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THE GEORGIA TELEGRAPH by B.unriiL a. imv. CITY ASP COVSTY PRINTER. TERMS—For tha pap- r in advance, per »nn. $2 50, CTm—we—— Well <lnne Gnllnul Florida. SllVERT—TUF WllXOT PROVISO. ’.Vo published iii our lust number ibe Virginia Bc- aolutioui, and to-day subjoin the spirited resolu. Vions toncliiog the same question, adopted by both parties in the Florida legislature. Florida has > spoken unemimously. We copy tlie following re marks and rvsolultoui from the Tullelnssee Flori dian. No divisions on this question in Florida.— Thst Is the position for Southern States to take. The following r.-soliitions, introduced by Mr. Blackburn, Chairman of the House Committee on Federal Relation*.'have Ih-cu unanimously passed in each branch of our Legislature. We rejoice at tho unanimity thus exhibited Let oil the Southern States act in this same spin*, and all the North will very soon see bow fur there are divi sions among ourselves un these uiomeutous ques tions: Resolved by tho Senate nnd Ifonso of Eepre- Snnta'ivo* of Die State of Florida in General As sembly convened, That, as Iriemls of Cuiuu, we view with most serious alarm tho course of our Northern brethren in relation to the question of Slavery—a course which, marked tty uukindnets, wrong, insult nnd injury, has alresdy, to a most unfortunate extent, weakened the bonds wnich unite them and us; which, if persisted in, in the Mme spirit, can only terminaje in further elicita tion. and in the inevitable dissolution of the Con federacy. Resolved, That the recently acquired-Territory having been purchased by blood and treasure, of which her full proportion was contributed by the South, she and her sons are entitled equally, with any portion of tha Union, to the enjoyment of the suno; this General Assembly, therefore believing that Congress possesses, under the Constitution, no power to pass such a measure, adopting simi lar language to that of the Legislature of Virgiuia, hereby declare it as their opinion, "that under no circumstance, will the people of this Stnto be wil- ling to recognize as biuding, any rnaetmrnt of the Federal Government which has fur its object the prohibition of Slavery in any Territory South of the liue of the Missouri Compromise, holding it to be the natural and independent right of each citizen of every State of the Confederacy, to reside with his property, of whatever description, in auy Territory acquired by the arms of die C. States, or yielded by treaty with any foreign power.” Resolved, That the Abolition of Slavery in the District of Colombia, involving, as it does, an ex erciae of power not granted by the Constitution, and. designed, as it is. as a means of affecting die institution of slavery in the States,' against which it is aimed as a blow, should be resisted on ibe psrt of the South, by whatever means are best ada|ited to the protection of the Constitution, the defence of herself, and the preservation or the Union.' Rxsnr.vFD, That, knowing no fartt names, or political divisions, on questions involving iu their settlement and consequences, the character, prop erty, aud lives of thoso whom we represent, wo are ready, heart and aoul, with a united front, to join Virgiuia, the Carolina*, and the other South ern State*, in teUbig each measures for the de fence <f our rights, and the preservation of our- •elves, and those whom we hold dear, as the highest wisdom of all may. whether through a Southern Convention sir otherwise, suggest aud devise. Resolved. That -a copyof these resolutions be transmitted to the Governor of each of the slave Slates with n request that they be laid before tho Legislature of such as are now iu session MACON. Tl I SDAY ’lURMMi, FSB. 6, IM» Pay 17 p. In many of the comities our collections have fal len very mnch in arrears. We call upon all such not to watt for our collector, bnt remit at ouce by mail. We bold our subscribers to be just men, ami trust all wbu know themselves to be indebted to ns will not neglect this call. Two dollars and Gfty cents, sent in advance, will pay for the paper tfno year. Five dollars in advance will pay for it two years. To clubs of ten or moro new subscri bers. at the same post office, tbo Telegraph will be furnished at two dollars a year. Payments to be made for dobs in all esses in advance. Ncnator Sevier. Wo have already noticed the suddon demise of this lameuled gentleman, and take a melancholy pleasure in copying the following notice of him from the Piue-JUuff (Arkausaa) Jeffersonian of tho Gih ultimo: Death or Taz Hex. A.H. Sevier.—It becomes our painful duty to announce that the Honorable Ambrose H. Sevier is no more. He departed this life at Ibe house of Judge Ben. Johnson, the coun ty of Chicot, on .Sunday night, the 31st of Decem ber, at half-past ten o'cluok. lie died of chronic iuflammutiuu of the stomaob. ill's corpse passed up the river Thursday uiglilnu the steamer Medi um, iu the care of Iti. brother-in-law, Benjamin S. Jobuson, and his fi lend. Air. Tbontus Churchill. They will Lury him at Little Bock, on the premis es of Judge Johuson. Col- Sevier desoemled from a family most emi nent aud distinguished for their galliuitry and pa triotism, iu the trying struggle of our country’s li berty, They were ideulitieil with wnuy brilliant military eveuta in the revolutionary struggle. A Huguenot of the uauie of Sevier, emigrated to So. Carolina, about the middle of the last century, from which the Sevier family sprang. •Col. Sevier was born ii. Green-county, East Ten nessee, iu the year 1803. Many disadvantages sur rounded him iu boyhood; but that euergetic dis position which characterized him in after life, eu- aided him m aurinouut them all, and to acquire an education .uflicieiit for the great emergencies thru’ which he passed in after life. In East Tennessee he passed bis youth, until lie reached his uineteeutb year, aud theu, mounted on borse-back. with but a lew dollars in bis pocket, yon might have teen him weeding ins way to Arkansas,—that country that was afterwards to eqjoy the advantage* of hi* inroe of character aud superior mind. He lauded •' at the Post of Arkansas, then the seat uf govern ment of the territory, now the Slate of Arkansas, without a dollar fe his pocket; and with uo nanital but a stroug constitution and a vigorous mini], be entered npon tlie practice of the law. By the force sti character and powers of niiud. he was very soon enabled to obviate the inauy difficulties tbut ihen surrounded him. Ilis frank and uauly bearing •non snrniauded him with many frieuds. Am while prnfessioual .favors were daily thickening around him, politics, a mure briliiaut sphere, was opened to Ilis view. His comprehensive iniud at a glauce solved the great political questions before him, aud decided his course for the future. The people of the Slate have laden him with their high est honors, and he has richly repaid them with * patriotic seal, aupcriur ability, and n thousand fa- •rare. ' , To attempt tn recnpitnlntetbe many statesman, tike act* of Arkansas’ noblest son, would be to w rite a book; and while Arkansas may exultingly boast uf tbit noble statesman, as her peculiar son yet bis deeds and hit reputation are the property ill'the ualiuu. While distinguished at n statesman iu the lime of peauc.iu tbo council* uf tbi* great nation bin voice was ever beard with delight by the people. In the last great effort ofiti* country, having urged with mere ability iheuecctaity of-sup- plyiug oar army with new troops, and with neces saries to ameliorate their wants, than any man iu the councils of the nation—still it -remained for him to be selected by the President, and-by tho unanimous content of the .most dignified body uf men upon earth, to bear the olive branch uf peace to Mexico, aud conclude a treaty-lastingly honor able lu bulb ualiuu*. Tbi* event, which wil! gild the page* uf American history for ages to couie, was the liuithiug stroke to bis great public career in life. Arkansas may justly be bung iu mourning for the lost uf an great and ao.good a man, while a great n atioo mmiroa hia loss. Peace to bis depart ed ipirit. Ilo 1ms left many public, and many pri vate friends, uid several orphan children to weep fur him. May the recollection of his ooblr, bold, luauly, patriotic, majestic, and maguammoutcourse in his most useful life, soothe and Ie**eu their btt- reavemeut. EF“S.8. Fodoz, Esq. of Thomasville. is Tally authorized to act as the agent of this paper, to re reive and receipt fur subscriptions and ailvertisng in tbo coantics of Thomas, Early, Randolph Ba ker, Stewart, Irwin, Decatur. Lowndes, Ware and the neighboring conntiesof Florida. Thc California Gold Minks.—On the first page of this day’s paper will be found interesting reports received at the War. Department, from officers in California in relation to the gold mines- The Nouthcrn Addret*. The spirooccupied in our coinms this morning, by this able qnd highly important document, leaves no room fur any commeuts. The temperate and dignified tone of this paper.not less than the enter, gency that produced it,- will however, command for this address the most solemn and earnest de liberation from all our readers, without further comment from os at present. We will fellow np this paper by publishing in our next tbo substitute offered by Mr. Berrien as well as nf such portions of the proceedings of the adjnoreed meeting at which the nddres* of Mr. Calhoun was adopted as we deem of interest to onr renders. Thomas R. fl. Cobb, Esq- of Athens, was at the late session of the Supreme Coart at Tal- button, appointed Reporter, to fill the vacancy oc casioned by the death of James M. Kelly, Esq. Tnvtor'a Family. Col. Bliss auil Lady and Mrs. Ged. Tn companied by Maj. Hunter and- Lady, arrivod this city on Sunday evening en-ronte for Washing ton. They were met at Barnesvlile at 2 o'clock on Sunday by tho Mayor and n Committee of gentlemen who had been appointed for the pur pose and attended to the city on. an Extra Train provided for tho occasion, by the very efficient and gcn'lemauly President of tbo Macon & West ern Rail Road. Col. Bliss and party on their arri val iu the city, took Lodging* at tho Washington Hall, where they received during tho evening, the call* of several of our citizens. The paity pro. ceeded yesterday morning by the Central Bail Road on their route to V/achiiigioc. His lion or tho Mayor, in behalf of tho city tendered Col. B1 iss jL family the hospitalities of opr citizens The following it the correspondence between the Mayor and CoL-Bliss. MACON, Feby. 4ih 1849. Col. W. W. S. Blms, U. S. A. Sir—In behalf-of tbo citizens of Macon, who undemanding you had arrived in town, are desi rous of manifesting their personal regard for. yoo, and of giviug some testimony of the high estima tion in wbioh they -view yonr services in the Ar my of the UuiuiK I take pleasure in conveying to you the very general with of dl, tbnt yoa, to gether with your family and friends, should re main among n«. «t least ono day, end partake of the hospitalities of the city, before proceeding ea yonr journey to Washington. I also beg leave to add in behalf of myself, .as- snranoes of individual respect and esteem. -GEO. M. LOGAN, Mayor. MACON, Feb. 4, 1848. His Honor, Gcorgi M. Xogax. * Mayor of the City. Dzar Sir: I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of yoor note of this date, tendering to the party with which I am travelling, the hospital jties «f yonr city, aud kindly ezpresaing a wish in behalf of the citizens, -that we should remain one day with yoo. On -behalf of onr party aud for myself, I beg yi -to accept our sincere thanks for yoor kind invita tion. We all fully appreciate the -respect and friendly feeling which it conveys, and regret the more that the necessity of cantinning onr journey will nut permit us to accept it. and -thus see more of yoor thriving city, aud become bettorac* quainted with its hospitable inhabitants. Jam, with high respect, your ob’t serV'L. <W. W.S. BLISS. Cotton SHirrzo raoj* Griffin.—The following ii a statement of the number of bales of coltou forwarded from this place up to the first of Jana- ary, and from January to the first of February : Forwarded from Griffin previous to Jao. S19G5 u " “ iu J.-ui. 6824 Total, 28789 l-Griffi* mig, Ut iiut. Macon & Wlstcrk BnAxc-u Xcr.roiurti -Co.— At a meeting of the stockholders of Ibis Company held at the office of C. Lewis, Esq., in this city-on yesterday, Emerson Foote, Esa., was chosen I’re- indent, aud Reuben Cone, Richard 1’oter*, Miles G. Dobbins, ami D. E. lleman. Directors. After appointing a committee to draft By-Laws fur the government of the company, the ineeliug adjunrn- .d lujueel again the hut Weduesdav iu March.— P-id.— VoLOStazn California Rioikznt.—The New York Globe, of Wednesday Iasi, ha* the following: “Tho largest movement for California which w» have yet uolicod is a reginmut now being organ ized ia.d who intend to otl'sr themselves to Gov ernment (for tbo term of 3 years, to. serve in the Gold region* -of California, widi a view of pre- torviug public order. They propose to clothe themselves.aod niko their pay fro.- the mines, but to be sent to California at tbo public expense nod found in arms, medicine*, red monition* of war by Telegraphic Intelligence. [TRANSMITTED FOR THE GEORGIA TELEGRAFH-] ARRIVAL OF THE CANADA. BALTIMORE, Jan. 30tb, 16-19. The Steamship Canada from Liverpool, arrived at New York today at 2 o’clock, P. M, with two weeks later news fn-m Europe. Liverpool Cotton Market Jan. 13lb.—The Cotton Market for the week ending 5th. inst ex hibited an advance of J to nearly j d. and con siderable speculation in American description* bad taken place. During the week ending Jan. 13. speculation abated, and prices slightly gave way. Highest business last .week, compared with to days, about one eight pence above quotations two weeks ago. Fair Orleans 4} uj ; Mobile 4 j alj; Georgia Bowed 4J a 4 j. * Sales of first week 44,000, and second -week 26,000 bale*. January 1C— p.4n«—The business in cotton was moderate this morning. Bales about five thousand bales, at steady price*. •Commercial nflairs generally are-encouraging, and a good business anticipated during the-coming spring. Frascc-—The President has been occupied in tho reccptiou of visitors- The populace have on ull public occasion* received him with enthusiasm. There bsve'been Slight disturbances iu the vioiuity of Paris, but these were aooa -quelled The government seems to he to favor of dissolv ing the constitncnt assembly, as it i*:beconiing un popular. Lamartine approves of them ensure. Odilion Barret wil! undoubtedly bo-chosen Wee President, having been strongly recommended for tliatoifice by President Bonaparte-.; and Dnfaure will probably succeed him as Minister of Justice. Jrbla.ii>.—The-probability is that the'trial of Daffy for treason, will not go forward. The J odg- es will not jgcoe on a Writ of Error iu the case of Meager. Nrw York Jan 30lb.—Flour aud Oram.—Best bonded Flour, 27*. Yellow Coro, 30*. The California gold fever is ranging in London and throughout England. Mauy ships am np at London and Liverpool. New York.—The Cotton market to day ss heavy and drooping. Flonr andiGrain also heavy. There are no fewer than fifty.four vessels up for California. Ki w York Feb. 2. 1849. The Cotton Market to day is drooping. -Sales of six hundred bales have been made lo-dsy at igiit to one quurler cent a pound decline,— Stocks unsteady. "IUI.M 'W ASHINGTON. [CORRESPONDENCE OF THE GEORGIA TE t.Xti R A PH-] WASHINGTON, Jauuary, C7tli, 1849. The fecliug existing on the part of Southern members of both parties:, agaiust Houston aad Rusk, growing out of what the former set down to be the disposition of the latter, to sacrifice eve ry thing in the hope of making capital for H. t may in n measure militate ngaitisttbe settlement of She slavery qnestion, by placiug any portion of New Mexico nr California, under the jurisdiction of Texas. This sentiment I am sorry to have tn write, will bo pretty sore to defeat all the Texas bills of the session, as the Snalb seem disposed to let the Senators of the New State, rely wholly on thoso whose favor the South say they seek so as siduously. All this is indeed to be deeply regret ted—but so it is. Soon, the New Mexico and California state bill of Douglas, the majority report of the esmmitea of the Jndicisry against that bill, and the minority report of Dowus, with his bill for the admission of California alone, are to be taken apiu the Sen ate. They will however, not be then finally dir posed of, as the Southern Senators design doin nothing conclusive in tbo premises, until the whole of tlra southern movement, may have been con cluded. I hear that the report—the arguments of Downs, lies made converts of his fellow commit tee men. Bntler and Berrien, who previous to its publication, were of opinion that Congress bad no power, under the constitution, to ertale states oat of soil not proviously organised into a territo ry, or territories. N Mr. Calhoun though still nnwell, is better this evening I learn. On inquiry to day, I find that the project to set tle the slavery question as to the new territories, by dividing them-oat. giving Texas jurisdiction of all sooth of the MHequricompromise liue, will surely command some northern-whig favor, in view of the uncertainty as to Taylor’s position up on the slavery qnestion, which "reigns, here. The burniug. dnzzlcing influetiae of desire for office, is of course at the bottom of this support, yet, I have uo idea, that Gentry Cabell & Co., are right, in the hope of being able to gneaso tho proposi- n so as to mskeit swallow-able to sufficient an ti-slavery men to secure its enactment as a der nier resort by way of ridding Taylor of Vexation from having to deride furor against the proviso. No one claims that Texas has auy title to the terri tory south of the bee. or west of the Bio Grande, nor can I find any one who knows by what law of the state of Texas, her Governor can alienate any portion of what is now her wilderness north of the Missouri compromise line; yet, such an alien ation is to form an article in the project. I take it therefore, that any enactment of Congress upon the subject, will he merely in the shape of a prof fer to swap iu case her legislature may approve the bargain. In this manner a settlement uf the slavery question may be approximated, if. (there’s the rub) a majority of tho House will say yea. SILFIAS. WASHINGTON, January, 31, 1849. Yonr readers have now the official account of the proceedings of the Southern members of Con gress before them, and may judge for themselves of tljo relative merits of tho two addresses. I suppose yon have seen Berrien’s letter to the North American, which bos created no little excitement among our Southern friends in Washington, as it nnmnsks his treacherous purpose in going info the meeting and proposing a substitute It covers a virtual admission that bis design was really to de feat tlie effective action which, in his speech in the meeting, he declared himself not anxious to bring shout. Under no circumstances would I have seat them to that paper, had I been a member. and the other does not come np to my standard, though soaner than have made sneb a state meut, I .would havo come -up to that. I do not write lightly, having cmreluHy considered the pre mises with a mind eagerly anxious to coincide to the letter with those who urged upon the meeting tbi* particular description of paper as the address most-likely <o subserve the end of arousing the whole people uf the 8outh to a just appreciation of the imminent danger 4>y which they are now threatened. Long before the address of Mr. Cal houn -was adopted, I raw the fully of hoping for ef- ective -co-operation of the Southern Wlrigaef the House and Senate, until their injured constituency may threaten them with the retribution their.con duct throughout this affair most surely deserves. 1 was therefore in favor of abandoning all attempts to induce them to take part in the movement, for our baldly telling the whole truth -in giving the people of the Soath the history of the rise and progress of abolition efforts. They should have been duly informed that drum the days of Rufus Kiog dawn, the northern federal party -have left no stone-untarned to engenderthe increase of the spirit of abolitionism. It should have Been made as clears* light, that this liss been the favorite of federalism, with which to break-down the ascen dency of the-Domocracy nt tho North, with the North, .with the full understanding that, in so using it, a condition of the public mind was being en gendered, which if uot stayed will force a disso lution of the Union between the sovereignties comprising this confederacy, or reduce the Soutli- era States to the condition of Ireland. I should also have held up to the admiration of a grateful people, the conduct, tho self sacrificing patriot ism of those of the.North, who, up to the recent Presidential election—until the South abandoned her own causo—stood manfully by the spirit of tho compromises of the constitution. I menu Bu chanan, Wuodbnry, Cass, Dickinson, McClenard, Douglas, Hannegan, Richardson, C. J. 1 Ingersoll, Bisdsall, Charles Brown, Broadbcad, and the hun dreds of thousands of Nortborn Democrats who havo steadily opposed abolitionism io whatever shape its assaults npon the integrity of the Union were made. J should have no less boldly told tho people of the South Ibe truth, upon the subject of tho stab— the vital, murderous blow, she has iuflicted upon hemelf in tho recent .election, when atone, and the same time, she-voted into the Vice Presidency a man who would himself pledge to. if possible, effect the abolitiou of slavery -in this District, and struck down -the men who had perilled their all of political position at home, to protect those who thus aimed the deadly thru stmt them. With what face, i ask, can we ever again look to any parties nt the North to stand by onr rights, when we thus reward those who have done sot Alas! we have indeed with one hand strangled those who were .our shield, while with the other we handed the dagger to onr.caemy, that he might stab us to the heart. I regret beyond measure, that the address adopt ed, failed thus to lay tbo axe at tho root of the tro^—to begin the contest for tbo rights of the South at borne, aguinaUbeir worst enemies, the .Southern .federal politicians, who fur thc hope of office under Taylor, .are virtually scheming to de liver np their people,bound band and foot,that ab olitionism.may do its-worst open thorn. As before remarked, yon have .now had the two addresses, Calhoun’* .and Berrien’s, for some limo before you sufficiently dong to teat the justice of my criticisms in advance. Tou and your readers most surely perceive that the object -which Berrien bad in view, waa not, (as he protested -in the meetings) to carry oat tho purposo of his Soutcrn democrat ic colleagues—but to emasculate the whole affair, or iu other words, to defeat all action—tho pur- thosc gentlemen to bring about the unity of action, between whige and democrats of the south which will not be attained until the southern members see as in time, they will, that their constituents properly appreciate the time, serving motives at the bottom of th-ir indisposition to take s manly stand against the abolitionists and their allies by whatever name the latter may call themselves. Tbo tone of the address of Calbonn meets with far more favor in sontbem circles here, than does that of the proposed substitute—even with thoso southern democrats who declined signing it. It* every statement is marked .with the vigor °f thought, the lucidness and perspicuity for which its author has been so distinguished for the Inst quarter of a century. Still, hundreds are express ing in effect the objections to it which I set forth in a previous letter. It is beyond doubt that Stephens, Toombs, Ber rien, Badger, aud the rest of the Southern. Whigs intend to avert tho storm which they see arising at home, by protesting that the address of Cal houn does not go farenough for them, that it faffs to denonneo the agitation of tho slavery qnestion at the North in language of becoming severity. They will virtually aid the abolitionists to enact the proviso, to apply it to the new territories, if perchance, the qnestion be not settled this winter, notwithstanding all the efforts they may make du ring tbo npproaching recess to appear to tako the lend in the agitation of the question nt home. They- know well that the policy of their party is that of the northern capitalists, and that though they may succeed once in a while in cheating the South into believing that danger from the spirit nnd purposes of abolitionism is only to bo averted by tho eleva tion of ibe owner of hundreds of negroes in pref erunco to any northern man. They know well I say. that their real strength, their reliable strength lies only where capital controls the bread of ver ting labor; nnd therefore will be very careful to do as little as possible likely to weaken the organi zation of federalism where it is alone to be relied on to keep them in power. Thus, while feeling assured as they must, that every day the final set tlement el the slavery question is put off, adds to the strength of the war on slavery, they will sac rifice their constituents by helping their northern friends to put off this day of settlement, which sooner or later must come. They too, are impu dent enough to complaiu against their Democrat ic fellow member* from the South for endeavor ing to force the House to a direct vote on such ab olition propositions as are being brought forward. Now, to ray mind the point at issue is simply this. Is it best that the real sentiments of the House should be exposed or concealed. The sonthern Whigs wish them concealed from their constitn- eats, lest a knowledge on their pnrt of the length to which their opponents will go when compelled to vote, may so alarm them, a, to excite them to take a stand likely to compel General Taylor to stand by the South, which destroy* the organiza tion of the whig perty of the North. On the oth er band, the southern Democrats regarding this as a vital question, and beiag sensible, that npon its prompt settlement the existence of the Union de pends, are determined to bring it to an issue re gardless to mere consequences of party. The constituents of these two classes of representa tives most judge of tbo propriety of the course of both. The House yesterday, passed the West Point appropriation bill, to which An amendment was proposed to establish a professorship “of mines” at a salary of $1500 per annum. It was lost howev er. While uppermost iu the minds of most ol tho members who voted for it, those from Peunsylva- nia in their remarks npoa the proposition, evident ly looked to what is of vastly mure importance to the country nt large—diffusing information upon the subject of managing thccual, iron, copper and other mines with which the U- 8- proper abound. The Navy and revolutionary pension appropriation bills were also passed. It affords mm groat pleasnro-to bo able to -write that die bill to establish a breach U. S. mint in New York city, was made the special order for to-morrow (Tuesday) week. The friends of the measure are more iudebted to Mr. Bugnrdus, the naval officer of the port of New Y'ork, for the tri umph of ibe resolution of Mr. Talmodge for that purpose, than to any one else. lie was very ac tively engaged in drumming up support for it, and his personal popularity with the members turned the scale sufficiently to ensure it a two thirds vote. There can be no doubt of the enactment of this bill by a large majority, or I am very much mis taken in the signs in the Hall. There is no other proposition before Congress of half as much cod- sequence So the commerce of She whole country, wbioh is beginning to be realized by the House at least, -thoagh it has been hard to beat this truth into some of the bouorable noddles. I think I may veuture-to write you that all the Washington correspondence stories, raying that Mr. Ritchie is -about to dispose of the Union, are untrue. You may .rely on it be will not quit the ship wbilu sen sible as at presont, tbut the political principles uf wbioh be has been the guardian for aocnany years, require his baud at the helm. The members are amusing themselves not a little over the modesty of Mr. Horace Grcely, as displayed in a recent.number of the Tribune, in which he makes a leader of his five minutes' speech in Committee of the Whole, on the army appropriation bill, which, if reported verbatim, .would not have occupied an eighth of the two columns to which he has spun it out If it carries as little weight in Abe Tribune.zls in the Hall, heaven help,the orator's design of catting a figure—I mean a respectable figure—as a legislator. I desire yon to note the unanimity with which tha bill of Gen. McKay, to reform the mileage law will be passed—to contrast it with the furvor -with which all the dema gogue propositions of Greely to the same end are vo ted under the table,to-ondomtand the reputation which G. has earned among his fellow members. I perceive that, anticipating that the House will show a marked difference in its action npon McKay’* bill, he has en deavored to deceive the public of New York city, hia constituents, as to the disposition with which that bill will be pasted, alleging that they will only vote for Ibe reform, when in tbe firm belief that the Senate will veto it; or, in other words, that nearly all the House are scoundrels, who design to deceive the pablic as,to tbeir desire to reform abases, while be himself is per fectly licnest and patriotic in hi* efforts to correct abu ses. There is a cool impudence in this intimation in •the Tribune,-which astonishes members wbo have ex pected,to,Sad a decent regard for at least tire appear ance of integrity of purpose even in one wbo has' given them to many proof* that the study of hit life is to "gammon’'somebody. Ten to one, half a dozen mem bers will bo down on him before tbe week is out, for this last shameless assault npon Abe character of tbe whole Honse. Schenck, I fancy,will be tbe next Q ne who is to show him np, as I have observed him more than once chaffing and fidgeting when qthers were maoling the member from New York. Ilcally.our political friends in Congress will.Iiavcto fake some measures to euro tbo cacoetkes loquendi of the two or three young gentlemen troubled with the -worry worm," -wbo volunteer on all occasions to spenk in.behalf of the democracy or the administra tion, to themauifest annoyance of every other Demo crat in the House, and to the entire prevention of Im perially as she turned tfce back of her hand uponTay- ; ADDRESS, lor nt tbe last election. So Thompson is in Smith's OF THE SOUTHERN DELEGATES IN CON- way sadly, and vise* versa. Tbeir somersets upon the I GRESS, t) THEIR CONSTITUENTS, slavery question were doubtless caused by the desire , \\j e w ||o«h nines ire hereunto annexed, address of each to stand fairer than his rival in the eyes of tbe J yon in fitseburp of whet we believe to he a sol emn dutv, os lie most important suhji dispenser of patronage, as I have before remarked to yoa. Thompson was bora in Virginia, and when for merly in Congress had not entirely thrown ol the in fluences of his early associations. Then, thoagh rep resenting a district of Indiana, he was a supporter of tbe Slst rule. He went for it in its form most obnox ious to most of the Northern members, resisting at the same time every effort of those who, while anx ious to keep abolition petitions out of tbe Hall, were anxious to protect tbe right of petition. He went strenuously against every motion so to modify it, as while it might be effective against intermedlers from the North in the matter of slavery in tbe States and Territories, it woald afford no snbstantial reason for getting np tbe cry tbat it infringed the right of petition which ultimately brought about its repeal. When last a candidate for Congress, Mr. Thompson bethought him of’the abolition vote, and published a card "going bis death” in favor of their views and plans. He suc ceeded to a charm, reaping the support of tbe tribe, one and all. On coming hero‘last winter, be took strong ground in favor of whatever the' anti-slavery men proposed, so decided, that np to the day on which his recent speech was dliVered, he was regarded as being decidedly a sympathiser with Giddings. It is, indeed, a pity tbat “Richard” in recovering “him self again ” has so openly avowed that the excellent change in his tone is a mere matter of “ escalation of the profits " of being no longer an abolitionist. He caught it to-day with a vengeance. Charles Brown, of Pennsylvania, one of the first orators on the Democratic side of tbe Chamber, who has always been open and earnest in opposition to abolitionism in whatever shape it assaulted the integrity of the Union and tile rights guaranteed under tbe Constitution, managed to get the floor in Committee of the Whole, and occupied his hoar principally with a review of Thompson’s speech, his votes, and of the abolition ef forts of this season. He took the broad ground that from the formation of the Government to the present time, the histoty of tbe slavery agitation is that of a series of assaults and encroachments on the part of his own section of the country npon tbe Sonth, from the passage of the Missouri compromise, down, to the enactment of the Proviso by the Honse and the virtu al subversion of the Constitution with reference to the surrender of fugitive staves, by juries, courts, and mobs ,in bis own State, He made a strong ap peal to his Northern friends to set their faces against tho abolitionists, and warned them that the South, if they were still men as Iristory proved them to hare been, would soon- be compelled to resist in self defence, with violence. But yon should by all means repnblisb his speech which is replete with doctrine and argument, such a* lew Northern men have of late years dared to ut ter In the Hall. I shall refer further to this speech to-morrow. His colleagoe, Strong, followed him in a speech against steam-ships at tbo expense of tbe na tional treasury. Yon will fipd from bis remark* that in common with a large number of members, he has become disgusted with the number of speculations of this sort which are being urged upon Congress, so many of which are mere spevnlations. A resblution to print an extra edition of Butter King’s report on the Panama railroad project, passed by the casting vote of the Speaker after nluch oppo sition- This is a poor showing for the project, for its prospect before the Honse. SYLVIAS. Items from thc .Hails. We are glad to state, says tbe National Intelli gencer of tho 27th ult., that Mr. Calhoun has so (ar recovered from his recent indisposition as to be able to resame his seat in tbe Senate. We regret to learn, that the Hon. Mr. Mangnm, of North Carolina, who has not taken bis seat iu the Senate thus far at this session, it detained at home by indisposUiav. Also, that Senator II. V. Johnsop, of Georgia, isik-taiued from bit seat io tbe Senate by a severe attack uf iufltienza. Fuesch Emigration to Texas.—The Haris cor- respondunt of the Commercial Advertiser writes on this subject as follows, under date of Dec, 18. “The Commanist emigration to Texas, nuder the allspices of -M. Cabet, continues, though the condition of the members of the society, who have spent tbe summer at the new paradise on tbe Red river, i* fur from eitcouragiug. The enter prise his been conducted with the greatest want of wisdom, and it* success is much more doubtful than wbeu it was commenced. M. Cabet left in tbe steamer ou the 16th, to endeavor to retrieve the blunders of his subordinates. At the same timo a new datachment-af Gfty persons had jnst sailed from Havre, to assist in tbe foundation of “Icaria.” It is to be hoped, for their sakes cer tainly. ns well as for that of the four hundred per- sonsalready there, that jho efforts of their chief may be snccosfnl.”' • Sr* A Paris correspondent of the London Atlas says tbat “Lonis Napoleon has a cottager ut Uou quival, whither he drives immediately after the breaking -ip-of the Assembly, and where he is welcomed by .one whose smiles once iuspired the most popular o£ modern poets with the theme of his noblest Sung, uee who in -this very place moved and looked a queen, whose English beauty set all Paris iu a blaze not two years since, and whose marriage, celebrated at the British £mbas sy, was made the occasion of a kind of national fete mnougst her couutrjrmen gathered here. Thus was ahn then admired aud .respected, and now -what has she become!” CP* The uew -York Herald gives a list of the Vessels and Passengers that have gone to Califor nia within five weeks, np to the 20th ult. The passengers number 3095. Thirty-one vessel* have sailed from New *Yurk, twelve from Bogtoq, four teen from other places, inciudiog none from New Orleans, and none of the steamers. The whole number of vessels is sixty-one. Of the passen gers, 2283 have gone direct to San Francisc i; by Vera Ceuz 215; and by Ghagres 595. Of the whole number 1113 have gone bunded together in twenty-four companies. State of SociETTAF the <Gold Regio.-l—Mr. TenEyck, American commissioner nt the .Sand wich Islands, writes home tohis friends at YVuter- town, New York,-under date of August 6th: “Ibave visited tho .digging some forty miles a- long what is called the American fork of the .Sa cramento ; almost every yard is occupied, and all nre getting out quantitiesof ore. I have abont five dollars worth of gold dust, which 1 washed oat myself in tbe course of two or three hours, shall keep it, of course, as a memento of what I myself havo done in gold digging. The effect of this discovery will he bad for the morals of the country, and -will ruiu all its prospects as a farinin or agricultural country. I would not again go through what I hove to see the country, and I would not settle down to lice in it for, all the gold in the mines. Tho mode of life is horrible, and a mrire dissipated and immoral set of people I nev er y-’t saw. People are flockiug in hero from all parts of the coast, and as soon as the news reach es foreign parts, the worst of their population will emigrate hither. I pity any decent white man who may live in this regiou six month: hence.” A DAMrztJ.-^'Ve are told that Messrs. Savago & Hawkins, gold assayer*. <fcc., at J2S IVillimn street, havo received a lump of what was suppos ed to be California gold, weighing twenty ounces Trqy-weisht, to beaes-iyed. It was not uffected by acids, but in tho refining pot evaporated. -It proved to bo eulphuret of iron. Tho owner af the article purchased it at San Francisco, .ring.the thing done as it should he, by men competent he paid seven dollars per ounce for it in merchun- to the task, who carry weight with tho country at I A* 8e .—Jf. F. Eocning Post. large. Per Contra.—Mr. Ten Eyck, late commission er at tho Sandwich Islands, whose place Mr. the Goveruu boun elected JUcimctt, ul’ 1. Colo Rclolian of Texae has :-l Geu. James Arlington Li< meuunt Culm.cl, both 1.1 tm-u.-iriul t.» Congress l i.iii.go Hotel, J33 Fulton j BALTIMORB, February 5. Cotton.—The sides of Cotton m New York for j P°* e -subsequently avowed in bis disgraceful apol- ihe week ending on Friday, were ninety-one bun- : [l S elic letter to the Pbiladelphia.Norlb American, died-ami -fifty bales. On Saturday n hotter do- ■ a weukcr and more wisby-washy effusion upon so tnaod sprung up, aud prices improved a shade on important an issue than is the portion of his sub- prevnms quotations. ' stitnte not copied almost verbatim from Calhoun. In Baltimore, dining the week ending on Satur- : 4 never before saw from the pen of one aspiring day, tho sale* Hiuouutcd. to thirteen hundred bales. . to the pc-ition and fame of a statesman. I had Prices uniform. i been led to expect u different style-of paper from Clnv Ins been elected to the Senate by thc Lo- | him. Tbe fuct that it was voted for by more or :.n- ef Ke’iUirliy. lr-« democrat* Is pro“f of the earnest desire of I It is fan to perceive how Taylorism mctamorphiscs a mm's character. Hero we have ptrson Embreo, of Indiana, famous as he has been for a long life time for aspiring only to raise the tune in meeting, oomingont ss large as life Aud -twice as natural, as a manager of one of thc ten dollar ballsto bo given in honor of thc inauguration of Taylor. The parson will look charm- ing indeed in glazed pumps, kids and whole rosettes, willhe not! Tbas'Taylorism affects parson Embrec. C. B. Smith and Richard W. Thompson, two of the most high-minded and liberal gentlemen in Congress, who catne from the same State, are effected different ly. As I have already written you, Caleb wants tbe post,of Postmaster General, while Dick aspires to be Minister to Kioor Mexico. Now, it is not to ho ex pected, as these gentlemen know well, that Indiana can furnish more than one officer so distinguished a pest ss either cf three gcztlcmen aim tc fill, mere ce ct ever presented fbr j|ur consideration. We allude to tbe conflict hei eenthe two great sections uf the Union, gxowingiutof n difference of feeling anil opinion in refenticc to the relation existing be tween the two see.-, the European and African, which inhabit tl: smtbern section, nnd the acts nf aggression and ticriachment to which it has led. The conflict onusenced not long after the nc- knowledgemeoj of our independence, and has gradually incresed intil it has arrayed the great body of the Noth Egaiust tbe South on this most vita! subject. Ii thj progress of this coufl ct, ag gression has folfywej aggression, and encroach ment encroacliireut, uutil they have reached a point when a rejard for your peace ami safety will uot permit us tc remain longer silent. The ob ject of this addnssii to give yon a clear, correct, but brief accouit of the whole series of aggress ions and encroaihmeats on your rights, with statement of the daigers to which they exposo yoo. Oor objec in making it is not to cause ex- citeirteut, but to pul you in full possession of all the facts and crcunstnnces necessary to a fall and just conccptbnol a deep-seated disease, which threatens greuidanger to you and tho whole body politic. \Ve acton tbeimpression, that in a pop ular government like -nrs, a trae conception of- tbc actual character aid state of n disease is in dispensable to eflectiig a core. We have made it nJoint aJdress, becauso wo believe that die roagiiude of the subject required that it should nssumj the. most impressive and solemn form. Not to go further luck, the difference of opin ion mid feeling in refefenceto the relation between the two races, discloed itself iu tho Convention that framed the constlotion, and constituted one of the greatest difficulties in forming it. After many efforts, it'wasjvercome by a compromise, which provided in tbe first place, that Represen tatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the Stales according to their respective uombers; aud that, it ascertaining the number of each, five slave shall be estimated us three. In the next, that slives escaping into States where slavery does nov exist, shall not be discharged from servitude, lut shall be delivered on claim of the party to whom their labor or service is due. In the third place, that Congress shall pot prohibit the importationbi" slaves before the year 1808. but a tax uot exceeding teu dollars may be impos ed ou each imputed. And finally, that no capi tation or direct &k shall be laid, but in proportion to-federal numhirs; and that no amendment of the constitution prior to 1808, shall effect this I-rovioion. nor tint relating to the importation of slaves .So satisfactory'were these provisions, that the second, relative to the delivering up of fugitive slaves was adopeJ unanimously; and all tbe rest except the thirl, relative to the importation of slaves until 1804, with almost equal unanimity, They recognise be existence of slavery, and make a specific proviiam for its protection where it was supposed to bo the most exposed. They go fur ther, and ipcorpirate it, as an important element, in determining lie relative weight of the several states ip tbe goierumcut of tbe Union, anil the respective burdm they should bear io laying cap itation and direct taxes. It was well understood at the timo, thit without them the Constitution would uot have been adopted by the Southern States, aud of coarse that they constituted ele ments so essential to the system that it never would have exeted without them. The Northern States, knowing ail this, ratified tbe Constitution, thereby pledging tbeir faith, in tbe most solemn manner, sacredly to observe them. How that faith has been kept, and that pledge redeemed, we shall uext proceed to show, With few exceptions of no great importance the South had so cause to complain prior to the year 1819—a year, it is to l>e feared, destined to murk a train of event:, bringing with it many, and great, and fatal disasters, on the couutry and its institntiniuy With it commenced the agitating bebatj on the question of tbo admission of Mis souri into the Union, We shall pass by for the present this question, aud others of the same kind, directly growing out of it, and shall proceed to consider :he effects of that spirit of discord, which it roused up bel ween the two sections. It first disclosed itself in the North, by hostility to that portion of the constitution which proviues for the delivering npof fugitive slaves. In its progress it led to the adoption of hostile acts, intended to render it of nuu-effect, pud with so much success tbat it may be regarded now as practically ex ponged from die Constitution. How this has beeu effected will be next explained. After a careful examination, truth constrains os to say, that it ho* feeeir by a clear anil puipabit- iuvasiou of tbe constitution. It is inqiossible tor any provision tn be more free from ambiguity or doubt. It is iu the following words; -*No person held io service, or labor, ia one State, under the laws thereof, escaping to another State, shall, iu consequence of auy law or regulation therein, be disrhurged from such service nr labor, but shall b.- delivered up on claim of the party to wboui such service or labor may be due.” All is clear. There is not an uncertain or equivocal word to be found in the whole provision. Whut .shall not be done, and what shall be doue, are fully aud exjilici(ly set forth. The former provides that the' fugitive slave shall not be discharged from his servitude by any law or regulation of the State wherein he is found: and the latter, that be shall be delivered up on claim of his owner. We do not deem it uecessnry to undertake to refute the sophistry and subterfuges by which so plain a provision of the Constitution has beeu eva ded, and in effect, annulled. It constitutes an essential part of tbe constitutional compact, and i f course the supreme law of the land. As such ilis binding on all .the Federal aud State Governments the States aud the individual* cooipusiug them.— The sacred obligation ofcompact, and the solemn injunction of the supreme law, which legislators aud judges, both Federal and State, nre bound by osth lo support, all unite to enforce its fulfilment, according to its plniu meuaiug aud true intent.— What that, meaning aud intent are, there was no diversity of opiuion about iir the betterdays of the Republic, prior to 1819. Congress, State Legisla tures, State and Federal Judges. Mugisraits, and People, all spontaneously placed the same inter pretation on it. During that period none interpo sed impediments in the way of tbe owner seeking to recover his fugitive slave.; nor did any deny his right to have every proper facility to enforce bis claim to have bimdelivered np. It was theu nearly as easy to recover one Grand in a Northern Stale, as one found iu a neighboring Sonthern State. But thishas passed away, and the provis ion is .defunct, except perhaps iu two States.* v When we take into consideration the importance and .clearness of tills provision, the evasion bv which it in'* beeu set aside mav fairly be regarded as one of the most fatal .blows ever received bv the Sonth and -the Union This cannot be more concisely and correctly stated, than it has been by two learned Judges of the Supremo Court of the Uni ted States. In one of his di&isioiist Judge Story said.: “Historically, it is .well known that iheob- ject nf this clause was to secure to tbe citizens of the slavehuldiug States the complete right and ti tle of ownership in their slaves, as property, in every State of the .Union,- into which they might escape, from the State wherein they were held in servitude.” "The full recoguitiou of this right and title was indispensable to the security of this spe cies of properly, in ait the sluveboid.ingStates, and indeed, whs so vital to the preservation of their interests nnd institutions, that it.cannot be doubted that it constituted a fundamental article without the adoption of which the Union would not have beeu formed. Its true design was to guard agaiust the doctrines and principle* prevalent in the non- slavehotdiug States, by preventing them from in termeddling with, or restricting, orabolishing, the rights of the owners of slaves.” Again; “The clause .was therefore of the last importance to the safety and security of the South ern States, and could not be surrendered by them without endangering Iheir whole property in slaves. The clause was accordingly adopted iu tbe Constitution by the-unanimous consent of the 1 framers of it—a proof at once of its intrinsic aud practical necessity.” Again: “Tho clans- manifestly contemplates the existence ot a positive unqualified right ou .the lart of the owner -of the slave, which uo State aw or regulation can in any way regulate, control qualify, or restrain." Ihe opinion of tho other learned judges was not less emphatic as to the importance of this pro vision and the unquestionable right of the South under it. Judge Baldwin, in charging the jury, suid :t “If there are any rights of property which can he enforced, if one citizen have any rights of laid, and rest, on the right of property in fin. The whole structure must fall by disturbing .P corner-stone." ° “ 9 These are grave and solemn and admonito wonts,from n high source. They confirm aj| tj which the Smith has ever contended, as t 0 i? clearness, importance, nnd fundamental ekarJi of this provision,.and the disastrous consequent which would inevitably follow from ill viofetj 03 M But in spite of these solemn warnings,. ;h 0 rj 0 P tion then commenced, and which they were inten.' ded to rebuke, has been fully and perfectly oonsn" mated. The citizens of tbe Sonth, in tbej r lt ‘ tempt to recover their slaves, now meet, instep aid and co-opt return, resistance in every f ortt ‘ resistance from hostile acts of legislation, tntendt/ to baffle and defeat their clniins by ill sorts of d * Prices, and by fnterposingevery description of pediment; resistance from judges and maguirxt*,' and finally, when all those fail, from mobs, posed of w hites and blocks, which, by threals o- Force, rescue tbe fugitive slave from the of his rightful owner. The attempt to recovers slave, in most of fheNorthern States, cannot now be made without the hazard of insult, heavy mary loss, imprisonment, and even of. fife itself,^. Already bss a worthy citizen of Maryland* lost ^ life in making an attempt to enforce his claim to, fugitive slave under this provision. enjoined'to be done. Of this form of Vaflatiss there is a striking instance connected with i^' provision under consideration. Wo allude to cret combinations which aro believed to exiit i, most of tho Northern States, whose object is to entice, decoy, entrap, enveigle, and seduce slaves to escape from their owners, and to pass them *- s oretly and rapidly, by means organized for the purpose, into Canada, where they will be beyond the reach of the provision. That to entice a slave, by whatever artifice, to abscond from his owner into a non-slavebolding State, with the intention to place him beyond the reach of tbe provitioo, or prevent his recovery, by concealment or olfc. erwise, is as completely repugnant So it, as in open violation would be, is too clear to admit of doubt or to require illustration. And yet, ss rt. pugnaut as these combinations are to the true in. tent of tbe provision, it is believed that, with the above exception,, not one of tbe States, within whose limits they, exist, hns adopted any measure to suppress them, or to punish those by whose agency the object for which they were formed u carried into execution. On the contrary, they havo looked on, and witnessed with indifference, if not with secret approbation, a great number of slaves enticed from tbeir owners, and placed be yond the possibility of recovery, to the greijt tn. noyaucc nnd bsavy pecuniary loss of the bord .r- ing Sonthern States. When we take into consideration tfcegreatim- potlance of this provision, tha absence of all nn, certainty as to its true meaning and intent, tha many guards by which it is s rrounded to protect and enforce it, and then reflect how completely tbe object for which it-was inserted in the Con stitution is defeated by these twofold infraction!, we doubt, taking nil together, whether a tjior# flagrant breach of faith is to be found on record. We know the language wo havo used is strong, bat it is uot leu true than strong. There remaius to be noticed another class nf aggressive acts of a kind red-character, bnt which instead of striking at an express and epecific pro- vision of the Constitution, aims directly at d e . straying the relatiou between tho two races at the South, by means subversive in tbeir tendency of one of the ends for which the Constitution wn established. We refer to the systematic agitation of the qnestion by the Abolitionists, which, om- mencing in 1835, is still continued in all possible forms. Their pvowod intention is to bring abont a Btate of things tint will force emancipation ni the South- To unite the North in fixed hostility to slavery in tbe South, and to excite discontent among tbe slaves with their condition, are among the means employed to effect it. With a view tn bring about the former, every means are resorted to in order to render the Sooth, nnd the relation between the two races there, odibus add hateful to the North. For this purpose, societies ami newspaper*are everywhere established, debr.tini clubs opened, lecturers employed, pamphlets and o'her publication*, pictures and petitions tn Con gress resorted to, and directed to that single poin', regardless of truth or decency; while the circula tion of incendiary publication* in the South, the ugitutiou of the subject of abolition in Congress and 'he employment of emissaru-a are relied on to excite discontent among the slave*. This agi’-. ation, and the use of these means, hare been con tinned with more or less activity fnr fifteen yean, not wi hout doing much towards effecting the ol- ject intended. We regard both object and mean* to be aggressive and dangerous to the lights of the South, and subversive, ns stilted, of one nf the ends for which the Constitution was established. Slavery is a domestfo institution, ft belongs to ihe States, each foritself, to decide whether it shall be established or not; and if it be established, whetb- .er it should he abolished or not. Such being the cle^r and,unquestionable right of the States, it fob lows necessarily that it would be a’ flagrant act of aggreaaion on n State destructive of :U rights, and e ibvnraive of its independence.forlhe Federal Gov ernment, or ene or more States, or their people, to undertake to force on it the emancipation of it» slaves. But it is a sound maxim in politics, as well ns law unit morals, that oo one haa a right to dn that indirectly which he cannot do directly; and it may be added, with eqmd truth, to aid, or abet, or countenance another iu doing it,- And yet the Abolitionists of the North, openly avowing their intention, and resorting to tbe most efficient means for the purpose, have been attempting to bring about a state qf thiugs to force the Southern Stat. * to emancipate their sieves,, without any act on the part of any Northern State to arrest or suppress the means by which they propose to accomplish it, They have been permitted to pursue tbeir object, • and to use whatever means they please, if with out aid or cnBiitennnee, also without resistance or disapprobation. What gives a deeper shade to the whole affliir, is the Cict, tbat one of tbe means to effect their object, that cf exciting discontent among our slaves, tends directly to subvert wbst its preamble declare* to be one of the cuds fo? which the Constitution was ordained and cstitbr fished: “to ensure domestic tranquility;’’ nnd that in the only way in which domestic tranquility is likely ever to be disturbed in the South. Certaiu It is, that an agitation so systematic, having such an object in view, aud sought to be carried into execution by such means, would, between inde pendent nations, constitute jnst cause of remote ?trance by tbe party against which the aggression was directed, and, if not heeded, git appeal Ut arms for redress. Such being the case where an aggression of the kind takes place among inde pendent nations, how much more aggravated mast it be between confederated States, where tha Union preclude* an appeal to arms, while it af fords a medium through which it can operate with vastly increased force and effect? That it would be perverted to such a use. never entered into the imagination of the generation which formed and adopted the Constitution, and, if it had been sup posed it woald, it is certain tbat the South would ] have adopted it. Wo now return to tho qnestion of the admission fl of Missouri into tbe Union, aud shall ’proceed to give a brief sketch of the occurrences connected with it, and the consequences to which it has di rectly led Jn the Utter part of 1819. the then ter ritory of Missouri applied to Congress, iu the usuol form, fur leave to form a State Constitution and government, iu order to be admitted into lb* Union. A bill was reported for the purpose, with the usual provisions in such cases. Amendments were offered, having for their object to make it a condition of her admission, tb*t Iter Constitution should have n provision to prohibit slavery. This brought on the agitating debate, which with the effects that followed, has done so much to alienito the South and North, and eudanuer our political institutions. Those who objected to tho amend ments, rested their opposition on life high grounds of the right of arlf-governnicnt. They claimed vhicb i violuble under the protec- Eames, of the Union, ha* recently been appointed j property v to supply, writes homo that be has visited the Cal- . ,,0 “ ° f ,lle 8u P rt 'm° I “"''of the State, and the Un- iforma gold mines, nnd that £100.000 were taken : Jon they are those which have f>eeu set at nought in a few days out of a place three hundred yards j - some ut the.--o defendant*. As tho owner of square.—N. Y. Earning Post. I P n, P* r V» " htch he had a perfect right to possess 1 protect, and take away—as it citizen of a sis- ter State, entitled to' all the privileges and immunities of citizens of any other States Mr. Johnsou stands before you on ground which - i.i j. ■ ,. " , „ . . i cannot be taken from under him—it is the gold diggers- (who, it seems, equal FalslafTs-regL j ianle ground on which tho Govern- - that a territory, having reached the period when it is proper for it to form a Constitution one! Govern ment for itself, becomt?s fully vested with all tho rights of self-government; and tbat even tho condi tion imposed on it by the Federal Constitution, re? lates not to tho formation of its Constitution and Government, but its admission into the Union.—* For that purpose, it provides ns n condition, tha£ tho tbo Government must be Republican. They claitne^ that Congress has no right to add to this condition, and that to assume it would be tantaipnunt to tbo assumption of tho right to me* 0 its entire Constitution and Government;—aa no limitation could be imposed, ;i» to tho extent of tho right, if it be admitted that it exists nt oil. Thoso who supported trie omauidmeDt denied the*® grounds, and claimed the right of Congress to io> California Gold furnishes tho common coin of i conversation nowadays. Among tho current nn* | ecdotesof tho day, wo have heard one of a young gentleniHti, who, after a long residence among the j ment forlack of Huen,) bad only one article iqffc that had any pretensions to the name of *»hirt, and ! this.he hired oat ut tbe rase qf five dollars an eve ning, for weddings nnd other festivities. We are told, nlso, that the fortunate discoverer! of a very largo lump cf gold, finding it too henvy ' for immediate transportation, carefully painted it' of a dull copper color, to deceive other adventur ers. until ho should have time to carry it otf, [.Veto York Exprcs;. 4 _ . . . itself is | based. If the defendants can be justified, we have no longer law or government.” Again, after referring moro particularly to the provision for delivering up fugitive slaves, he said : “Thus you see, that tile foundations of the government are Indiana tThe case of I sylvaniiL, j ry.o c sue of J ) Illinois. if Trigg vs. the Commonwealth of Penn pose, at discretion, what .conditions it pleased-** Iu this ngitntiug debate tho two sections stood raved against each ot her—the South in favor of the bill without amendment, and tho North opposed tp, it withoutit. The debate and agitatioq continued untif the session was well advanced; b,yt jt be-, enme apparent, towards its close, that the peopl® of Missouri were fixed aud resolved in their appo sition to ibe proposed condition, nnd tbut they w*>ald certainly reject it, and adopt n Constitution without i^, should the bill pji*s with the' condition. Such being tho case, it required no great effort of mind to perceive, that Missouri, once in possession, ot a Constitution and Government, not simply W paper, but with legislators elected, and officers ap pointed, to carry them into etlect, the grave ques lions would be presented, whether she was of right a State or Territory; and, if the latter, whether Congress bad the riidit, aud, if the right, tbe pow- Kc -stewj -Vk.-y’ui i ■