepresentation from quarters I am persua ded unknown to y.ou, is busy with the circumstar.cas atten ding my acceptance- of the office of District Attorney U States for this District, at the period of your resignation.— Differ, as we may, upon some of the doctrines which divide the community, there is oue thing in which I am sure we both agree, viz: a determination to do no injustice to a po litieal adversary by the suppression of what is true, or the suggestion of what is false. It is in the course of the pres ent canvass charged upon me, that I accepted the office of District Attorney, with a view or under a pledge to prose cute the surveyors of those lands lying within our jurisdic- tienal limits in the occupancy of the Indians. This we both know to be untrue. The office was accepted by me, after consultation with yourself under the belief that during the interval that had elapsed since your resignation, circumstan ces had occurred which rendered it improbable that the du ty of prosecuting the surveyor would be exacted from your successor. You cannot fail to recollect my declaration, that no inducement could urge me to prosecute the surveyors, or take the office, pledged to tbe performance of such ungra cious duty. Subsequent to this interview, a lettor of acceptance was penned by me, submitted to aud revised by yourself, the terms of which we deemed such as to authorize my instant resignation of the office, if called on to prosecute the survey ors. As you were the friend wiih whom I communicated con fidentially upon die subject, I have to request you to vindi cate uie by a declaration of the truth, from the imputed hos tility to tny State, involved in the false assertion, that I accepted the office ftf District Attorney with a view-or un der a pledge to prosecute the surveyors. Very respectfully, m. h. McAllister. R. XV. Ilaberuhnm, Esq. Mr. Habersham, ta Mr. MAllister. Savannah, Aug. 30th, 1S34. Dear Sir—Yonr letter of the 27th insl. did not reach me until late that evening, and my engagements since have been such as to compel me to delay my reply until to-day. You say -that it lias beeu charged upon you. that you ac cepted the office of District Attorney with a view or under a pledge to prosecute the Surveyors of those lands, lying within our jurisdictional limits, in tbe occupancy of the In dians.” And to enable you to refute this charge you call upou me -‘as the friend with whom you advised at that pe riod.” and you refer ine to certain tacts within my knowl edge,as full proof that the charge is unfounded; and you ask ine to confirm the truth of those facts—I recollect all the circumstances which you state in your letter, and believe that you have stated them correctly. Tjie conditional letter of acceptance to which you refer, was examined and revised by myself, and 1 have no reason to doubt, was sent without material- alteration—it was ad dressed to the late Judge Johnson, then the Circuit Judge of tbe United States lor this District, under the following circumstances: After 1 had tendered, conditionally, my re signation of the office which you now hold, on the 8Sth Feb ruary, 1827, much time elapsed before a new appointment was made, probably because there was no applicant. At the next May Term of the Circuit Court at Xldledgeville, Judge Johnson requested to see me at his room, and there urged me to recal my resignation, stating that if I would do so, 1 woulJ be immediately re-appointed, and in confirma tion, showed me a new commission trom Washington, duly executed, but in blank, and said he was author. -3 to fill tho blank—1 however declined; upon which lie requested me to name any gentleman of the bar ill Sa vannah and lie would appoint him—this I also declined to do. He then request ed uie to uame such gentlemen of the bar, as 1 supposed, might be induced to accept the office—I named four, and among others yourself, as gcnllemen.qualitied to discharge the duties. The next morning he told me that there were objections to three of those gentlemen, not however affecting either their characters or ability, and said he had selected You—you were then in Savannah ; and when I met you on my return, you mentioned to me that you had received a letter from the Judge offering you the office. The subse quent occurienccs as far as they came to my knowledge, you have correctly stated in your letter. You preface your call upon me with tho following sen tence: "Differ as we may upon some of the doctrines which divide the community, there is one which I am sure we both agree, viz: a determination to do no injustice to a po litical adversary, by the suppression of what is true, or the suggestion of what is false." I have responded to this ap peat in a way and with a candor of which I hope you will find no reason to complain. But you address me as a polit ical adversary—I am opposed to your election, and will do all 1 honorably can to prevent it: My private feelings • have undergone no unfriendly change towards you; nor have I over permitted a difference in political opinions, if in my . 1 i r ;.i rivnte friendships power to prevent it, to interfere with my private friendslii —I oppose your election, because I am directly opposed some of the opinions and doctrines, which I believe you entertain; nnd upon which I presume you will act—I can lend my support to one, as my representative, who will sus tain the present administration of the General Govern ment ; or who denies the right of Stale : tilerposition, to present the operation of an unconstitutional law, after a fair resort to the btllol box has faded, or when the mischief is Uo urgent to permit a delay to that resort, AS WASTES CASE IN GEOIKIIA AT THE TIME OF MT RESIG NATION, Having fairly responded to your call, and render ed to you justice' as far ns was within my power, you will not deem ine unreasonable, if I avail myself of this opportu nity of doing justice to myself, even although I may subject you to the perusal of a longer reply than you probably anti cipated. In consequence of my resignation. I became immediately the subject of the most untreasured abuse, through some of the Clark Gazettes in our State and a few of their fellow laborers out of it. This I did not deign to notice at the lime, nor. have I ever written a line for publication on the subject ol tny resignation. A writer in the Macon Tele graph, then a Clark paper, but now a Union one. anil march ing under the same banuer with yourself, and I believe still conducted by the same editor, not content with denying my right to resign and tho principle, upon which / resigned, attacked my professional capability and charamer. and en deavored-to degrade me in public estimation^ The most abusive portion of that article, ns far as related to tn^-self, was transferred to die most conspicuous column of the Charleston Cornier, and there published in the midst of my professional as well as personal friends. That paper was then friendly to the Adams Admieis- it alibti. is now a Union paper, nnd also tnarchitig under the same banner with you Act/ and was l believe almost the on ly naper which was unprincipled enough to copy those scan- rfafs from the anonymous piece itt the Macon Telegraph,— Had the whole article Been co| ied, I should have had little to object, for in the latter part. Gov. Troup "and hisbeir presumptive" (Mr. For*ytli succeeded Col. Troup) were denounced “03 fellow laborers‘in treason.” amt Mr. Berrien who was then at XVnsbington as Senator trom our State fi gured a3 “theii disciple” tn that valuable branch of educa tion. 1 was at least in good company; I was charged with perjury, because 1 had refused to discharge the duty itnpb- sed upon me, and thereby delayed the proceedings of the President. This was false as will appear by reference to" my published letter to the Secretary. I immediately on the receipt of the order, took the-proper steps to procure from the Creek Agent, the testimony on which the application for the Warrant must have beeu bared; and I communicated •to the Secretary ofWar, a copy of my letter to Col. Crow ell asking (or the testimony, and apprized him, that us toon ns the warrant could be obtained I would place it in die bands of the Marshal, with the necessary instructions; “that thus far I had fell it my duty to db, but if required to go further ho must consider that, as a tender ol my resigna tion.” You perceive then that the charge, even of a refusal to obey tbe order was false. But it was deemed necessary by seme of the then administration papers to slander me; ap.l as no just cause could be foubd. they were compelled to re-. stmt to a course now quite familiar, they made one. Mv re signation was based upon a principle which they did not then relish, amt in the consideration of which with great bitterness of feeling the Union papers at the South, arc at this dnj, l believe, unanim us. The principle is, that in n conflict between the Federal Government and our.own State, acting through iter regularly con tinued organs, our allegiance is due to the State of which We nre citizens.— That this was the principle; and the avowed principle, is manifest from the following extract from my letter ol resig nation already published: "In a conte-t in which the inter - <■■•is and character of Georgia ire so deeply involve 1, I should feel myselt unworthy of tbe office I hold, and of the confidence which the President has hitherto reposed in me, tf enntra-y to.my own views of right and the hi l owe to my native State I could array myself against Imr.'’ This I say was the principle; nnd although the administra tion papers of that day condemned it. as do also the admin- istra ion papers of the present day. 1 had the sntulaction to find that my course was highly approved bv many valued friends, .-nine of whom I do not the less value because we are now found in opposite ranks: Ihn. 1! to the satisfaction to find, tint it was approved by the citizens of tny county who on the first opportunity elected me their representa tive, by an overwhelming majority; and two years after, 10 tbe State Senate, without opposition 1 ; .utd that it was also approved by the Legislature, then nearly divided between j j t Tr up an i Clark b; a joint resolution of com- y mendation, passed witlt unusual unanimity. The condition *' contained in your letter of acceptance was also highly satis factory to me, because it seemed to give your sanction to the principle upon which I had acted; perhaps in this I may have done yon injustice, for the principle is now scouted by all the presses of the party with which you arc acting. and the Union party of South Carolina seem to be almost ready to take arms agaiust it.. A curious way, by tbe bye. of preserving the Union. The Adams papers in Carolina, and the Clark presses in this State, have presetved their infractions Now dgc In of the Con interpi rr Ii ’Coral (; ov arresting . uitution by the F< for tbe purpose of tts; and that such judgment!,,,,, , on of a State is only liable to be overrule,I t?.! 1 ' oi turee fourtiin of all the Mnte arting u:uh- r f ] ( * " * ir atnemlini' the Constitution of the L’nit.-,; that this pretension of the right of evet v St- * S '' • itself, together with that other which assorts ^ £tate has parted with no portion of her Dover?' - r , tv ' r> * she entered into this confederacy, or in other words h ter a part is taken from the whole, the whole -tiff re™:-' are claims ur_'ed by many honorable men with ..t,,"' 3 ' intentions, I am free to admit. But good intention, ct saved a country, the truth is* we can only ihe tendency of the public conduct of men bv tin lrdoetrsg 1 * and what says Mr. Madison (c’nrum et venerahi’e of the doctrine ccntained ir. the above recited res which is identical with that commented on by him in \1£? j as the South Carolina nullification.^ This brings us(,“” : that venerable patriot) to the expedient lately adva r . c lb’ which claims for a single State a right to appeal aga-'-V. *• , exercise of power by the Government of the United ft,, 11 decided by the State to be unconst tutional, tn the parties!. the constitutional compact; the decision of the State to';.,. , 1. . • . IV- -A — f — IR l*.,i n -w tliA net r.- flirt rr r\ • • O-P... n.. ■ » ‘ ’ consistency. If such is not the true principle, then it fol- j the cflectof nullifying the act tr: the government of litet-'* lows.that in case Georgia hadcotne to blows with the Fed- | ted States, unless the decision of tlm State be rerers-jSl three fourths of the parties. Tiie distinguished natntj ri, high authorities which appear to have asserted snrl ' practical scope to this do, trine, ontitle it to a ro5pe cl w j. ; ? it might be otherwise difficult to fee! for it. Can morr: necessary to demonstrate the inadn.is.Ability of such a trine, than that it puts it in the power of tiie smallest lyT tion. over ono fourth of the United States, tiiar. is ,jf ..... ' States out of twenty-four, to give the law,and even there? stilution to seventeen Stoles, each of the seventeen har,„j ns parties to the constitution,an equal right with each oft., seven, to expound it, and to insist on the exposition? -p; the seven might, in particular instances, he right, sadq seventeenth wrong, is more than possible. BattoesbhSu, a positive, and permanent rule giving such a power to ( Cf ), a minority over such a majority, would overturn the principle of free government i'self. and in practice ttece,u. rily overturn the government itself.” -I can imagine no more-conclusive proof of the unsotaj r.ess of the doctrine In question, than is to be lotmd in ti;j reply of Mr. Madison. It .'trikes ma with the force of d e . - mohstration and the light of truth. And l am. or those »1 : „” think with me, amenable to the charge of ^consistency, fe. cause having been prepared to defend the rights of our S .-. from the encroachments of the General Government. *5 stand alike ready to defend that Government from whit* e believe the unjust pretensions of a party in the State? { selfhold that the State nnd the United States have their rrj. pective claims upon me. To answer the former, 1 refoiej in 1827. io take office without reserving to myself tlte right of instant resignation, should a duty be required of c , which I deemed, under the circumstances, incomprabj, with' those claim '. , For the purpose of responding to which the latter have on me, as one of her citizens, I »tn« t » at out to resign that office. The charge of inconiitte^ should not be even indirectly imputed on grounds like th ese J In truth, suclt a charge (to use vnur own language.) is rally tesorted to ns a substitute for argument to mislead ignorant. It ought to be left to the exclusive use of voU,; politicians, to whom alone such weapons properly belonf. There are other portions of your letter thdt impose c k on me the necessity of a reply thereto. I concur c ntitely £,•, you in the proposition that certain great and exclusive riritj are reserved to the State. It is as to die remedies tote,.., plied in case of encroachment on those rights tint a diver,,;] ty of seutiment exists between us. These remedies in B 'l apprehension, are either constitutional or extra consiitutioj' al. Yonr remedy, no noraea gencralisiniutn of which i. State interposition, which it is to be presumed, consul, tf various specifics, as they are to be applied you say, “ W . cordingly to the nature and violence of the disease,” it impossible for me to classify, as you have no; enamerstfi) the various nostinms which it includes. One, as prescribed by a distinguished member of your political faculty. I h« e selected, and referted to the authority of Mr. Madisan.i* prove the inadiiiissibilily of its being considered among its constitntional remedies. _ A few observations in regard to these latter, In your opinion die action of the people, ty petition, remonstrance, protest and the various other mitii by which their voice.mav be expressed, without going yond the range of constitutional remedies, and so allvdc eral Government, the whole Troup party would have been traitors—and if worsted, would have been liable to be exe cuted as such, Did die Troup party admit this to be so at the time? I have another claim for justice to intrude upon you.— If the denunciations against the political party with which I am associated, of being Disnnionisls, SeditionisCs, and Traitors, had not in atty manner received your sanction, ■ I should not feel myself at liberty, on the present occasion to trouble you with the subject: but ns a member of the State Rights’ Party, I must come in for a share, perhaps a full share, of these delicate attributes. And in yottrOradon on the 4th of July last, there is a squinting or the same kind of compliment to the party, or to a portion of it. As you have called upon me to relieve; you from a charge made by others, and not affecting your moral character, you can not 3urely refuse to hear me on a charge, sanctioned insome measure, by yourself cu a public occasion, and which if trut, ought to subject me to the contempt of every honejt mon. It is possible that a few individuals widely scattered, but I know none'such, may have attached themselves to our ranks, who are wicked or mad encugh to wish for disunion; but is it not equally possible, that there are also among your unionists a few who would be willing to bend the pliant kee to a despot? Tho truth is these hard names are always freely applied in times of high political excitement„and are generally resorted to os a substitute for argument to mis lead the ignorant In the great contest between tho Fede ral and Democratic Parties, Jacobin and Tory were as freely applied to most illastrious and patriotic men of that time, as disunionist and submission men are to those of the present day. But those great fathers of our liberties have now gone to their honorable graves and there they sleep shielded by their own virtues and their country’s love; and who *o vile, as to inscribe on their tombs—Tory or Jacobin? I am sure you have too much good sense to apply these terms in sober earnestness to any portion of your fellow cit izens—they ought to be left for the exclusive use of vulgar politicians, to whom alone such weapons properly belong. The State Rights’ party, of which I am one, (11 agree 111 party, of which 1 am one, (It agree e—the right of State interposition; ai are all, as I solemnly believe, as fervently devoted to the preservation of our happy Union, as any other political par ty in the country. That certain great, important and exclu sive rights, arc reserved by the Constitution to the Slates, no one I think will deny; and that these rights are reserved to the States ^respectively, and not as a body. I thinksi-s £qn»lly plain. If a State has rights, she must also have the right, indepeudent of others, to protect them, and no other power can lawfully control her in the otercise of that right of sejf protection, or ic the selection ofthe means; she hav ing a just regard to the rights of others . Some of the State Rights Party may have expressed a preference for a partic ular remedy—claiming the right of a State to interpose. I do myself, with si large portion of my political friends, think it wiser to select and apply the remedy according to the na ture and violence of the disease. I do not approve of the Saugrado system, of warm water, in every case—Georgia made such selection atffi applied it with eff ect in 1826—18-7. under Troup. Carolina also selected Iter's, wltit U resulted tn a mo iification of the Tariff satisfactory to her, and the only evil result ofany lasting consequence, from its applica tion has been, the disgrace ot our State Book by the passage ofthe Force Bill. liven that remedy yas unquestionably better than youts by Revolution—because in revolution, a ntan has the gallows in prospect, no matter which side he takes; anil he is seldom permitted to remain neutral.— Your other remedies by remonstrance, ptotest. fcc are what in medicine, are properly called brick dust remedies—they serve to amuse tbe patient, but operate neither to increase or retard the disease. There is one point, however, in whie.t I have little d-. ubl we all agree. The hope that there will in future, be uo necessity for the application of any olher remedy than that of the Ballot Box. I have doue. I presume you have desired my reply for publication. As it may fall into other hands' less honorable than your own. aud I am unwilling that it should be garbled, you will, I am sure, do me the justice to publish 11 entire, and on the same sheet, aod that immediately. If, howev er, you decline to publish ibis correspondence which l can not for a moment believe, I reserve to myself the right of doing so, Lam, dear Sit, very respectfully, vour obedient servant, RICHARD W. HABERSHAM. To M. H. McAllister. Esq. Mr. McAllister to Mr. Habersham. Savannah, Sept. 8, 1834. Dear Sir: In conformity with theinttmrdion in tny note ofthe 4th inst, I proceed to reply to suclt portions of your letter of 30th ult., which, in tny apprehension, nre not re sponaive to my cal! on you, and exceed also your professed object of self vindication. Why, strictures upon the con duct of certain presses, "in and out of tliis State, ‘ in refer ence toyourself. ate addressed to ine ? Why, I should be called on to become the vehicle of publication for your com ments upon’ certain former aud present administration pa- Why I am urged; to publish -•immediately” your pers f -essay upon niy political principles, as tny reply thereto "could as well be made alter as before publication,” arc in quiries which not being able to answer satisfactorily, Ilenve to the solution of others. Being a candidate, howeuer, for the honor of represent-ng tny feiiow-citiz'ens of .Chatham, at the ensuing session of our Legislature, it is perhaps, due, as much to them, as myself, that the statement of one who is avowedly a political adversary, of the reasons which induce his opposition, should not be permitted by tny sileuco to be construed into an exposition or tny political creed, or that what I am constrained to believe from the general tenor of yonr letter, is an attempt to fix upon me political inconsis tency should be permitted to pass without notice. I addressed you as a political adversary m tny note of th ult.. because you liacl assumed that attitude in a conver sation which passed between us sometime previous thereto, in which you expressed regret that you would be compelled to oppose tny election. Your support, therefore, was not ex pected, and.certainly not solicited by my note of 27th ult.. and consequently your declaration of political hostility was either gratuitous,"or made with a view to comnieqt upon those political principles which, in your estimation, render ed it impossible for you to “lend ine your support.”- Eith er alternative authorizes the opinion I have expressed, that your letter of 30tli ult. exceeds both the object of my call, and that professed by yourself. If, to entertain warm grati tude to him who is at the head of our General Government, for services rendered this country, in the field and cabinet, —if. to concur in the leading measures of his administration. —if, to feel disgust at the disingenuous course pursued, and scurrilous language used towards the venerable Chief Ma gistrate of our Republic, by many presses "uarching under the same banner witlt yourself.” constitute me a supporter of the present Administration. I must, with the certainly of losingyour support, hold tnyself amenable to that charge. After Staling that the p. iuctple on which jour resignation turned, was approved by the Legislature ol this State, then nearly divided between the Troup nnd Clark parties, by a joint resolution, with unusual unanimity,you proceed to say, "The condition contained in your letter of acceptance, was also highly satisfactory to me, because it seemed to give your sanction to the principle upon which I had acted. Per haps, in this. I may have done you iuj< slice, for the princi ple is now scouted by all the presses of the party with which you are now acting.” You further say,'.‘Tiie Adams papers in Carolina, and tiie Clark papers in this State, have pre served their consistency.” Not wishing to intermeddle with a controversy you seem anxious toynvoke with the Democratic Republican presses of this Slate, my observa tions will be confined to so much of the preceding passage of your letter, as concerns myself. If language means any thing,the foregoing intonates that so glaring is the inconsis tency of recognizing the principle upon which you resigned in 1837, and acting with the Union presses in this State, at Ihe present period, that you are led to suppose that yon n ay have doni me an injustice in believing that IJtad recognised that principle. Pause a mnment to contemplate the relative attitude of the State of Georgia and the General Government, in 1R27. A treaty had been negotiated by Camtnissioners on behalf of the United States, nnd bad been confirmed by the -egularly constituted authorities of the country. Under this treaty, which according to the Constitution, hail become the su preme law of the land 1 certain rights had become vested in this State. For the porpn.e of reducing tbese rights into possession, a law- is enacted by her, authorizing certain per sons to enter into, and survey the lauds to which, under the treaty, she had become entitled. The general Govcrimient, in the face of her own treaty, and the act of of tho Legislature oi’our State, directs a crim inal prosecution to be entered against these survivors.— Yon, the then incumbent of the office of District Attorney, believing your State in the right, refuse, under thesq circum stances, to become the activfl agetit in the prosecution of men whom, you consider innocent. Suclt were the chrsid- eraiions.at all events, which induced me to deciine taking the office, clogged with the condition of performing that du ty. .Now the single propositi.at iuvolved in the foregoing statement is this:—Osu inconsistency, be charged.upon one ■ who having refused to become tbe :i ttive agent or the Gene ral Government against the authorities of this Stale, when he deemed her in the right, also refuses to join a party, who, itt the name ol’Slatu Rights, are urging pretensions for her, a perseverance in which, in his opinion would, if successful, terminate in her unhappiness and perhaps the disruption of this Union ? Permit tno foaak what are tiie pretensions sought to be established, not in favor of Georgia alone, but of each and every Stale in the Union? I'select but one, not thr.t ic{s the in. t ol jectio: able, bin that havHp met with complete relata’ m from o-.e who lias always been a champion in tbe cause of Skate Bight -. I am spared the mvossi|y of iofiirt. language, the sentiments I enter- tailed by Mr. Livingston, in tiie Senate of tiie United 8‘atei, in 1820.’ are mere "brickciust remedies.”- You —- ~w- . y.-thtj serve to amuse the patient, but operate neither to increase or retard the disease.” Were I convinced of this, I jiiooM despair not only of the perpetuity of of our institution', bat of ‘lie success of any free Government. All sorb arefnucJ. ed, on public opinion which receives its impulse and dire-, tion from the action of the people in their primary assemblirs aud through their Representatives. Let this action lose its force; let it become indeed a‘‘brickdusr remedy,“rate! toe great moral lever which moves tbe whole machinery ofa frtt Government is destroyed. Mr. Jefferson did not think that contemptuously of these, for at a most eventful period of ocr history, as author of the Kentucky Resolutions, he resort ed to the remedy by Protest. Permit toe to ask whctlfr they were deemed "brickdust remedies,” by the Demoentj iu 1799 ’!I9, who found them »« their hands pmverf-il enourh to eradicate the disease of Federalism, which was eatir» into the vitals of our Republican Institutions, under niinistrstion ef the elder Adams? For myself, I beliereihtt these remedies, meanly as yon think of them, even in tbe hands ofa minority, will always operate in a free rnantrjM a powerful check on the majority. Nay, such is my coif. Hence in the spirit and intelligence of die People. I mult be lieve that a majority who claim to exercise unjust power will soon lose their numerical force, and that a minority trbo seek to obtain power unjustly will sooner or Inner ti«i themselves degenerated into a faction through the witheris; influence of public opinion. It was in view of these ronria- erotions. no doubt, that Mr. Jefferson asserted this Govern ment to be the strongest on earth. Ifcontrary to the belief ofonrpatriot fathers these remedies, illustrated as they have been by their successful operation hitherto, are ascertained to be inefficient—mere “brickdort remedies," and the situation of our state should dennodi resort to a higher remedy without the pale of the Constin- tion, I would thin hope thil.no one of us wilt pause to ia- uire whether in the prosecution ot that remedy, a Traitori oom-or a Patriot’s grave awaits him. The anticipation, however, of cases in which a resort ta ibis Iiigh retnerj would be justifiable, can have no ob’ect save to lessen tie attachment of the People to the Union of their eonntry.Jy rendering familiar to them the contemplation of its possiii disruption. Such a course is not calculated te “clterish t cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment toit,”»sca| joined nppn us by tbe Father of oug,country. I theiefora. pursue the subject no further. There is one thing, however, in which I trnst we brj concur, and it is this, that whatever be the remedy select el for actual or supposed encroachment on our rights, tbe peo ple who nre to apply it, should not be deceived as tn itsns- tare and the results to which it is calculated to load them. Let not the attempt be made in this State to delndetbe people with a notion ofa Constitution- 1 and peaceable rem edy. while that presented for their acceptance, is decidedly of revolutionary character, and therefore net to be rctoeel , to unlSss in such exigency as demands revolutionary aetk-n. 1 A long correspondence, certainly not anticipated by tee. | lias been the result of my simple inquiry of 27th alt.' Bet at your reply travelled farbeyond the subject matter of toy oali, the necessity of re -;* iding thereto has been imposed upon me. I11 the course of itl have in the language of jotr note to me of 5th inst.. “endeavored carefully to avoid anj expression which might be considered personally offeokrr to vourself.” . , I haveto.regretthatowingto my engagements. peeufo.J pressing attliis time, both in town and country, I haveiix'-* compelled to postpone my reply. Asya n seem to be intent on the publication ofyourlcarr- you will do me the justice to have my answer accompany Very respectfully vour obedient setvaaL M. HALL McALLleTEB. To R. W. Habersham. Esq. PVKL.1C JlKliTZNG ITT CRAWFORD- A meeting of the citizens of Knoxville and vicinity * s held a: the Court House on Thursday evening, 26th J™*' for the purpose of making suitable arrangements sive, in common with the American people. ourdevp*»“ heartfelt regrets at tho death of Andrew Jackson. On motion, David Worsham was called to the Cte r - and James J. Ray requested to act as Secretary- tk object of the meeting having been explained by the Ct:- mam, the following preamble and resolutions, aecoropst e- by appropriate and affecting remarks,'were offered >] Thomas C. Howard. Esq., nnd uuanimou slyadoptrd- The citizens of this village having learned with ;; of the profoundest sympathy with so great a nation* 1 - j reavement, that Gen. Andrew Jackson has been lab.tslr - | us to his final rest, have assembled here this cvenflW add -tlurii- -tribute to that of tho nation, to the virTvr-*^ renown of that truly great man. Now he is o°“ " ■ among us, the charity inspired by the solemnities oftS®” permits us alt to behold fit the Jong vista of yesr»« yy rious usefulness and sacrificing patriot-sm. only : f , r ' the fast friend of hi3 country, anfct or thc'ffeedaao^ specie'. Hi fame is the nation’s ; - r:y; stricken in every attribute of a just cr liberal iss» be that citizen, who, n softened personal a -f humanity itself and lb ing upon you, in tny o- tain in relation to it. lotion offered to the : who.'-.- name hecupie- gres'ioual ticket, nnd it i' lair to pr< some, 11 with whom you are words: " "‘And be it further r ofthe foregoing, that e i to be found - ah th. Th unbodied in a reso le by a gentleman place c» \our Con ‘aliments theri-fote -bation of the party fiution is in these now time ami tiie bind ol fieldD T ' tperittes, withholds that nicei " • ' •American people ciaiut for'-' parted great: Tlicrefore.be it Resolved, That the citizens of Knoxville nnite o‘ with each other in mingling their regrets, that tn • of General Jackson we aro bereaved forever of dance or bis counsels, the stimulus of bis exturn-f- , the pride of It is countrymen, we feel in regarding r-> J ranters- . Aw, Resolved. That to this whole people, as a nsnoo, c •; ( the feme ot this truly distinguished man. aau it J “ our pride as it is our duty, to cherish nnd defend tt* v /,. - ■./, That as a feeble, but the only av,, 3 “*g| p. of giving expression to the seme of our los», wc . ** t y. in commemorating the virtues of the deceased, 11 I. , f eulogy; and that this meeting appoint, through a cosi a suitable individual to discharge that office. , , t0 ,» Under the last resolution the chairman proceed f oint the following gentlemen said committee, v». I. Brooks, James L. Wimberly, Joseph J. CartO • cis H. Murdock, Dr. Alfred Coleinstt- San-acl' l - William H. Lawshee, John F. Troutman, and • rftj Causey. And on motion, the chairman and secret' . added to said camn i tco. . . ; The committee after retiring a^ few w* the name of Tt . mas C: Howatp, E'q-. = s 11 1 ult " „ rt ,ved < to deliver .--aid eulogy, which was ttBiniSOie On motion of John l-’. Troutman, fi.sq- t- 1 -- 1 of s id committee ot eleven, be a committee^” ^ meats, to settle on a suitable time, ahd to nut" 1 , ary preparntio nzettci slor that purpose, aud report ar otherwise, nssooo — WW . Wi ved, n> a -i-ite is ei Uitled to jndj sequence : lor itself On motion of James Rrsoirt it. That the ; ed by the chairman an Messenger and Tctegi the name be published. Tno meetin • then a.ljourne, ' DAY J utt:.5 J. » O. Secretary. pit A Republic, W0US1IA JI