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c THE GEORGIA TELEGRAPH AND REPUBLIC. OLIVER H. PRINCE L_ .. punLiSHED EVERY TUESDAY MORNING by o. h. prince, a t three dollars per annum, invariably IN ADVANCE »I)VERTISEMENTS »re insrrie.t at St . ,„sre for tlie first insertion, ami SO cea*a pet a imerlion thereafter. / / ISt PUBLISHED WEEKLY— Edito-r «fc Proprietor. pjEW SERIES—VOL. IL NO. 3. MACON, TUESDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 14, 1845. WHOLE NUMBER 992. HISTORICAL. MR. per square for insertion tlierearier. - * j^a.Aonable deJutiicn win be made to those who adver- • Vl»v '’lie year. 1 lt7*N- fi. Sale* of LANDS, by Administrator.. Eiecu „ r "Guardian*. are required by law, to be lield on the ■aS*Ta*.d a y >n tlle month, between the hour, of ten in the ,ir5t non, and three in the afternoon, at the Court-house, in ntv in which the fand ia situated. Notice of these “eSnturtbe given in a public gazette SIXTY DAYS pre- Sms to the day of sale. Sale*°f NEGROES must be made at a public auction [he first Tuesday of the month, between tlie usual h sura /ial*,**^® pl tea 0 f public sales in the county where tlie J.M.rs of testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, j v have been granted, first giving SIXTY DAYS notice ■ I f one of tlie public gaieties of this State, and at the , _ .r’jhe Court house, where surh sales are to be held. NTotice for the sale ofPer.oaal Properly must be given in like manner. FORTY d.ys previous to ihed.y of ssle. N»ti*e to the Debtors nnd Creditors of an estate must be a^plLa’tm'Wm be made to the Court of Or- Jinafy for leave to sell LAND, must be published for F Noi^e ! rorU^" 3 <o sell NEGROES must be published «r FOUR MONTHS, before any twder absolute shall be wade therenn by die Court. **I»raT!oas for letters of AdminUiratw*. m.i«, he publish- , fii r ty rfny*—furdiaaission from ad min isi ration.* on/A- {V ttx. Months—tor diattission from Guardiaaship, forty ''itWTt for the foreebisure of Mortgage must be published nenthht forfoh r monthi—for establishing lost papers '.for rktfull ifier of three montka—for compelling titles from irfL-ninri »r A dminiatratora, where a Hond lias been given bv the deceaied. the full ajrttee of three month*. 'pnblleadom will always be continued according to these, .hr legal reqolreinents.u dess otherwise ordered. * REMITTANCES BY MAIL.— ‘A postmaster may en- cloieVm'tiey in a letter to the publisher of a newspaper, to -i.-tlie aabserlotion ofa third person and frank the letter if '’V,;;,, bv himself.”—A too* Kendall. P. M. O. POETRY. The following beautiful tribute of the gifted, wrs given to el by a friend of the authoress who informed us that it was written at a very early nfebv Mils Helen Beck of Albany, New York. Where so much beauty of expression was garnered on, there should have been no longing for the fiee- tjn. luveliae.-s of the world. The mind’s beauties like dia monds grow brighter when they are cleansed from the im purities of the earth, and reflect their lustre most enchan- liucls when encircling the wisdom-wreathed brow of \vi»- aaa.-AV. Carolinian. I WOULD THAT I WERE BEAUTIFUL. j would that this pale lip were red, and that this e\ e were bright. And that this cheek sent forth from it, a clear, transparent light. While round it fell, in clusters bright, long, silken, glossy- hair, I would that l were beautiful! I would that I were fair! Oh! Ih are vonbirp'd beauty's form, and I could fondlyr gaze Upon the artist's pictured dreams, for hours and e’en for days. To see the red Kps wreathed with smiles, the bright eyes pictured there ; I would lliat I were beau iful! I would that I were fairl And e'en rnv loved companions too, the ones that most I prize. Have bounding steps, a:;d forms of grace, and deep, dark lustrous eyes; Jlare them all the more for that bright beau'jr which they •hare! 1 vould that I were beautiful! I would ;batl were fair! Yes. those that bear a beauteous form, may aay it fadetli soon. That genius is a fairer, and less fleeting earthly boon ; Yes! they may say so, on whose brows the rays of glory are— I would that I were beautiful! I would that J were fair ! The light of genius bright may be, but men will sooner bow lltfore the light that dazzles forth front boautv's beaming brow; Genius may awe them to admire the heart is beauty 's share. I would that I were beautiful! I would that I were fail! Prom the Bromdxcay Journal. ECHO-SONG. 1 know a noble heart that beats For one it loves how‘‘w ildly well!' I only know for whom it beau ; But I must never tell! Never tell! Hash! hark ! how echo soft ropeots, Ah! nerertell! I know a voice that falters low. Whene’er one little name ’twould say; Full that little name 1 know. But that I'll ne'er betray ! Ne'er betray! Hush! hark! how echo murmura low,— Ah! never betray ! I know a s mile that beaming flies From soul to l»p, with rapturous glow And I can guest who bids it rise ; But none—but none shall know ! None shall know! Hush! hark! how •clto faintly iigtia— Hut none shall know ! IHiSru l. otoootl. Resurrection of a three thousand year old pea.—>]n the year 1839, Sir Gardner Wilkin* *on b ought from Egypt a rose of great anti, tjuity, which had been dug out of a mummy pit. This vase was presented to the British Museum, and was opened in the presence of several antiquarians; but it contained only a s mall quantity of dust and a few seeds, among *'hich were peas, vetches ar.d wheat. Three uf ihc peas were presented to Mr. Grimstone by T. J. Pettigrew, who kept the peas by him un til 184-4, when, having purchased the herbary 3'. lligligale, he set them in a pot of composite. The pea soon sprang from its three thousand )ear trance into vegetable life, but yellow, as if it had been jaundiced with a diseased liver When it had attained sufficient height, it was Qtrefitlly transplanted into the open garden; it thrived, blossomed, and in August last (1S14) Mr. G. harvested 55 seed from its pods. These ‘sere planted this year, and all of them have up their sterns, blossoms and pods, and *;ai i »ijr, hone for an abundant increase. This P-a L .s many peculiarities, one of which is, that ‘bo pud projects through the blossom, leaving latter behind It, while the generality 1*^ push, or rather carry off the blossom at J 1 ® ‘ip of their pod.-r. Mr. Grimstone wag of- J-'N last year twenty pounds for twenty of , ese peas, which lie refused to accept, prefer- r,n 5 rather to multiply than to sell. The bloom 0 this pea is while, and ofa bell form.—Eng- n,tl paper. lae^Ur^ Another Mail Robber.—Rensse- 0l ia brother of the postmaster at Pe- q. 1 lias been arrested and committed to n a *'* H a °ii for abstracting money from letters j^v ln S through his hands. The depredations Ho d v°" ,racc< * some period back and leave TO of the guilt of Wood ruff.-Duff. Com. Uwtda-f. M INGERSOLL’S NEW WORK. (oontinfkd*) Chapter III of tin's remarkably interesting book, is devoted to a description of the special session of 18J3, its men and measures. We extract the following passages r “ The session of Congress began the 24th of May, 1913. Ou the 10th of June, the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, Mr. Eppes, with permission of the House, reported relative to well digested sys- tem of public revenue, and, on motion and leave, presented the lax bills, viz.: for the as sessment and collection of a direct tax on lands and slaves, a suit lax, on licenses to retailers, carriage tax, still lax, on auctions, ffn refined sugar, on stamps, on foreign tonnage, further provision for the collections, and a bill to estab lish the office of commissioner of the revenue. All these bills were, as usual, read the first and second time, by their titles, that day, and com mitted to a committee of the whole house. On the 22d of June, the House took them up in committee, Hugh Nelson of Virginia in the chair; and they were successively passed through the regular stages of enactment. In about a month, by the latter end of July, this considerable hotly of acts received President Madison's signature, nnd were put in operation. “ John W. Eppes, chairman of the commit tee which performed this important function, was the son-in-law of Jefferson, the benefit of whose confidential correspondence ho enjoyed. Mr. Eppes was a gentleman of respectable abilities, sincere and manly in his sentiments, which were somclimes, however, rather loo re fined for practical application to the emergen cies of war. During most of this session he was confined by a fit of the gout, which devolv ed on Dr. Bibb, of Georgia, the lead in the committee of ways and means. Without meaning any' disparagement of Mr. Eppes, it Was, perhaps, fo:tunate for the tax bills that their passage through the House devolved on a member who made no speeches, as the chair man was no doubt prepared to do, which would have elicited answers, and thus consumed time precious for action. William W. Bibb—after wards, I think, governor of Alabama—was a young man, slight of person, feeble in health, taciturn, conciliatory, firm, decided in support of the war nnd Madison's administration, who confined what he said on the floor to short ex- p'anations in answer to objections or questions, without indulging in any rhetoric. The tax bills, if flooded with debate, if not foundered, might have been much hindered : the previous question being then a rare application. Dr. Bibb was ably supported in the Committee of Ways and Means by James l’leasants of Vir ginia, (of which State I believe Dr. Bibb was also a native,) one of the most respectable members of that Congress ; likewise without ever making a speech. He was a kinsman of Jefferson, and resembled him in the sandy com- plexiou said to indicate an enterprising temper. Mr. Pleasants was afterwards governor of Vir ginia. Washington, Franklin, Jefferson, as members of public assemblies, filled the high est places, without the talent of public speak ing, so common as to be almost cheap in the United States, by no menus universal in Eng land, and extremely raro in France, where nearly everybody can talk, but few speak; which seems to be a difference between using the longue standing or silting. Another mem ber of the committee of Ways and Means, and a frequent speaker, was Mr. Jonathan Roberts, of Pennsylvania, yet living on or near the farm which his family acquired when some of them came from England with Penn; and which Mr. Roberts tills with his own hands, wh le fond of literature and well read ia polite learn ing. Mr. Speaker Clay, thorough-going in his putty politics, took care to construct his committees with large administration majori ties of all such as might have any in fluence upon the war. The most active member of the minority opposed to war and tlio administration on this committee, was Mr. Timothy’Pitkin, of Connecticut— a gentleman well known for his statistical and hi.-torical attainments und works. Hu too was u frequent and able speaker, decided in his op position, but temperate and Ia,r. Hugh Nel son, who presided as chairman during the con sideration of the tax bills, was remarkably con versant with the rules and usages of a deliber ative assembly, son of Thomas Nelson who signed the Declaration of Independence, and afterwards, by President Monroe's appoint ment, American minister in Spain. The war of 1812 was beholden to James Madison, James Monroe, Henry Clay, James Pleasants, John W. Eppes, William W. Bibb, and Hugh Nel son—all, if I am not mistaken, natives of Vir ginia—not to mention others, for eminent ser- vices in elevated stations. Mr. Nelson repre sented the district where three successive Pres idents were born; of the red earth, John Ran dolph said, fruitful of chief magistrates. The ancient dominion, as that State is called, has beer, a mother of several others, fruitful of po litical uxiom:i and principles, and was power fully represented in all branches of govern ment during the war. “ The thirteenth Congress convened by the President in special session to impose taxes, represented a sparse people, only twenty-five on an average to the square inilo, scattered over disjointed territoiies two thousand miles square—only eight millions altogether, white, red, and black—for thirty years plunged in the pursuit of gain, unused to restraint, unbroken to taxation, which they had never felt but to resist from the first day of the revolution in 1775. Tried with all tlie power of Washing ton's administration, it was resisted by rebel lion. Continued under that of Adams, further rebellion ensued ; and taxes were the means by which that administration was overthrown. Always no better (ban a necessary evil, taxes in England required war ff>r their imposition. The war of the Amertesn revolution was waged almost without them, like that of France, by paper money. Throughout the war of 1812, among all the difficulties, ibis was not one.— Whether the twelfth Congress could have laid taxes without overthrowing Madison's adminis tration, may be a question. But the thirteenth GaRatm might well infer, from all the taxation I experience of the world, especially that of the f Congress did so without hesitation or hindrance; doubled them as occasion required, and they were always punctually paid in even the most disaffected parts of the United States. Yet it is not to be wondered at that wise men feared the experiment. Tha short-lived representa tives of a self-governed people are opt to be a people-fearing House of Representatives. Mr. American revolution, and the administrations of Washington, Adams, and Jefferson, that Congress must be timid, selfish, parsimonious, and unstable; less disposed, as they general ly are, than their constituents for measures of decision. The federal constitution, however, is in this respect much stronger and better gov- ernment than the confederation. By that, members of Congress eligible for but one year, and ineligible but for three years out of six, re vocable at nli times by vote of their State Leg islature, had no authority to act directly upon the community for revenue, but were obliged to approach the people through the mostly im penetrable hindrance of State legislation.— Early impressions of popular and State power, of representative dependence and timidity, were therefore natural in 1812. Many years after wards Mr. Madison said that, without reference to party opposition, there was an inscrutable disaffection—an under-tone in Congress, be called it—somewhere, whidi baffled his admin istration at first. Members of Congress of the war party more than whispered that it was in his cabinet. But many, well inclined to re publican government, at that time deemed a confederated republic incapable of such vig orous and constant action as war required.” The following picture of the secret session of July 15,1813, is eminently graphic: “ Tliere were then none of that large corps of licensed and licentious news-mongers at Washington, since established in the capital, as letter-writers for various public journals ; tlie National Intelligencer, the only daily paper, was nearly suspended; both the editors and seven of the workmen having gone down with the volunteer companies, together .vlth all the regular troops and volunteers that could be mustered from Washington, Gforgetown and that neighborhood, to the number of about 3,000 inen, to face the foe; also General Arm strong, Secretary of State; Captain Jones. Secretary of the Navy; and many others as volunteers. All business was suspended.— Most of the men took up arms. The British advancing vessels were supposed to be some miles below, on their way to Washington.— Tlie Adams vessel of war, commanded by Lieutenant Wadswoilh, Fort Warburton, and other defensible points, were disposed of as was thought best for resistance ; and the Sec retary of the Navy slept on board of that ves sel. At the same time, British vessels were moving up the Chesapeake towards Annapolis, besides those ascending the Potomac towards Washington. Some skirmishing look place at Swan’s Point where one or two of our militia were killed ju-t before Colonel Monroe got on the ground with a troop of horse—he being al ways among the most active and indefatigable of our volunteers. Tliere were some compa nies and parts of regiments of the regular in fantry and artillery, together with the volun teers, stationed wherever thought best. The enemy’s squadron, as was understood, in two divisions-—the first under Admiral Cockbum, the second under Admiral Warner—were care fully sounding, and slowly sailing up the Poto mac, amounting, according to our tidings, to six or seven liue-of-battle ships, three schoon ers, and several transports with land forces, ta- king islands, and threatening to visit Washing ton. Batteries and other defensive works were going up under tlie superintendence of Colonel Wadsworth, an old officer of artillery, at Green- leaf’s Point and the navy-yard. Such militia and other troops as remained, were diilled ev ery morning at dawn, with perpetual appeals to the spirit of the people, against, what tlie pub lic prints stigmatized as the enemy’s character, mode of warfare, und black barbarities. •‘This state of alarm and excitement contin ued about a week, during which that attack was apprehended, which, thirteen months after wards, laid the public edifices of Washington in ruins. Some of the black barbarities of the English were blazoned in the Richmond En quirer, National Intelligencer, und other publi cations, with particulars shocking to be even al luded to. "Our situation was discouraging. From the beginning, the war had gone continually against us, except at sea, where we were overwhelmed by numbers. There was too much reason to apprehend that the United States were no match for Great Britain. Defeated and disgraced ev erywhere, Congress was to impose the burden of taxes on a divided people, who hud been taught by leaders of the war party to look upon a tax-gatherer as a thief, if not to shoot him as a burglar. The sentiment was universal, that we had not one military man in whom either the army or the country could place confidence.— The capture of the un'ucky Chesapeake seem ed to awake us, as it wet * from a dream of un expected seu comfort, of which the flood was over, and the ebb set in. The country was at the lowest point of depression, where fear is too apt to introduce despair. In Senate, the State of New York, a principal theatre of military op erations, was represented, in part, by a senator, Obadiah German; the State of Pennsylvania, nearly unanimous for the war, by another, Mi chael Leib, popular there, and active every, where, the State of Maryland by a third, Gen. Samuel Smith, a ridi'merchant of great expo- rience, address, and influence; and the State of Virginia by a fourth senator, Win. B. Giles, the most expert debater, and one of the ablest members of that vital branch of both executive and legislative government, all inimical to Mad ison and his administration; besides several oili er senators nominally of the war party, but not well disposed to the President, who was op posed by a large and powerful party in that body, in whicli.combinations frequently defeat ed bis most important measures. The Secre tary of the Treasury (Mr. Gallatin) was gone to Europe, to solicit the only relief lie consider ed practicable for the country. Tlie merely perfunctory duties of the Treasury Department, owing to the President’s hardly.justifiable ad hesion to Mr. Gallatiuas its head, were tempo rarily performed by the Secretary of the Na vy, Captain Jones, who, with respectable abili- t es, could hardly fulfil tlie arduous duties of his own station. The Postmaster General (Mr. Granger) was so much opposed to the Presi dent, that he found it necessary, not long after to remove him from office, and put Governor Meigs of Ohio in his place. The Secretaries of State and War, Colonel Monroe and General Armstrong, were said to be brealhing that rival- ship for the presidential succession, which put the former in the latter’s place, when Arm strong was tumultuously driven from Washing ton the night after its capture by the enemy.— The executive departments of government were out ot joint v/iili each other, anti many of them out of favor with most of tlie advocates of the War. Them was a large, bold, and some of them unscrupulous minority—without, howev er, any treacherous disloyalty that I know of, beyond the usual struggle of parties to supplant each other. Some members, no doubt, counte nanced that ext re vie opposition which after wards centred in the Hartford convention, whatever its und.vulged designs may have been. But there was neither despair nor more than party dissension at any moment in either house of Congress, less faction in the minority, and more unanimity in tlie majority, than would have been the case under less trying circum. stances. The disastrous commencement of the war was not without the uses of adversity.— From a distant point of time, we may look back upon the external pressure and internul resis tance of that crisis with gratitude to the overru ling Providence which, by what seemed calam itous occurrences, prepared the country for happy results. Next to Divine Providence, this historical acknowledgement is due to that popular providence—that much despised, abus ed, and undervalued mass of the people; a con siderable, however fluctuating, yet constant ma jority of the American nation; the least calcula ting, but truest and firmest of all, who, under every tribulation, upheld and cheered their lin eal offspring—a majority in the House of Re presentatives. Those on whom the taxes bore hardest, whose livelihoods were most interrupt ed, whose names would probably never be bla zoned to celebrity—like the common sailor and soldier, who bore the brunt of war, actuated more by patriotic impulse than selfish reason— they never deserted or faltered. ‘Who loves the peoplol’ said Voltaire, a greater architect than Bonaparte of that prodigious revolution which restored their sovereignty, notwithstand ing all its abuses and aberrations. Yet without coincidence with that least selfish, though least refined mass—without even party spirit, so much deprecated—what state can be free, what free state great, what statesman strong] “Among the fervid and the fearless to whom no small share x-f the popular success of that war is attributable under extremely trying cir cumstances, none is entitled to more grateful recollection than the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Henry Clay. Ardent and bold in support of the war, and Madison’s ad ministration of it; prompt, clear, cogent, and au thoritative in the chair; eloquent, forcible, ag gressive in speech; impulsive and overbearing, yet adroit and commanding in conduct; resolute and daring in all things; without much learn ing, study, or polish, ho was then, in the flower of his age nnd robust health, the powerful champion of whatever he undertook, and mas ter spirit wherever he acted. His descent from presiding over the representation of popular sovereignty was the first step of his declension. “We bad hardly the door closed in secret session, before John Rhea, of Tennessee, came within ten votes of carrying his motion to lay Colonel Stewart’s resolution on the table, which ltiics donounceti as a factious attack upon the administration. As Colonel Stowait submitted the resolution on his responsibility for his sin cerity, feeling bound to believe it at least until the contrary should be shown, I voted with Ma con and a few others of our party, with all the feJeralists, against laying it on the table. Mr. Rhea was a great oddity, in appearance, beha vior, dress, speech, and temper; a rich old bachelor, a very honest man, a thorough-going party man, and a good-natured man. but one of those gruff, growling persons, who would rath er be considered unkind when he really was not. The Tennessee delegation at that time, besides Mr. Rhea, consisted, among others, of Felix Grundy, a distinguished member of the war parly, and of General John Sevier, an old Indi an iiuuter, us straight and almost as stiff as an arrow, with the sto rn Jd epCrt meat of reserve and self-possession which men are apt to contract who have much intercourse with savages, and the hardihood of frontier life on the outskirs of civilization, in perpetual conflict with them.— General Sevier, if I am not mistaken, had been involved, among the pioneers of the West, in a rencontre with the most extraordinary Ameri can of the nineteenth century—General Jack- son—also of Tennessee. Mr, Dnniet Sheffey, Mr. Richard Stockton, Mr. Webster, Mr. Pickering, Mr. Pitkin., were prominent en tlaot side. Air. Clay, Mr. Cal- iiouu, Solomon Sharpe,of Kentucky, (assassina ted in the Beauchamp homicide,) Mr. Troup, of Georgia, Governor Wright, of Maryland, Jaires Fisk, of Vermont, Jonathan Fisk, ol New York, William Dovul, afterwards gover nor of Florida, Jolrn W. Taylor, afterwards Speaker, Felix (irundy, were lestding men of the republican party. John Forsyth did not speak that session, nor till the middle of tlie next, distinguished as he became for speaking talent. Not drd HJfr. Webster that session make any of the great speeches on which his reputaiion roseafterward*. He and Mr. Stock, ton were gone home when the proceedings if this conclave took place.” • * » • • * * “ During the angry discussion, when the House was sometimes noisy, the Speaker com manded silence with unusual emphasis: ‘Gen tlemen,’ said he, ‘if we do arm and take the field, 1 am sure we shall be beat, if tliere is not more order kept in the ranks than in this house. 1 should be sorry to head so disorderly a body.’ At that time, when the old generals were to be laid aside, and successful juniors had not ap peared, it was, among other devices, one of the expedients contemplated to commission Mr. Clay for the army; also Mr. John Randolph, notwithstanding his unmitigated opposition to tlie declaration of war. Superseded by Mr. Eppes, Mr. Randolph was not a m .‘tuber of the war Congress : his urgent, constant, .and potent efforts to prevent the declaration, having lost him the district he so long represented.— Mr Clay in the fieid might have found there a theatre for his genius, possibly better adapted than Congress.” an J Thomas Cooper. Mr. Gaston was one of the ablest and most pieusing speakers of the House, a leading membtitei the opposition, af ter war. Ls chief justice of Norti Carolina.—. James Clack*- was afterwards governor of Ken tucky; John Forsyth governor of Georgia, sen-, ator ol tho United Stales, minister to Spain,, and Secretary of State. Mr. Wright b*d been, governor of Maryland, and hail represented that Siatu in the Senate of the Uuited States.— This select committee dkl not make their report till the following December, IS13; when it ap peared, and was printed in ai volume of 200 pa ges, written by John Forsyth. Of course it re-- quirod time to procure the tividence and digest it. Under several heads the report explained —first, the bad treatment of American arisen-. erst; secondly, their detentiun as Britian «ub* jects, as natives, or naturalized; third, deten- tiou of mariners as prisoners found in England when war was declared; fourth, compulsory service of American seamen ia British ships-of- war; fifth, violation of flags ofAfuca; sixth, ransom of American prisoners Indians in. British service; seventh, pilings nnd destruc tion of private properly in the Chesapeake bajr and neigborhood; cight’u, massacre and burn* ing of prisoners; pillage and shooting of citi zens, and burning of houses alter surrendering to British ant) under their protection; ninth, outrages at Hampton—the last thus mentioned in the report. The shrieks of the innocent vic tims of infernal lust at Hampton were heard by the American prisoners, but were too weak to reach the ears or disturb tlio repose of British officers, whose duty as men required them to protect every female whom the fortune of war had thrown into their power. Human language affords no terms strong enough to express tho emotions which the examination ofthe evidence .. has awakened, lu the correspondence between The limits of a newspaper will not permit us |he AmeriCiin 01ld British €t)I £ ma „ders. will bo “After Rhea's motion was negatived, Mr. Thomas G. Gholson, of Virginia, moved to strike out the preamble from Colonel Stuart’s resolution; which being done, and the blow at the administration, if uny was intended, thus parried, the subject came before the House for consideration an its merits. •‘The weather was in canicular sympathy with our condition, as representatives of tlie country and the party on whom its forlorn for tunes were pressing; one of those dry, sultry, windy, not cloudy, but misty, murky, smoky, overcast, uncomfortable dog days, whether the regular cauiculars had set in or not, which sur rounded by an amphitheatre of hills, with the sluggish Potomac, and extensive flats between it and the Tyber, closed July and prefaced Au gust with unwholesome,enervating, sweltering, atrabilious, suffocating, languid, feverish heat, as hot as the faction within and war without.— Washington was unhealthy in the latter part of summer and most of autumn. There were few ofthe crowds of visitors or of inhabit Hits now there, most of those few had marched away on the sudden campaign sprung up; and Pennsyl vania avenue, the only peopled part of that me tropolis of magnificent distances, had hardly a listenor along its disconsolate thoroughfare.— Congress were nearly alone in the Capitol, of which only the two wings were then built, with out the rotundo, or either of tlie noble fronts now facing east and west;.the whole pile imper fect and extemporary. It blew a hurricane, roaring like great guns through the dome of the House of Representatives, and struck down the flag ratline on tho top. Distant artillery was audible, as was thought, from time to time, and rumors continually afloat as the enemy ad vanced. Thedivision of parties was so intense that there was little personal intercourse among many members of opposite sides. The fede ralists and the republicans did not »it tog tlier, except a few republicans overflowing among the federalists, occupying the Speaker’s left.— Debate ran high. Mr. Clay was an excellent presiding officer, but he could not keep the House always in order. Alexander Han- ton, a small man, in delicate health, editor of the Federal Republican newspaper, one of the boldest in opposition, was a sharp, fierce speak er, and attacked sometimes the Speaker him self. Mr. Thomas Grosvenor, of New Yoik, was the readiest debater and hardest hitter ol tlie federalists; Mr. Gaston, a handsome man, j of pleasing address and speech, Mr. Oakley, to follow Mr. Ingersbll in his elaborate review ofthe campaign under General Harrison; but we will closj this notice with the following ref erence to Mr. Clay, and we would add to it the masterly and finished portrait of Nathaniel Macon, if it had not been so recently inserted in the “ Union.” “After those British fugitive amphibious in roads had taken place at Frenchlown, Havre du Grace, Fredericktown, and Georgetown, but before the before-mentioned occurrences at Crnney island, Hampton, and Norfolk, on Monday, the 24ffi of Alay, 1813—ill the midst, therefore, of these scenes of marauding and plunder—the session of Congress began. The r resident’s message reminded us ofthe obliga tion of adapting measures on the supposition that tho only way to peace was vigorous em ployment of the resources of war. And pain ful as the reflection is, it is sai l this duty is par ticularly enforced by the spirit and manner in which the war continues- to be waged by ihe enemy, who, uninfluenced by the unvaried ex amples oInhumanity set them, are adding to tlie savage fury of it on one frontier, a system of plunder and conflagration on the others, equally forbidden by respect for national character, and by the established rules of civilized warfare. “Next day Mr. Clay was ehet d Speaker, and the oath administered to him by my' vene rable colleague, William Findley, one of the oldest men and members of the House of Rep resentatives. The day after, Peterson Gooil- wyn, of Virginia, submitted the customary mo tion for the appointment of the standing com mittees, which were then much fewer than since. Mr. Clay, placing Mr. Macon in the chair, with the promptitude and decision of his character, forthwith called the attention of Congress and the country to the outrages at the river Raisin, the incursions as conducted in the Chesapeake, and the enemy’s general unwarrantable con duct, by moving a resolution that so much of the President’d message as related to the spirit and manner in which the war had been waged, should be referred to a select committee. Rai sing his fine voice in the splendid hall, surroun ded by representatives of tho country, most of them strangers to him and to each other, witli great animation and force, the speakor, with bitter recollections ofthe defeat and destruction of his Kentucky companions, expressed his ab horrence of the enemy’s inhumanities—not only the massacre of our citizens on the western frontier, but the conflagration of hamlets, villa ges, and farm-honses ou the maritime border. The latter outrage lias not been denied, said he, b it apologized for on the pretence that we had first fired on their flag. Although lie be lieved the allegation false, he was glad it was thought necessary to make any apology.— There ought to be inquiry. If the f icts were as reported, they called for the ind’gnation of all Christendom, and should be embodied in an authentic document. Mr. Clay enjoyed Mr. Madison’s confidence; and it is probaole that this motion was made by preconcert u’ith him. No opposition was made to it, unusual as it was for the presiding officer to leave the chair as soon as the House was organized, take tlie floor, and present a motion for the appointment of an important select committee, tlie composi tion of which would be his own act. But Mr. Clay was not a man to be deterred by such con siderations. Soon alter, however, the matter appeared to be settled, Mr. Thomas Grosvenor, of the New York delegation, the readiest and boldest debater of the House, or.e of the strong est opponents oF the war and administration, made a motion to reconsider; which motion is npt to open what seems to be closed. He de sired to amend the resolution, by adding to it the words, and by this nation, aftei the word ‘enemy’: That is, that the spirit and manner in which we had carried on the war. should be authenticated, as well as that of ihe English.— As the President’s message (said Mr. Grosve nor) contrasts our humanity with their barbari ty, 1 wish to see the evidence of the former.— | This, a spi c ous Intimation, was warmly repell- | ed by Robert Wright, of Maryland, an elderly gentleman, quick with retort of all kinds, wheth er with tongue, pen, or pistol—for he had fought some desperate duels. The amendment he objected, cast impu'ation, a libel, on our land and naval officers, who had distinguished themse’v. s as much by humanity as valor.— After a short discussion, Grosvenor’s n oti*n was rejected, but by only a majority of twelve: and the Speaker announced the special com mittee, without putting Mr. Grosvenot’s upon it according to common parliamentary usage to place those members on committees who take an active part in debating the subject-mat ter. The war members of tlie committee were Nathaniel Macon, John Forsyth, Robert Wright, James Clarke arid Perry W. Hum phreys; the federalist*, were William Gaston found what is equivalent to »n admission of tlio fucts by tlic la’tc-r. No punishment lias follow ed conviction of the guilty. The power of re taliation being vested in the Executive, no mea sure is proposed by this report. Such enor mities, instead of inspiring terror, as was prob- ubly intended, being calculated to produce the contrary effect,-tlie committee close with a res olution lliat the President be requested to col lect. and present to the House evidence of every departure by the enemy, during the war, from the ordinary mode of conducting it among civ i - liz :d riatio s. “Air. Humphreys, of Tennessee, and Mr. Cooper, of Delaware, were not, I believe, in public view after that Congress. The other members of the select committee from whom this report emanated, were all conspicuous in various public stations, as governors, judges, foreign ministers, and secretaries. But uonu of them rcclicd the posthumous celebrity which their chairman’s name lias come to—no doubt, without his eilber expecting or desiring it; and as a remarkable specimen of American democracy, it merits full exhibition. Repre sentative democracy is a modern experiment in politics, which has never yet been fully carried out. None of its disciples was more disposed than Mr. Macon for the trial: so that candid portraiture of him is as curious as it may bo edifying.” We do not remembtr ever to have read a more striking sketch than the one just prece ding. It is of a cnaracter with the whole book, and imparts to the style of the writer a degree of unusual spirit, making it more like some well-told and ingenious story, than the detail of mere matters of fact. Wo have no doubt that .Mr. Ingorsoll’s book will be rapidly purchased and eagerly read. Men of all parties will ad mire its frankness, nnd the numerous rich and lo ig-buried stores of information with which it abounds. Even tl.osc who would assail, will pause before views so ably, so boldly, and so intelligently expressed, and portraits so critical and just. AVe hope to be able to resume this hasty review at an early day, x F. The North and the South.—The Kentucky Annual Conference of the Methodist Episco pal Church have voted (98 to 6) to adhere to tlie Methodist Episcopal Church South, and ,that all their proceedings, records and official acts, hereafter, be ni ihe name and siyle of The Kentucky Annual Conference of the Metho dist Episcopal Curch South. On Thursday, gays the Lousville Journal, Bishop Andrew arrived, who, on Friday, presided over the Conference. Bishop Andrew during the day made a plain statement of ail ihe facts respec ting the questions in regard to himself, on which the proceedings cf the general Conference, which led to the separation of the South and North, were founded. AV lien he sat down, the Conference adopted a resolution requiring the members now to define their individual posi tion. The roll being called, and the under-grad uates being on this question entitled to vote, the result stood, for adhering to the Church South 146, for adhering to the Church North 5. A resolution was also passed, expressing in the strongest terms the approbalion of the Conferences on the conduct and action of Bish ops Soule and Andrew throughout the entire controversy. “ The Home Market.”—The present prices of agricultural produce afford a melancholy, but conclusive proot of the delusive character of Whig promises, nnd of the ruinous effects of Whig policy ; upon the interests of the fanner. For The last three years, the ‘protective system’ has had unrestricted sway ; and while it has enabled rich capitalists who have their millions invested in manufacturing establishments, to divide ten, fifieen and twenty five percent., the prices of the mechanic are falling, falling fall ing. While the great staples of the South— cott >n, rice end tobacco—are at the lowest points of depression, the wheat and the wool of the Middle and Western States fail to remuner ate those engaged in their production. The Buffalo (N. Y.) Commercial says: “The flour market has become perfectly stagnant. Flour is offered at 83 65 and wheat*at 70 cents. F»our is as low as it has been for a quarter of a cen tury, and during the whole ot that long period it is questionable whether it has ever been less ot a mcrcantnble commodity. Although pri ces have, at times, ranged uncommonly low, there never has been so |>eriect a strgnation a* at present.” Bad as is this aspect, we venture to predict that puces will go still lewer, if tho present restrictive system, by which the farmer is slmr. out from the markets of the world i* continued.—Constitution