Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

Su -VO nn( ] ir wo close our market* against tlieir im ports of high duties, they must buy loss of our ©snorts, or give a low r price, or both. prior to the 30lh June, 1812, a cred t was given fur the payment of duties; since w.rc.i date, they have been collected in cash, be fore the cash duties, and the tariff ol 184 , out trade in foreign imports re-exported abroad al- forded large and profitable employment to oar merchants, and freight to our commercial ma rine. bath for the inward and outward voyage 5 but, pi nee the lost tariff, this trade is heug lost annexed. The total amount of foreign imports re-exported during tho three years since the last tariff, both of free and dutiable goods, is 833.384,394—being fir l-*ss than in any three years (except during tho war) since 1793, and less than was re-exported in any one of cghl several years. The highest aggregate of any throe years was $173,1 OS,S13, and tins lowest aggregate $41,315,705— being in the years 1791, 1795, and 1793. Before 1820 the free gaods are not distinguished in this .particular from dutiable goods; but since that dat-", the returns show the f dlowing result: I fit ring the threo years since the tariff of 1812, tho value of dutiable imports re-exported was $12,590,- 811—being less than in any one of seven years preceding sir.ro 1820 tho lowest aggregate of anv three years since that d itc being $14 918,- 441. and the Irghest $37,727,293. Ev<n ho. fore the cash duties, for five years preceding She high tariff of 1S2S, the value of dutiib'e goods re-exported wis $91,796 211; and 1 >r tlo five years succeeding that tariff $6G,7S4,192— showing a loss of $2S,020 49 ol our trade in foreign exports after ths tariff of 1828. Tho groat d'lnhiution of this most valuable branch of commerce has been tho combine I result of cash duties and of the high tariff of 1842. If tho cash duties are retained, as ii is believed they sltnolu he, the only wire method of resto ring this trade is tho adopt on of tho warehou sing system, bv which the foreign imports m iy he kept in store by the government until they are required for re-exportation abroad, or con sumption at honip—in which latter contingency, nnd at the time when for that purpose they arc* taken out of these stores for consumption, the duties nro paid, nn l, if ro-exported, they pay no duty, but only the expense of storage. Un- dor the present system, the merchant introduces foreign imports of the valuo of $100,000 He must now, besides the advance fur the goods, make a further advance in cash, in many cases, of $59,003 for the duties. Under such a sys. tom. hut a small amount of goods wdl he im ported fbr drawbacks; and the higher the duly the larger must bo the advance, and the smaller the imports for re-exportut ion. Tho imports before payment of duties, under tho same regulations now applied to our im ports in transit to Canada, may be taken from warehouse to warehouse—from the. East to the lakes nnd to Pittsburg, Cincinnati, and Louis- i rille—Irom New Orleans to Natchez, Vicks burg, Memphis, nnd St. Louis—and warehou sed in these and other interior ports, the duties remaining unpaid until the goods arc taken out of the warehouse, nnd out of the original pack • ng", at sucli ports, for consumption : thus car rying our foreign commerce into the interior, with all tho advantage of augmented business nnd cheaper supplies throughout the country.— It will introduce into our large ports on or near tho seaboard assorted cargoes of goods, to ho re exported with our own, to supply the mar kets of the world. It will cheapen prices to tho consumer, by deducting tho interest and profit that are now charged upon tho advance of duly—building up the marts of our own com- nrwee, and giving profitable emplovm nt lo our own commercial marine. It "ill greatly in crease our revenue, by augmenting our imports together with our exports ; aud is respectfully recommended to Congress, ns nn important part of the whole system now proposed for llieir consideration. Tho act of the 3 I of March last, allowing a drawback on foreign imports from certain pons lo Canada, and also to Santa Fo and Chihua hua, in Mexico, has gone, to some extent, into effect, under regulations prescribed by this de partment, nnd is beginning to produce tno most happy results —cspecia'ly in nn augmented trade in the supply of foreign exports to Cana da from our own ports. Indeed, this law must soon give lo us tno whol-t of this valuable trade during the long period when the St. Lawrence is closed by ice, aod a large proportion of it nt nil scuaoas. The result would l»e still more beneficial, if Canada were allowed to carry all her exports to foreign nations in transitu through our own railroads, rivers, nnd canals, to be shipped from our own ports. Such a system, whilst it would secure to us this valuable trade, would greatly enlarge the business ou our riv ers. lakes, railroads, and canals, as wall as aug ment oik commerce ; and would soon load to iho purchase, by Canada, not only of our for eign exports, but also, in many enses, of our do- i innstic products and fabrics, to complete nn as- j •ortment. In this manner, our commercial re j lalion-i with Canada would b come more inti- ! mate, end more and more of her trade every ' year, would be secured to our people. Connected with this department, and the fi nances, is the question of the sales of tins pub'iu lands. Tho proceeds of these sales, it is hole- voJ, should co'ilinue to corstitntc a portion of the revenue, dim nish ng lo that extent tho nmount required to bo misod by tho tariff.— The ne’t proceeds of these sales paid into tho treasury during the Inst fiscal year, was $2 077,- 022 30; and from the first sales in 1787 up in the 39th of September lust, was $118,(507,- 335 91. Tho average annual sd s have been much less than two millions of acres; ynt the nggretr te nelt proceeds of the sales in 1834, 1835, 1 -336, and 1S37, was $51,263,617 82— Those I Kg® sales were almost cxclusvtly lor speculation ; and this can on'iy ho obviated, at n'l limes, by confining the sales to saltiers aud cu'tivfctors in limited qu unities, 8iifhci«nt fir f irms or plantations. Tne price at which tho public lands shonll he sold is a t important question lo the whole country, but especial.y lo the people of tho new states, living mostly re mote fiom tho seaboard, an I who hove scarcely fob f ho presence of the government in local ex penditures, but chiefly in tlte exhaustion of 1 heir means ior purchases of pub'iu lands and for customs. The public lands are not of the same j value; yet they are all fixed atone unvarying pric *, which i> fir above th • valuo of a large o of ilicsc iui csl would be promoted, and the revenue aug mented, by teducing tho price. The reduction of the price of the public lands in favor of set tlers and cultivators, would enhance the wages of labor. It is an argument urged in favor of the tariff,’that we ought to protect our labor against what is called the pauper labor of Eu rope. But whilst tire tariff docs not enhance the wages of labor, the soles of the public lands at low prices, nnd in limited quantities, to set- tiers ami cultivators, would accomplish this ob ject. If those who 1 ve bv the wages of labor j 4. «*»*■» iswina n»r oco. too for $40, or 80 |i*r $2 h or lO-mre I;>t.s for $10, die power of lire m rml'a- - ! lrimg capitalist in re ducing the wag-s <>f labor won't be greatly di minished; l>'Ciu<e, when these lands were thus reduced in [ rice, t!m-c who live by the wages of labor c ml I porch a*** I" ran at these low rates, ami cultivate the sail fa themselves and families, imi ad nf working for others twelve hours a-dny in tho mmufictories. Re duce tho price which h • lab for must pay for the public domain ; Sir tig thus the means of pur chase within his p -w.-r; prcver-l nil speculation and monopoly in th * public lands; confine the sa'estt settlers and cultivators, in limited quan tities; preserve these hundreds of millions of acres, for ages to come, as homes for tlte poor and oppressed ; reduce the taxes, by reducing tiie tariff, aod bringing down tho prices which the poor nro thus compelled to pay for all the necessaries and comf»rtsof life—and more will he done fur the benefit of American labor than if millions were added to the profits of manufac. turing capital by the enactment of a protective tariff. The Secretary of the Treasury, on coming into office, found tire revenues deposited with banks. The 1 iw establishing the independent treasury was repealed ; and the Secretary had nn power to re-establish that system. Con gress had not only repealed that law, but, as a substitute, had adopted tho present system of deposite hanks, and prohibited changing any one of those for another hank, except for spcci- fi d reasons. No alternative was left hut to continue the existing system until Congress should think proper to change it. That change, it is Imped, will now be made l>y a return to the treasury of the constitution. One of the great evils of banks is, the constant expansion and contr icti m of the currency; and this evil is augmented by tho deposite of the revenue with hanks, whether St.itc or national. The only proper course fur the government is to keep its own money separate from all banks and bankers, in its own treasury—whether in the iirint, branch mmti», or o«U«*r government agencies—nnd to u*e only gold and silver coin in nli receipts and disbursements. The business of the country will be more sale when an ade quate supply of specie is kept within onr limits, and its circulatijn encouraged hy all the means within the power of this government. If this government, aud the States, and the • people, unite in suppressing the use of specie, an ade quate supply, f>r want of a demand, cannot be kept within our limits; and tho condition of the business and currency of tho country will be perilous and uncertain. It will be complete ly within the power of the banks, whose paper will constitute the exclusive circulation of the whole community. Nor will it be useful to es tablish a constitutional treasury, if it is to re ceive or disburse the paper i.f banks. Separa tion front the banks in that case would only lie nominal, nnd no addition would be made to the circulation of gold and silver. Various forms of paper credit have been suggested, as connected with the opeiations of the constitutional treasury; but they are all considered as impairing one of the great objects of such a treasury—namely, an augmented circulation of specie. If paper, in whatever familiar with these coins, do nat receive them ; and thus the circulation of a gold currency is. to a great extent, defeated. If these coins were converted at our mint, or branch mints, into thu eagle, tha half-eagle, and qiiarier-eagle, w<3 should speedily have a large supply of Ameri can gold coin, and it would very soon be brought into common use as a currency, and thus g : ve to it greater stability, and greater security to ail the business of the country. A considerable amount of foreign gold coin has, during the present year, under the directions of this de partment been converted into American gold ruin ; lint the process would he much more ra pid if aided by the organization of the constitu tional treasury, and the establishment of a branch of the mint at the great commercial ent- porimn of tho Union. With the mint and tKanch m hits as depositories, the sum remaining iu the hands of other iceceivers of public mon eys, whether of lands or customs, would be in considerable, and thegovernmcul could be rea dily protected front all losses of such sums by adequate b ntds, an J the power, by law, to con vict and punis'i as criminals all who embezzle the public moneys. It is believed, tinder such a system, that no defaults would take place, and that the pub lic moneys would be safely kept and disburs ed iu gold aud silver. Th s Government is made, by the constitution, the guardiuo of a specie currency. That currency can only he c lined, and its value regulated, by this gov ernment. It is one of its first duties to sup ply such a currency, by an efficient mint, and hy general regulations of the coinage ; hut in vain will it attempt to-perform that duty. if, when coin is made or regulated in value, this government dispenses with its use, and expels it from circulation, or drives it out of the coun try, by substituting tho paper of banks in all the transactions of the government. There is nothing which will advance so sure ly the prosperity of the country as an ade quate supply of specie, diffused throughout every portion of the Union, and constituting, lo a great extent, the ordinary circulation ev ery where among the people. It is a currency that will never break or fail: it will neither expand nor contract beyond tlte legitimate bu siness of tiie country ; it will lead to no ex travagant speculations at one time, to be fol- lowB'l hy certain depression at another; nor will labor ever bo robbed of its reward by, the depreciation of such currency. There is no dnnget that we shall have too much gold and silver in actual circulation, or too small nn amount of bank paper, or that any injury ever will lie iitlliclou upon tho business of the coun try, by a diminution of the circulition of tlte paper of banks, and the substitution in its place, to that extent, of gold and silver. Even their most ardent advocates must admit that banks are subject to periodical expansions and con tractions, mid that this evil would be increased by giving them the funds ot tho government to loan, and hy receiving and disbursing nothing hat llieir paper, It is believed that the permanent interest of every class of tlte people will be advanced by tlte establishment of the constitutional treasury, and tli it tho manufacturers especially will de rive great benefits from its adoption. It will give stability to all their operations, tnJ insure them, to a great extent, against those fluctua tions, expansion-;, and contractions of the cur rency so prejudicial to their interests. By gunrding against inflation* of tho currency, it will have a tendency to check periodical excess es ot foreign importations put chased in fact upon credit; while loans from hanks, or dan- j gerous enlargements of their hnisiness and ex cessive issues of their paper, will be greatly di minished. Whilst n sound and stable curren cy guards the manufacturer against excessive form, or from whatever source it may issue, importations from abroad, it protects him from should he introduced ns a circi.1 dion hy the constitutional treasury, it would, precisely to that extent, diminish its use as a means of cir culating gold and silver. The con<titut : onaI treasury could be render ed a most powerful auxiliary of the mint in aug menting the specie circulation. The amount of public money which can be placed in the mint is now liurtcd hy law to one million of dollars ; and to that extent it is now used as a depository, and ns n means of increasing our coinage. It is suggested that lists limitation may ho so modified ns to permit the use of our mint and branch mints for a much larger sum in connexion with the constitutional treasury. The amount of public money received at New York greatly excoods that collected nt all oth er points, nnd would of itself seem to call for n place of public deposite thore; in view of which, the location of n branch of the mint of the Unite ! States nt that city would be most convenient and useful. The argument used n- trainst n constitutional treasury, of tlte alleged insecurity of tho public funds in the hands of individuals, nd especially the vast amount col- j Feted at New York, will be entirely obviated by such an establishment. The mint of the ! United States has now been in existence 52 ! years. It has had the custody of upward of ! 114,000,000 of dollars; and during this’long i period of lime, there never has been a loss of any of i’s specie in the mint bv the govern ment. The mint at 1’hil idclphia is now con ducted with groat efficiency, by the uble and faithful officer at the head of that establish ment, whoso general supervisory author ty, without leaving the parent in nt, o iglit still ho wisely extended to the branch nt New York.— Besides the utility of such a brencli as a place for keeping safely and dish p.st*>g the public money, it is believed that the coinage might he greatly a'tgmen'crl by fa branch of the mint at that great c ry. It is there that two-thirds of tho revenue is annually collected —the whole if tfhic\ mdr the opera* u»n of the cotvaitmio tal trs^tlry, wmilil be receivrd- in specie! Of th it amount, a very large seen would be received in coin of other countries, I and especially in foreign god eo ns—all of ' which couM I*,; speedily run wind, upon the j s;.o', into our own coins of go'd n»d .si'vt-r I j The am m it also-of such f-re*gn coin brought 1 hy emigrants to the city of N* w York is very j considerable; a Ergo jiorrioti of which would ! Hml its way to the brunch of the mint f« r re- I coinage. Tlte foreign gold coins do not, and j it is leaved will n >t. oireula'e genondlv as a cur eertoy, notwithsta tiling th- y are ma Ie a tender ! by I iw. The into at which these coins nro Irx- | ed hy law H not fnmili tr to t'»e p**op!e; the portion of these lauls. The quantity now sub* j drnotnina'ion of such com is in'onvuaiont; the yet to entry at the minimum price of $1 23 ! paits into which it is divided are not decimal; per neto i> 13o337.457 acres, and 109,l):;5,- . the rites at which it is taken vary in different .113 tn ad.I.non, to which the Indni title has | i a t> of the Union. If is convenient in the way kraM.in^iism.,1-1, U.gan aggregate of242,- j of ready ttansfer in counting; it is more diffi- .1 o"d reqmnng a century and a quarter i cult, in common use, to distinguish the genuine i sa es at the rate they have pro- " ’ - - ■ line—Without including anv of disasters at home, nnd from those ruinous re vulsions in which so many thousands are re duced to bankruptcy. The tariff if Ad lowed, as in the absence of adequate checks it certain ly soo t will be, hy an inflated currency, whilst it thus enhances thu expensts of mauu'actu- ring at home, will speedily and certainly raise prices up to the whole amount of the duty, so as. to repeal the operation of that duty in favor of the manufacturer, and enable the foreign importer ngam to flood the market at tho en hanced (trices arising from an ittfia'ed currency. B-Jt soon the revulsion conies, and all are over whelmed in a common ruin. The currency is reduced below the wants of tho country, by a sudd 'it ~a*>d ruinous contraction; and tho labor and industry of years are required to re pair tlte mischief. Stability, both in the ta riff and the currency, is what the manufacturer should most desire. Let the tariff be perma nently adjusted, by n return to reasonable and moderate revenue duties—which, even when imposed truly and in gord faith for that purpose, will yield sufficient advantage to afford reason able profits; and let this permanent system (and none other can he permanent) ho estab lished, and accompanied by a stable currency— and the manufacturer, in a series of years, will derive tho grentest benefits from the system. Tho present system cannot be permanent. It is too unequal and unjust—loo exorbitant and oppressive, and too clearly in conflict with the fundamental principles of the constitution. If the manufacturer th nks that this system can he permanent, let hint look to the changes which have .attended all attempts to establish and contiuuo n protective turilK Tlte first tariff was tnsed in part upon the principle of very moderate protection to domestic manufactures; inti die result has been, as appears by the table hereto annexed ; that the tarilflias been ch ing- c i and mod tie J thirty tint's since that period — bring more man once,bn an average, lor ev ery Congress since the government was found ed ; mid one of these turiffs was in itself a y»i.*m of successive annual changes, operating ! through a period of ten years. Of these chan- I ges, foart. en have lx ci general, and sixteen Special. Fiom 1810 onward, these changes ! Ii.ve been must frequent and it is van to ex- p' ct perm >ti ney from anything but a revenue i an If. Stability is what the inn lufaclurer should deari e, and especially that that question should be taken out of the arena of politics, hy a j-ist and permanent set.lenient. & groat number of tables, illustiative of the (fleets of llto tariff, compiled from official documents, ac company this report. Some of these tables exhibit the operation of each of our tariffs, from Iho organization of the govarnment to thu pres. < til period. In order to enable the Secretary its and surplus, or i:i relation to the wages of I ibor. An abstract of all that is deemed use ful in these replies, together with a copy of both the circulars, is appended to this report. Tl(® coast survey is rapidly progressing— having been extended eastward to the eastern coast of Massachusetts, and southward nearly to the dividing lino of Maryland and Virginia; on the Chesapeake. Two new centres ot ope ration have been opened under the sanction of this department, in North Carolina, and on the Gulf o{"Mexico, from which the work may be spread until the parts unite. Important posi tions for forts, navy-yards, harbors, and light house present themselvs along this interesting portion of tile coast of Louisiana, Mississippi, aud Alabama, and the islands guarding the in terior channels between Mobile and New Or leans. Great economy exists in the administra tion of the fund appropriated for the coast sur vey; and every effort is made by the superinten dent to press tho work onward to a comple tion. Tnrec charts resulting from the survey have been published within the past year, nnd five more are nearly read) for publication.— Tiiis great work is most honorable to the science of our country, most useful to our navy, and commercial marine, and in connexion with our light-bouses, must decrease the cost of freight a d insurance, us well as the risk of life and property. Great attention lias been given by this department to the very important subject of our light-house system. Tiie various im provements suggested by experience at home or abroad—the relative advantages of gas and oil, of reflectors lenticular and revolving light, the location and construction of the buildings, ns well as the mod© of keeping the lights—arc all being fully and carefull y investigated, and a report, it is believed, will be ready during the present session.of Congress. From the Chesa peake to the Capes ofFlorida, and thence west ward, our coast is badly lighted, as well as the great lakes of the north and west; and numcr- ous wrecks, often accompanied with loss of life and properly, seem to r.-quire the interposition of Congress. Such portion of the charts of the exploring expedition as were placed under the charge of this department were distributed for tlte benefit of our whale sliips. These valuable charts em brace the survey of many hitherto almost unex plored regions and islands of the Pacific as well a part of the coos', of Oregon, and must be em inently useful for many purposes, but especially to our seamen and merchants engaged in the whale fishery. In pursuance of a resolution of Congress, a report is in progress of preparation as regards thu banks and currency, and also in relation to statistics; and these, with all other reports reqired from this department, will be presented at the earliest practicable period of the present session. In pres tiling his annual report in obedience to the law, the Secretary of the Treasury sub mits his views with undissembled diffidence— consoled by the reflection that all his errors of j dgment will be corrected by the superior wis dom of the two Houses of Congress, guided and directed by that overriding Providence which has blessed the unexampled progress of this great and happy Union. R. J. WALKER, Secretary of the Treasury. Hon. John W Davis, Speaker of the Representatives. COL. TOWNS’ LETTER. We have just received the following' letter from Col. Towns, which we hasten to lay be- f ire our readers without comment.—[Eo. Jef fersonian. Talbotton, 20tli Dee. IS45. Sip.—The American Whig of tne 2d inst was placed in my hands a few days since by a friend, in which 1 find a communication over tiie sigriatuie of “A Whig,” and an Editorial article, misrepresenting my course on the sub ject of abolition petitions while a member of 21tii Congress. The Jeffersonian of 28th Nov. 1 have also seen. 1 take pleasure, in returning you my thanks for your defence of what you supposed to be my course. That the voters of this District should know my opinions as well as my official acts in reference to Abolition pe titions, and great as my aversion is to appearing in the public prints in defence of myself, as oth ers are concerned, by my present relation lo the voters of tiie District, 1 hope there will he seen in the motive a suitable apology for the act. If I comprehend the precise ground of complaint against me, it is that I voted for the reception of Abolition petitions—that I was in favor not merely of these receptions, but also to their riference to a committee; and in sup port of this charge, it issaid that I voted in fa vor of the celebrated Resolution of Mr. Pinck ney of South Carolina, offered to tho House of Representatives in February of 1st session of 24th Congress. I do not pretend to repeat the exact language of the charges as contained in the ‘‘American Whig” as the paper is not at hand, but suppose i have done so substantially. If I am correct in what I suppose to be the ob ject of the editors of thut paper, as also the au thor of the communication of “A Whig,” the whole might be disposed of by a demand of them for tho authority on which they rest tiieir charges. If I have at any time given any vote in Congress on the subject of Abolition peti tions, authorizing the charges contained in the “American Whig,” it is but proper the public should know it. I invi e my accusers to the proof. Should they fail to adduce it, nil libe ral and correct men must award to them igno rance on the subject of which they profess, with a patriot’s zeal, to enlighten the public mind, or wnat is quite as bad, they will have secured for themselves an indisputable title to that peculiar species of notoriety from which thinking men ! are most apt to shrink. I have been not a lit- 1 tie perplexed to recall to my recollection some fact or circumstance, that would excuse this idle story that lias of late been in ide against rr e. But once, that 1 now remember, did I ! ever meet with any gentleman who supposed I had voted for the reception of abolition peti- | lions, and especially Mr. Pinckney's resolution, i That was in 1840, in u public discussion, when the gctilK'nirin referred to, now one of the Judg es of our Superior Courts, in reply to me moro in the form of an interrogatory than a direct charge, desired to bo informed what had been my course in regard to Mr. Pinckney’s resolu tion ? 1 told him, as I now tell tho satisfied bf the eorrectne-s of my course ; and though I met u illi him oftener than once on the field of argument, in the memorable campaign of J840, lie never alluded to me as a deserter of Geoigin’s rights, upon this fearful question, nor would the painful duty now imposed upon me have been necessary, had the author of “A Whig,” and the editors of the “American Whig,” consulted the true source of informa tion, the Journals of the House of Representa tives. As Mr. Pinckney’s resolution and my course in relation to the same, has been selected ns the point of attack, your readers will bear with ine, if I should not wait for proof ;o he adduced to establish my guilt, but proceed at once, by the incontrovertible evidence from tho Journal itself, to show that the charges, whether express or implied, stand contradicted. On Monday the 8th of February, 1836, 24th Congress, 1st session. House Journal, page 305, it will he seen that Mr. Pinckney' moved to suspend the rules of the House, to enable him to offer his resolution on the subject of abolition petit ons. Upon the motion to suspend, the yeas were 135, nays 65. I voted with the nays. The rules being suspended, Mr, Pinckney offered his resolution, and after some debate had there on, the previous question was called, viz: “ Shall the main question be now put 7” Upon this motion the vote stood, yeas 11S, nays 97. I voted in the negative, with Gen. Glascock and Mr. Moisey, then members from this Slate —See Journals, page 30S. The resolution of Mr. Pinckney by the vote of the House was received; whereupon a motion was made that it bo divided, and that the question be taken separately—1st, on so much of the resolution as was contained in the following words— “Resolved, That all the memorials which have been offered, or may hereafter be present ed to this House, praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia ; and also the resolutions offered by an honorable mem ber fiom Maine (Mr. Jarvis.) with an amend ment thereto proposed by an honorable mem ber from Virginia (Mr. Wise.) together with any other paper or proposition thnt may be submitted in relation to this subject, be refer red to a select committee.” The vote stood upon this proposition, yeas 174 nays 4S ; Gen. Glascock, Mr. Holscy and myself voting in the negative. All can did men will at once admit, that this proposi- t on embraces the questions of reception and reference to a select committee of abolition pe titions, and nil other papers touching the sub ject of abolition. With my votes spread upon the Journals of the House, accessible to all, it is remarkable that any respectable man could be found prepared to assert that I voted for the reception of abolition petitions. It is not mr purpose to reflect on those who differed with me on Mr. Pinckney’s resolution. It is not for tno to judge of the acts of others ; to the people of Georgia 1 was then, and am now, responsible for the part I acted. I am now accounting to them for myself, without a desire to condemn others. I know many who supported Mr. Pinckney’s resolutions were not warning in patriotic devotion to the constitution, and the rights of the slaveholders as secured under that instrument. I know no unfriendly fueling lo the peculiar institutions of the $oullt, lingered in the bosom of many who voted for Mr Pinckney’s resolution.— With that portion the anxious-concern-was, to sinke upon the course of policy best calculated lo arrest fanaticism, preserve the harmony and integrity of the Uni n, nnd thereby secure un impaired our right to slave property guaran teed to us tinder the constitution. I Jo not mean that there were no exceptions ; far from it. I have no doubt that f r the last ten years rank abolition sts have been returned to Con gress, and on the occasion referred to, anch of them as supported the resolution were actuated most probably from motives of hostility to the South and her p cu.’iar institutions.. In the pas sage ol Pinckney’s resolution, it may be that the abolriiunisls gained something. Southern members were willing to yield a little, with the hope that argument, remonstrance, and perhaps persuasion, would arrest the bigotry and fanati cism that were developing themselves in certain quarters of the Union. For myself, I had ne i ther patience to en lure their repeated insults n >r faith to believe that moderate and tempori zing measures wou'd arrest the evil they were inflicting upon the country. Hence, in every instance, I voted for the strongest measure pro posed against them. I could see no good resul- ring from a report of a select committee. I did not lv lieve the human mind or heart could be awakened to a sense of propriety, when delibe rately set upon the fo il purposes of abolition, by an appeal to tiie one or the other, by argu ment. I regarded the whole feeling that de veloped itself in abolition movements as u com pound of religious bigotry and political kna very; and to yield to it one inch, by any con cession, in my opinion was to encourage them iu crime, social, moral and political, while our own strength and security would be endanger ed. I was satisfied thnt the most eff.ctual re buke that Congress could give, would he, nej- iher to receive or refer their petitions. I diJ not believe the House violated the right of pe tition as secured under the constitution, by re fusing to receive abolition petitions. The rea sons that brought my mind to this conclusion, ‘f I were to give them, would extend this com munication to an immeasurable length. Nor am I aware the occasion requires it. My pur pose is to state frankly* to the people of Georgia my own acts. Then to proceed : It will be remembered, thnt so much of Mr. Pinckney’s resolution as made it the rule of the House that all the memorials which had been ofl-red, or that might thereafter be presented, praying for the abolition of slavery in li e Dis trict of Columbia, and also every paper or prop osition on tho subject of slavery was referred to a select committee. The majority had assu med the responsibility of giving this direction resented my constituents in this vote! J ted by my vote what I firmly believe .\ Ser * unanimous opinion of the people of G ^ '!* “ That Congress possesses no consfi^^ authority to interfere in any way with th! stitution of slavery in any of the States r ID * confederacy:” orii A And out of 208 members of Concr )eS3 recorded their votes, only 7 were fou, l( i 1 against tiiis proposition, one of whom member from tins State. 21 » The occasion will at least excuse jf justify me in alluding in this connexion ^ notorious fact in the history of the parties of Georgia. So far us my | Jm *** friend Gen. Glascock was concerned, h» ! J myself voted alike in every vote be'g ay g W * Mr. Pinckney’s Resolution, except the °* just referred to, when he stood with six o-f 5 to *201 agair-st him. It is well known that Glascock became very popular wiih bnih J ‘ ties in Georgia in 1836, so much so that ^ of the candidates opposed to him and hit n,?* then before the people for a sent in Cor- actually withdrew from the contest, and°i/i am not mistaken, recommended ln 3 p arl? , support Gen. Glascock, in consideration 0 f i- faithfulness to the views, interest, atj ' of the State on Mr. Pinckney’s resolution/* If this was not tho sole ground of Gen. G|y[ cock’s popularity with the parly opposed 3 him at the time, I feel warranted in sayii» j, was the chief ground. We all know the';,;,’.;, in the October elections of 1836 Gen. qP cock was rt.urned to Congress, several sand votes ahead of either of the otheras^ dates. I allude to tiiis, not in the spirit of plaint Tho whigs done for my friend u q. tober 1S36 nothing more than lie deserve!^ They voted for him hy thousands, and to serve their cnnsistcn'.y and satisfy the vgjf that two public agents acting alike upoa deeply exciting and interesting question,Ju-'j .receive the same measure ofjustica from i)*. hands, I see no other plan for them toe/;,, for the-wrong done vie of late, and prtum thrir consistency, than on the lit JUtndtiju January next to give me, if not many ifa sands, at least some hundreds of their tifa By tho adoption of this course, which I e . / cially recommend to the Editors of the dm-. ican Whig, and their correspondent M flq,y I promise them to forget at an early day alh^ have written connecting Mr. John QuincvAt urns’ vote and my own on the subject of Aboli. tion. But to be serious, how it happened, tbutk aff ctions of the whigs were concentrated ijj liberally bestowed upos my friend Gen.Gh cock, w hile bitter denunciation was the porta in reserve for me, is a slight circumstance party movements beyond my power to divine! Hut to proceed to the next, being the 3d on Mr. Pinckney’s Resolution, upou thu followf ing words : •‘And that in the opinion of this House, C=r| gress ought not to interfere in any way slavery in the District of Columbia." And upon this proposition the vote ito’l yeas 163, nays 47. 1 toted with the year. The vote was then t«xen upon th© follor ing words t “ Because it would bn a violation of the p. lie faith, unwise, impolitic, and dangerow the Union.” And upon this proposition the vole ri yens 127, nays 75. I voted iri the affirms: The question was then taken upon agreeinjil the remainder of the Resolution, winch ii:[ the following words : “Assigning such reasons for their conclm as, in the judgement of i lie committee, me best calculated to enlighten the public mini', allay exci’ement.s, repress agitation, to seed and maintain tiie just rights of the slav#k»£ States, and of the people of this District,mi restore harmony and tranquility aamngfi various sections of this Union.” Upon this propos'tlon the vote stoodyntl! nays 6. 1 voted in th® affirmative, and Mrs-*1 Allen, Evans, Jackson, Lawrence, Phelps Sloauc, voted in tho ne^ativ*. I have now pre e tel the Rcji'utioci Mr. Pinckney, the questions taken ihr with the yens and nays on cacli. I shewn the votes I fell it my duty to gn*- at the time thought them right, I w o[ same opinion now. Having presented the toy duty is now ended. It remains I rik tors of tiie 3d Congressional District h upon my public acts. VVliat that judge may be I rh# not profess to know. ^ have said, I felt due to them, and asreca lo my own character. Beyond tiiis, I ‘ : - feeling to gratify, no object tc accompli 1 with entire confidence that the great to? the people will maintain, not only the lions of the country in all their purity sir* or, but pass upon public men anJ 1 impartially. This letter is addressed to J' such use as you may think proper to m !,! the same. Verv Respectfully, GEO. W. T0W*\S. To Wm. Ci.ink. Editor of tho Georgia Jeffersonian. I MEXICAN INDEMNITY* Wo find in the New York from Gen. Santa Ana to Charles Ca-’^Pj Esq., merchant of that city, which con-^J following passages respecting the nt * r ican instalments : Havana, l9tb The instalments were most pund^- ' : . t in ready cash, during head of Government. But, as on April of last year, l had withdrawn • ie business and retired to my j 1 otii the Constitution ami my char® 1 allow the President to mingle f u , self 10 the time I ■*!M the it was then tlieir duty to aid in giving that com- during absence, I confined mys^ ^ mending the payment to tin* l’ :; ' | pore, General Valentin Canaliz®' a ' ,. Minister of Finance, Don lg oac|1 J y,j and when the oilier instalment ce-^-l Sec^l in 1 , in d( fiance ofmv orders, die I 13 ' 1 " I lo comply with the direction of the, acts of Congress, requiring him in his annual report j j-ujos of the House to enable him to oiler his to suggest “plans for improving or increasing j resolution ; I voted against the main question ; t ) c impleto the gressc-u hereto! the unsold land vast region not yot extingi there is a vast . '■f public lands. of Texas or Oregon, or of the •s to which the Indian title is died. It is clear, then, that d annually increasing surplus :rv Ii: I lo of which will be soi l within any rcisonibl© period at tho present urHe and m rcg.it I to which the public inter- from the counterfeit foreign coin; and tlie- -stainp upon it is not familiar lo the people— Iront all which causes, a foreign gold coin does not, and will not, circulate genera Hy os a cur rency among the people. In many of the hanks, nearly th*: whole of tlieir specie is kept in every variety ol foreign gold coin ; and when it is tendered by litem i i payment of tlieir notes, the great body of the peop'c, not being 1 the revenues,” and to give “information to | Congress in adopting modes of raisuig” the j revenue, two circulars were iatued. published, 1 and generally distributed, propounding various questions connected with this subject, and re- questing replies. Some answers have been j received, from friends as well as opponents, of the tariff; hut the Secretary regrets that the manufacturers with very few exceptions, have declined answering these questions or commu nicating any information as regards their prof- voters of | c tho 3d Congressional district, that I voted against i 1 ie o ow,n S wort tho motion of Mr. Pinckney to suspend the j “ With instructions to lias no constitutional aut anv wav with the institul period, I dictated, in advance I voted against tho 1st division of Mr. Pinck ney’s resolution, which ordered the recoption, and the referenco, to a select committee, of nil abolition petitions, and other papers o i that subject; but after the House had by tlieir vote resolved to receive, and refer petitions, memo- rials and other papers touching the abolition of slavery, to a select committee, 1 then voted to instruct the committee to report against the views of tho abolitionists. That lion, gentle man was then, and is now, so far as 1 know, ofjihe States of this confederacy.” —On tiiis proposition (the vote stood, yeas 201 nays 7) I voic'd yea. Those who voted in the negative were John Quincy Adams, Ev erett, Denny, William Jackson, Rice Gar land, John Robinson, and Thomas Glascock. The vote above settled the first branch of the instruction to the committee, and though I dif- fered with Messrs. Adams, Everett, Denny, Jackson, Robinson, Garland, nnd my colleague Gen. Glascock, I have never believed I misrep- report thnt Congress j the payment of the successive " I hority to interfere in j nil exactitude; and in ready |-. l ion of slavery in any people having contributed 11 in . C *irt not A people having contriuuieu ■* uj [ and ordered that the money j , •• : ployed for anv other purpose, • v ,. | ! sntion with the Minister, Sh»"» 1 mention, alludes to tiiis. _ I In short, in my option, >> which you refer wore paid 111 ' ‘ j [he if this be not so, the Mintstr' ^, Voss, are responsible; tho j t liC1 disobeyed my positive ordt'Ki 1 |,j ? : 1 not having fulfilled the I cuts. ° A. Vh b