Georgia telegraph. (Macon, Ga.) 1844-1858, December 15, 1857, Image 1

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Newspaper Page Textn, f (gfjjrgnt£cJegn!|)ji B y JOSEPH CI.ISBY. Hereafter the prico of this Paper (rill IfSPnoLLARS per annum, if paid in advance, k>T"“ 'Tin iht offioo before the expiration of tho If loft to bo applied for by tho .v.-nptio*/^ Accnt. TVo Doff art and a llalj in every ease, without exception, to ,ab 'rh3s«*» ,,d commissions. ■ f,r . ,for tho T*Lt0R*r n to new subscribers ^”co*paniedwithC«*. indents should be particular to direct in C rMia Telegraph.” Versons writing to the J jvTelecraph" in Macon, should ao write. only, will the letters designed for the ~ Stive offices, go directiv to their place of dcs- W1.P J H VOL. XXXII. MACON, TUESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 15. 1857. NO. 12. Advertisements at the regular charge will be On Dollar per square of 10 lines or l(o, for the first in sertion, ami Fif/y Cents for eaeh subsequent inser tion. All advertisements not specified ns to time Will bo published until forbid and charged accord ingly Obituary Notices not exceeding ten lines, wil be published gratis ; but cash at tho rate of One Dol lar for every ten manuscript it.es exceeding that number, must accompany nil longer notices, or they will be cut short . '- t-^Tho Telegraph goes to press at 3 o'clock, Monday Evenings. Advertisers will oblige by hand ing in their favors, as early as Saturday, if possible president’s Message. w CmiRM or the Berate and House or REntxsEsyxnrxs: vciraco to tho command of the Constitution, become my duty to "give to Congress •dun <>f the Shite *he Union, and recoin- ■, itirir consideration such measures” as T : W •• necessary and expedient.” :',Vrit and above all, our thanks are due to A1 God for *•"' nnmerous benefits which Ho has s**• j upon this people t and ournnitod prayers ."' t-rt-nd toHIm that He would continue to “ .^.at Republic in time to come aa lie' has > *j j, ; n time pas*. Mncc the adjournment of i jOtofree* our constituents have enjoyed an Idwive of health. The earth has yielded abundantly, and has bountifully rewarded .1 of the husbandman Our groat staples have " C.-d.d high price*, and, up till witlnn a brief ■ manufacturing, mineral, and mechanical Lawdoea have largely partaken of the general 7We have possrsaod all the elements of wealth in rich abundance, and yet, not Handin'* all theso advantages, our country, in Boetaty interests, is at the present moment in rtble condition. In the midst of nnsurpas- •fTJii, ja all the productions ot agriculture, and . /elrunnts ot national wealth, wo find our : ^urtares suspended, our public works retarded, ‘i'.’tirate enterprises ol different kinds abandoned, “.brands ot useful laborers thrown out of em- --- ,,,ud reduced to want. Tito revenue of V ,vrrnment. which is chiefly derived from do n imports from nbroad, has been greatly redu 1 the appropriations made by Congress at "itsession for the current fiscal year are very L_; n amount. Monetary Affairs. l abfthi'JO circumstances a loan may be requir- ,V.„ re the close of your present session, but this, ” - -j deeply to be regretted, would provo to bo 1 -a slight mis fortune when compared with tho and distress prevailing among tho people, r j this the government cannot fail deeply to sym- - iisc.though it may be without the power to ex- pi* oar duty to enquire what has produced such Jgtatatc results, and whether their recurrence ,j |k. prevented 1 in ail former revulsions the m‘*}it lure l<eeu fairly attributed to n varic , (fo-dperating causes; but not so upon tho pres (to-tiiion. It is apparent that onr existing mis- t have proceeded solely from our extrava- xtsndvIdoM system of paper currency and bauk ’ >, exciting tho people to wild speculations and • liing in stocks. These revulsions must contin- e 11 rrcnr at succossivo intervals 60 long ns tho ^..stefthe paper currency and bank loans and ' .-cuts of the country shall be left to the diar re .,i fourteen hundred irreponsible bank insiitu- which by the very law of their nature will con- Air interest of the stockholders rather than tho pile aelfarc. The Ranks* fs-framers of the Constitution, when they gave ,.«n* the power ” to coin money and to regu- _• ;ir raise thereof," and prohibited the 8totcs .filing money, emitting bills of credit, or ma u: lavihiug but gold and silver coin a tender in Ait of debts, supposed they had protected the a-'iinst the evus of an excessive and irre- ■ablepaper currency. They are not responsi ble existing anomaly that a government en- j with tbu sovereign attribute of coining mon te .-sin ting tho value thereof, should have no .. . prevent others from driving this coin out of entry inn filling up tho channels of circulation . pp-r which does uot represent gold audsilver. .. i.:i» of the highest and most responsible du- c omment to insure to tho peoples sound uxiiog medium, the amount of which ought to teJ with the utmost possible wisdom and .u ire n nuts of internal trade and foreign ex- - If this be either greatly above or greatly proper standard, the markctablo value of - xu i property is increased or diminished in .-proportion, and injustice to individuals, as . ..i-alisulabie evils to the community arc the •::race. rt .mutely, under the construction of tho Fed . emit ion, which has now prevailed too lung tanged, this important and delicate duty has -:twr.-red from the coining power, and virtu- . -jutf.rre I to mure thnu fourteen hundred State Ll- Ming independently of each other, andreg- bustkeir paper issues slmoit exclusively, by a viia the present interest of their stockholders, ■aj die sovereign power of providing a paper » r instead of coin, for the country, the first j nidi these banks owe to the public, is to keep : iriults a sufficient amount of gold and silver .- -.rr the convertibility of tbeir notes into coin l :.a-!»nd under all circumstances. No bauk W <r,r to be chartered without such restrictions i -i-jisess o to secure tiiis result. All other [ afioei are comparatively vain. This is the on- I . i lutonc. the only efficient regulator of a kprta-reacy—the only one which cun guard tho F-. igiinst over issut s and bauk suspensions. As ‘ -:• -») ami eventful security, it is doubtless [« ad in all cases ought to be required, that «» >U11 hold an amount of United States or State I -■■:.-■> equal to their notes in circulation, and I rid for their redemption. This, however, fur- adequate security against over issues. On -‘Joy.it in ty be perverted to inflate the cur- :- Indeed, it is possible by this means to con- • C th* debts ot the United States and State go v- into Lank notes, without referenco to tho f. 1 aired to redeem them. However vaiua- 1 ’ — >-curities may be in themselves, they can- k. -r .averted into gold and silver at tho moment *-» o:rr exporieuce teaches, in sufficient r' : fweot bauk suspensions and the deprccia- [• - iui-tn. In England, which is to a con- yxient a paper-money country, thongh ■ ciialour owu in this reap c:, it wasooern- J ■' • - anterior to the act of Parliament of 1 ’ - - vi>t iy separated the issue of notes from I" l --“l department, tor tho Bank of England |keep on hand gold and silver equal to one- •Kroiubined circulation and depoaite*. If ■■ no# W ss no more than sufficient to secure -. renibUitv of its notes, with the whole of ■ -■■'•iia »nd to some extont tho continent of Eu- [^ : U»trid for its circnlation, rendering it al- '•We that a sudden and immediate run to ' .."count should be mado upon it, the . 'toon would certainly be insuficient under ■ S rystear. Each of our fourteen hnndred ’-J wit a limited ciroumferenco for its circu- - ~ l in the course of a very few days the de- . u-i ? ot 0 holders might demand from such a r*., -ent amount in specio to compel it to | V r .V ! ‘though it hadcoiu in its vaults equal I . ■. i ii* iiainediat* liabilitiee. And yet I I -’-re-, with the exception of the banks of I i-’-at any Stato bank throughout the | CI > required l,y its charter to keep this * ’ 1'ropurtion of gold and silver compared “ •""ant otitscombmed circulation nnd de- l. i • * las been the consequence ? 1 at report made by the Treasury depart- . -•■• r .njiti on of tho banks throughout the U , Y According to returns dated noarest a ;V . Hie aggregate amount of actual l . . ^results is 349.83S, of their circu- C *C, and of their deposites •930,351,- >hi.““ Wears thst these backs in the aggre- • a-niernbly lest than one dollar in seven ", ! " v ^ r , compared with their circulation Tt‘ 1* was palpable, therefore, that tho •tr’i'r'i Ur ’ 1 ,nu,lt <lr ‘V0 tlinm to suspension, people of a convertible currency k . ,*»'irous cousoquencos. It is truly won- I . . key mould have so long continued to —•'■credit, when a demand for the pay- i.. . -^ventli of their immediate liabilities I. unun them into insolvency. And this ,®f the banks, notwithstanding that millions oi gold from California have ns within the last eight years, and the ptuJ?***** to flow ; indeed such has been •: i •, hank credits that the banks now ; - o ;'; r »“ly less amount of specie, either in ,, , ‘ , ." tlr capital orto their circulation and I ; • u they did before tha Uiscove- 1 “ lloru *“- 'Vhilst in the rear 184S, I - ..iProportion to their capital was more ■ -•<•. < ’ ,1M dollar for four and a half, in 1337 ■ ‘ loun t ,0 one dolliw for every six dollars t ft, ^J®**®** of their capital. U the year equal, within a very small nrac- 4 i* |Su. lu 11 *• to their circnlation nnd do- ■ tuf of o “ ? 0 ' equal to one dollar in seven ' ^rcircnlalirtnamt ffanO&itS. r circulation and deposits. ■meat it is easy to account tor our ?*; (,f‘“7' lort be list forty yoars. It has been expansions in the bnsrnesi the best and most onterpnsiug ,<:,n Pted to their ruin by excessive f *n*iii ll ,E! r *.P , Pcr credit exciting them to ex- CS»«(lnc U,ioa * of foreign goods, wild epec- ' "l. t0 e»d demonJixiog sti ok gwnh- *'fts* x !zJ, cr W* arrives, aa arrive it must, the rri * to 80 relief to the people. I u a vain hhta JwS ,heIr babUitlos in specie they are *VbnP l, ! rac t their loans and their issues; ■^***1distress, when their assis- |\^uqo io^^they and their debtors togeth- tftoJ^VVstem of extravagant oximnaion, ./j’tliK ", ** pneo of every article far beyond A- ifit >inE!i'E." m P* ro d m it li the cost ofsimi- P^tvd, wtiKK? 11 *"** whose circnlation is wisely ’’ftrrts preventiid us flpom competing • t *tra».' . foreign manufacturers, has importations, and lias coun •k * # surH °* ‘“ r K° incidental protection 'naniiliicturcrj by the pre- ttroo rrT*' “ n * f° r rids the branches of onr -I ■•J.i raw materials, the pro- own country—such as cotton, iron | and woolen fabrics—would not only have acquired almost exclusive possession of the borne market, but would bave created for themselves a foreign market thronghont the world. , Deplorable, however, as may be our present finan cial condition, wo may yet indulge in bright hopes l° r the future. No other nation has ever existed tnat could have endured such violent expansions and con tractions of paper credits without lasting injury; yet tho buoyancy of youth, th« energies or onr popula tion. and the spirit which never quails before diffi culties, will cnnbloua soon to recover from our pre sent financial embarrassments, and may even occa sion os speedily to lorget tho lesjon which they hnvo taught. Only ol flic Government. In tho meantime, it is the duty of tba government by all proper means within its power, to aid in alle viating the sufferings of tho people occasioned by the suspension of the banks, nnd to provide against a recurrenco ot thesame calamity. Unlortnnately, in either aspect of the case, it can do bnt little. Thanks to tho independent treasury, the government has not. suspended payment, as it was compelled to do by the failure of the banks in 1837. It will continue to discharge its liabilities to the people in gold and silver. Its disbursements in coin will pass into cir cnlation, and materially assist in restoring a sound currency. From its high credit, should wo be com pelled to make a temporary loan, it can he effected on advantageous terms. This, however, shall, if possible, be avoided; but if not, then the amount shall be limited to tho lowest practical sum. I have, therefore determined that whilst no useful government work* already in progress shall be sus pended, tew works, not already commenced will be postponed, if this can bo done without injury to the country. Thoso necessary for its defence shall pro ceed ns though there had been no crisis in our mon etary affairs. Hut the federal government cannot do much to provide against a recurrenco of existing evils.—Even if insurmountable objections did not exist against the creation of n National Hank, this would furnish no adequate preventativo security. The history of the last hank of tho United States abundantly proves the truth of this assertion. Such a bank could not, if it would, regnlato tho issues and credits of fourteen hundred State Banks in sack n manner as to pre vent the ruinous expansions nnd contractions in our cuiTeucy, which afllictedthe country throughout the existence of the lute bank or secure us against fu ture suspensions. In 1895, an effort was made by the Hank of England to curtail the issues of the country banks under tho most favorable circum stances. The paper currency had been expanded to a ruinous extent, nnd tho trank put forth ail its power to contract it, iu order to reduco prices and rostoro the equilibrium of fbe foreign exchanges. It accordingly commenced a system of curtailment of its loans and issues iu tho vain hopo that the joint stock and private banks of tho kingdom would bo compelled to follow its examples. It found, how ever, that as it contracted they expanded, and at the end of tho process, to employ the Inngnago of a very high official authority, "whafevcrreduction of the paper circulation was effected by the Hank of Eng land (in 1823) was more than made up iiy tire issues of the country banks.” Bnt a Hank of the United States would not, if it could, restrain tho issues aud loans ot the State banks, because its duty ns areguiator of tho curren cy must often ho in direct conflict with tho im.ncdi ate interest of its stockholders. If we expect one agent to restrain or control another, their interests must, at least in some degree, bo antagonistic. But the directors of a U.-mk of tho United States would feel thesame interest and same inclination with the directors of the Stato banks to expand tboeurrcucy, accommodate their favorites and friends with loans, and to declare large dividends. Such has been our experience in regard to the last hank. Duty of itac States. After all, we must mainly rely upon tho patriotism and wisdom of tho States for the prevention and re dress of the evil. If they will afford us a real specie basis for our paper circulation by iucroasiug the de nomination of bank notes, first to twenty, and after wards to fifty dollars ; if they will require that the banks shall at all times keep on baud at least one dollar of gold and silver for every throe dollars of their circulation and deposits ; aud if they xvill pro- vido by a self-executing enactment, which nothing can arrest, thnt tho moment they suspend they shall go into liquidntion. I believe that such provisions, with a weekly publication by each bank of a state merit of its condition, would go far to secure us against tuturo suspensions of specie payments. A Bankrupt JLnw. Congress, in my opinion, possesses tho power to pass a uniform bankrupt law applicable to all bank ing institutions throughout the United States, and I strongly recommend its ext-rciso. This would make it the irreversible organic law of each banks existence, that n suspension of specie payments shall produce its civil death. The instinct of self-preser vation would then compel it to perform its duties iu such n manner as to escape the penalty and preserve its life. The existence of bonks, and tho circulation of bank paper are so identified with the habits of our people, that they cannot at this day be suddenly abolished without much immediate injury to tho country. If wc could confine them to tficir appro priate sphere and prevent them from administering to the spirit of wild and reckiesi speculation by ex travagant loans aud issues, they might bo continued with advantage totbopublio. Hut this I say, after long and much reflection; if experience shall provo it to be impossible to enjoy tbe lacilities which well regulated banks might af ford, without at the same time suffering the calami ties which the excess of tho banks have hitherto in flicted upon the country, it would then ho far tbe lesser evil to depri vo them altogether of the power to issae a paper currency and confine them to tho functions of banks of deposite and discount. Foreign Relations Our relations with foreign governments arc. upon the whole, in a satisfnctory'conditiun. The diplomatic ditiicnltics which existed between the government of the United States and that of Groat Britain at the adjournment of the last Congress bave been happily terminated by tho appointment of a British minister to this country, who Iras been cordially received. Whilst it is greatly to the interest, as I am con vinced it is the sincere desire, of the governments and people of tho two countries to be on terms of intimate friendship with each other, it has been our misfortune almost always to havo bad some irritat ing, if not dangerous, outstanding question with Great Hritinn. Central America. Since the origin of the government wo havo been employed in uegotiatiug treaties witlr tiiat power, anu afterwards in discussing their true intent and meaning. Iu this respect, the convention of April 19,1830, commonly cailtd the Clayton and Bulwer treaty has been tho most umortnnate of nil; because tho two governments placo directly opposite and contradictory constructions upon its first and most important article. Whilst, in the United States, we believed that this treaty wonid place both power# open nil exact equality l>y tho stipulations that ncith- will ever ocupy, or colonizo, assume, or exercise any dominion,’ ’ over any part of Centra! America, it is contended by tho British Government that tho true construction of this language has left them in tho righttful possession of all that portion of Central America which was in their occupancy at tho date of the treaty; in fact, that the treaty is a virtual re cognition ou tho part of the United States ol tbe right of Great Britain, either as owner or protector, to the whole extensive coasts of Central America sweeping rouud from the Bio Hondo to tho port and’ harbor of Sou Juan de Nicaragua, together with tbe adjacent Bay Islands, except the comparatively small portion of this between tho raarstoon and Capo Hon- duras. .... According to their construction, tho treaty does no in e than simply prohibit them from extending their possessions in Central America beyond, these limits- It I* not too much to assert, that if in the United States the treaty had been considered sus- centible of such a construction, it never wonld.have been negotiated under the authority of the President, nor wonld it have received tfio approbation of the Senate. The universal conviction in tbo United States was, that when our government consented to violate ita traditional and umo honored policy, nnd to stipulate with a toreign government never to occupy territory in tbe Central American portion of our own continent, tho consideration for this sacrifice was that Great Britain should, in this respect at leMt. pe placed in thesame position with ourselves. \\ hilst we bave no right to doubt the sincerity of the British covernmeut ui their construction of the treaty, it ja at tho same time my deliberate conviction that this construcliou is in opposition both to its letter and its ,J> Under tho late administration, negotiations were instituted between the two governments for tho put- pose if possible, of removing these difficulties; and a treaty having this laudable object in view was signed at Loudon on tba 17th of October, 183C, and was submitted by the President to the Senate on the following 10th ot December. Whether this treaty, either in"its original or amended form, would have accompliihed the object Intended without giving birth to new and embarrassing complication* be- tween the two governments, may, perhaps, he well cautioned- Certain it is however, it was rendered mucilws objections ble by the different amendments in it by tbe Seuate. Tbo treaty, as amended, ratified oy me on the 12th of March, 1857, end Zu transmitted* to London for ratification by tbo British Government. That government expressed its wilfin-ness to concur in aU the amendmortsmade by tbe Senate, with the single exception of the cfauio relating to Beaten and tho other .Aimsmthe i • ..: 1 !<>.. 1 jVn-. The i-rtioh mttie ongma treaty, as submitted to the Senate, utter I ! eclt 1 i“° HitVr.in. island and their inhabitants, “having been by a con vention bearing date the 27th day of August, 1856, be tween her Britannic Majesty and tbe Republic of Honduras, constituted and declared a tree Territory nnder tbe sovereignty of the said Republic of Hon duras,” stipulated that •• the two contracting parties do hereby mutually engage to recognise and respect, iu all future time, tbe independence and rights of the said free Territory as a part of the Republic of Honduras. Upon on examination of tbis convention between Great Britain and Honduras of tho 57th August, 1856, it was found that, whilst declaring tbo Bay Islands to bo a “free territory under tbe sovereignty of the Republic of Honduras,” it deprived that Republic of rights without which its sovereignty over them could scarcely be said to exist. It divided them from tbo remainder of Honduras, and g^ave their in habitants a separate government of their own, with legislative, executive, and judicial officers, elected by themselves. It deprived tho government of Honduras of tho taxing power in every form, and exempted the people of tho islands from the perform ance of military duty, except for their own exclusive defence. It also prohibited that Republic from erecting fortifications upon them for their own pro tection—thus leaving them open to invasion from any quarter; and, finally, it provided “that slavery shall not, nt any time hereafter, bo permitted to ex ist therein.” Had Honduras ratified tbis convention, she wonld have ratified the establishment of a State substantial ly independent within her own limits, and a Stato at all times subject to British influence and control. Moreover, bad tho United States ratified tho treaty with Great Britain iu its original form, we should have been bound “to recognise acd respect in all future time” these stipulation to tho prejudice of Honduras. Being in direct opposition to the spirit and meaning of tbo Clayton and Bulwer treaty as understood in the United States, the Senate rejected the entire rlnnse, and substituted ia its stead a sim ple recognition of tho sovereign right of Honduras to theso islands in the following langugo: “The two contracting parties do hereby mutually engage to tecoguizo nud respect the islands of Ku.itan, Bounce, Utila, Hnrbnrettn, Helena and Mornt, situate in tbo Bay of Honduras, and off the coast of tbe republic of Honduras, as uuder the sovereignty and as part of the said republic of Honduras.” Great Britain rejected this amendment, assigning as the only reason, that the ratification of the con vention of the 27th August, 1856, between her and Honduras, had not been “ exchanged, owing to the hesitation of that government.” Had tins boon donc.it is stated that “her Majesty's government would have had little difficulty in agreeing to tho modification proposed by tiio Senate, which then would havo had in effect the same signification as the original words.” Whether this would have been the effect; whether the mere circumstance of the exchange of the ratifications of the British conven tion with Honduras prior iu point of time to the rati ficatiun of our treaty with Great Britain would “ in effect,” have had “ the same signification as the orig inal wording,” and thus have nullified the amend ment of the Senate, may well be doubted. It is, perhaps, fortunate that tho question lias never arisen. Bnt the British goveument, immediately after re jecting tho treaty as amended, proposed to enter into a new treaty with the United States, similar in* all respects to the treaty which they" had jnst refused to ratify, if the United States would consent to add to the Senate’s clear and unqualified recognition of flic sovereignty of Honduras over tho Bay Islands tho following conditional stipulations : “ Whenever and so soon ns tha Republic of Honduras snail havo concluded and ratified a treaty with Great Britain by which Great Britain shall havo ceded, and the Republic of Honduras shall have accepted, the said islands, suhiect to tho provisions nud conditions continued in such treaty.” This proposition was, of course, rejected. After the Senate had refnsed to recognize the British con vention with Honduras of the 27th of August 1856, with full knowledge of its contents, it was impossi ble for me, necessarily ignorant of “ the provisions and conditions” which might be continued iu a future convention between the same parties, to sanction them in advance. The fact is. that when two nations, like Great Brit ain and the United States, mutually desirous, astiiey are, and I trust ever may be, of maintaining the most friendly relations with each other, have unfor tunately concluded a treaty which they understand in senses directly opposite, tho wisest course is to abrogate suck a treaty by mutual consent, nud o commence anew. Had Urn been dono promptly, all difficulties in Central America would most probably ere tbis have been adjusted to tbo satisfaction of both,parties. The time spent in discussing the meaning of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty would have been devoted to this praiseworthy purpose, and the task would have been the more easily ac complished, because the interest of tho two coun tries in Central America is identical, being confined to securing sato transits over all the rente* across the isthmus. Whilst entertaining theso sentiments, I shall ne vertheless not refuse to contribute to any reasonable adjustment of tho Central American question which is not practically inconsistent with the American in terpretation of the treaty. Overtures for tbis pur pose have been recently made b.i tbe British go vernment in a friendly spirit, which I cordially re ciprocate ; but whether this rcuewed effort will re sult in success, I am not yet prepared to express an opinion. A brief period will determine. Fruucc and Russia. With Franco our ancient relations of friendship still continue to exist. The French government have in several recent instances, which ueed not bo enu merated, evinced a spirit of good will and kindness towards onr country, which I heartily reciprocate. It is, notwithstanding, much to be regretted that two nations, whose productions are of such a character as to invite tho most extensive exchanges nnd fre est commercial intercourse, should continue to en force ancient and obsolete restrictions of trade against each other. Our commercial treaty with France is in this respect an exemption from our treaties with all other commercial nations. It jeal ously levies discriminsting duties both on tounago and on articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of the one Country, when arriving in vessels belong ing to tho other. More than forty years ago, on the 3d March, 1815, Congress passed an act offering to all nations to admit their vessels laden with their national produc tions into the ports of the United States upon the same terms with our own vessels, provided tlioy would reciprocate to us similar advantages. This act confined the reciprocity to the productions of the respective foreign nations who might enter into the proposed arrangement with tho United States.— Tho act ot May 24, 1828, removed tbis restriction, and offered a similar reciprocity to ail such vessels without reference to the origin of their carges. Up on these principles, our commercial treaties and ar rangements bave been tounded, except with France ; and let ns hope that this exception may not long exist. Our relations with Itnssia remain, as they havo ever been, on the most friendly footing. The pres ent Emperor, as well as his predecessors, bave never failed, when tho occasion offered, to manifest their good will to our country; and their friendship has always been highly appreciated by the government and peoplo of the United States. Spain. With all other European governments, except that of Spain, our relations are os peaceiul os wo conld desire. I regret to say that no progress whatever has been made since the adjournment of CoDgross, towards tbe settlement of any of tbe numerous claims of our citizens against tho Spanish government. Besides, the outrage committed on our flag by the Spanish war frigate Serrolana on the high seas, off the coast of Cuba, in March, 1855, by firing into the American mail steamer El Dorado, and detaining and searching her, remains unacknowledged and un redressed. Tho general tone aud temper of the Spanish government towards that of the United States are much to be regretted. Our present envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Mad rid has asked to be recalled ; and it is my purpose to send out a new minister to Spain, with special in structions on all questions pending between tbe two governments, and with * determination to bave them speedily and amicably adjusted, if this bo pos- . . . . Iu the meantime, whenever our minister urges the just claims of our citizens on tho notice of tho Span ish government, be is met with the objections that Congress havo never made tho appropriation recomr mended by President Polk in his annual message of December, 1847, “ to bopaid to the Spauish govern ment for the'purpose of distribution among tbe claimants in the Armlstead case,'' A similar re commendation was mode by my immediate prede cessor in the message of December, 1853; and en : tirely concurring with both in the opinion that this indemnity is justlv due nnder the treaty with Spain of tba 27th of October. 1795,1 earnestly recommend sneb an appropriation to tbe favorable consideration of Congress. Turkey. A treaty of friendship and commerce was conclu ded at Constantinople on the 13th December, 18ao, between the United States and Persia, the ratifica tions of which were exchanged at Constantinople on tbe 13th June* 1857, and the treaty was proclaimed by the President on the 18th August, 1857. This treaty.it is believed, will prove beneficial to Ameri can commerce. The Shan has manifested an eara tal disposition to cultivate friendly relations with our country, and has expressed a strong wish that we should be represented at Teheran by a minister lipotentiary, and I recomme nd that an appropria tion bo made tor tbis purpose. Claiuu, Recent occurrences in China havo been unfavor able to a revision of the treaty with that empire of tha 3rd of July, 1544, with a view to the security and extension of our commerce. The 24th article of this treaty stipulated for a revision of it in case experi ence should prove this to be requisite : “iu which case the two governments will, at'the expirat ion of twelve years from tho date of said convention, treat amicably concerning the same, by means of .suita ble persons appointed to condnct such negotiations.” These twelve years expired on tbe 3rd of July, 1856; but ion; before that period it was ascertained that important changes in the treaty werO necessary; and several fruitless attempts were mado by tho commissioners of the United States to effect these changes. Another effort was about to bo made for the same purpose by our commissioner in conjunc tion with the ministers of England and France, but tbis was suspended by the occurrence of hostilities in tho Canton river botween Great Britain and the Chinese empire. These hostilities bave necessarily interrupted tho trade of ail nations with Clinton, wbich is now in a state of blockade, and have oc casioned a serious loss of life and property.. Mean while the insurrection within tbe empire against the existing imperial dynasty still continues; and it is difficult to anticipate what will bo tbo result. Under these circumstances, I have deemed it ad- vlsablo to appoint a distinguished citizen of Penn sylvania, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipo tentiary to prooeccd to China, afaLio avail himself of any opportunities whicii may offer to effect chan ges in tho existing treaty favorable to American commerce. He left tho United States for tho place of bis destination in July last, in the war steamer Minnesota. Special ministers to China havo also been ippointcaby tho governments of Great Britain and France. Whilst our minister has been instructed to occu py a neutral position in reference to the existing hostilities at Canton, he will cordially co-oporato with tho British and French ministers in all peaeoful measures to secure, by treaty stipulations, those just concessions to commerce which the nations of tho world bare a right to expect, and wbich China can not long bo permitted to withhold. From assurances received, I entertain no doubt that the three minis ters will net in harmonious concert to obtain similar commercial treaties for each of tbo powers tbey re present; Wo cannot fail to feel a deep interest in all that concerns tho welfare of the independent republics ou onr continent, os well as of the Empire of Brazil. Uur difficulties with New Grenada, which a short time since bore so threatening an aspect, are, it is to be hoped, in a fair train of settlement, in n manner just and honorable to both parties. The Isthmus. Tho isthmus of Central America, includiog that of Panama, is the great highway between tbo Atlantic and Pacific, over which a large portion of the com merce of the world is destined to pass. The United States are more deeply interested than any other na tion in preserving tn3 freedom aud security of oil the communications against this isthmus. It is our duty, therefore, to take care that they shall not bo interrupted, oither by invasions from onr own country or by wars between the Independent States of Central America. Under our treaty with New Grenada, on the 12th of December, 1846, wo are bound to guarantee tho neutrality of tlio Isthmus of Panama, through which the Panama Railroad passes, “as well as the rights of sovereignty, and property which Now Grenada has and possesses over the said Territory.” This obligation is founded upon equi valents granted by tbe treaty to the government and people of tbe United States. Under these circumstances, I recommend to Con gress the passage of an act anthorizing tho Pres ident, in case of necessity, to employ the land and na val forces of tho United States, to carry into effect this guarrautee of neutrality and protection. I also recommend similar legislation for the security of any other route across tho Isthmus, to which we may acquire rn interest by treaty. Filibustering. With the independent republics on tbis continent, it is both our dnty and our interest to cultivate the most friendly relations. Wc can never feel indif ferent to their fate, and must always rejoice in their prosperity. Unfortunately, both for them nnd for us, our example aud advico have lost much of their influenco in consequence of the lawless expeditions which havo been fitted out against somo of them within tho limits of our country. Nothing is better calculated to retard our steady mat trial progress, or impair our character as a nation, than the toleration of such enterprises in violation of the law of nations. It is ono of the first and highest duties of any inde pendent State, in its relations with the members of the great family of nations, to restraiu its poople from acts of hostile aggression against their citizens or subjects. Tho most eminent- writers on public law do not hesitate to denotinco such hostile acts as robbery and murder. Weak end feeble States, like those of Central America, may not feel themselves able to assert aud vindicate their rights. Tbe case would be far dif ferent if expeditions were set on foot within onr own territories to make a private war against a powerful nation. If such expeditions were fitted out from abroad against any portion of our country, to burn down our cities, murder and plunder the people, and usuip our government, wo Bhould call any power on earth to the strictest nccount for not preventing such enormities. Ever sinco the administration of General Wash ington, acts of Congress have been in force to pun ish severely tbe critnu of setting on foot a military expedition within the limits of the United States, to proceed from Iheuco against a nation or State with whom we are at peace. The present neutrality act, of April 20tb, 1818, is but little more than a collec tion of pre existing laws. Under tbis act tbo Presi dent is empowered to employ tbo land and naval forces, ami tho militia, "for the purposo of prevent ing the carrying on of any such expedition or cuter- prize, from tbe territories and jurisdiction of the U- mted States,” and the collectors of customs are au thorized and required to detain any vessel in port, when there is reason to believo she is about to take part in such lawless enterprizes. When it was first rendered probablo that an at tempt would be made to get up anotkar unlawful ex pedition against Nicaragua, the Secretary of State ssued instructions to tue marshals and district at torneys, which were directed by tbe Secretaries of War and tbe Navy to the appronriate army and na vy officers, requiring them to be vigilant, and to use their best exertions in carrying into effect tho pro visions of tbo act of 1818. Notwithstanding these precautions, the expedition has escaped from our shores. Such enterprizes can do uo possible good to tbo country, but nave already inflicted mneb in- . ury both on its interests and its character. They ' tave prevented peaceful emigration from tbe United States to the States of Central America, which conld not fail to prove highly beneficial to all tbe parties concerned, lu a pecuniary pointof view alone, our citizens have sustained heavy losses from the seiz ure and closing of tho transit route by the San Juan between tho two oceans. The leader of tho recent expedition was arrested at New Orleans, but was discharged on giving bail for bis appearance in tho insufficient sum of two thousand dollars. I commend tho whole subject to the serious atten tion of Congress, believing that our duty and onr interest, as well as our national character, require that wo should adopt such measures as will be effect ual in restraining our citizens from committing such outrages. Paragna. I regret to inform you that tbe President of Para guay has refused to ratify the treaty botween the U- uited States and that State as amended by the Sen ate, tbo signature of which was mentioned in tbe messago of my predecessor to Congress at the open ing of its session iu December, 1 8j3. Tito reasons assigned for tbis refusal will appear in the corres pondence herewith submitted. It being desirable to ascertain the fitness of the river La Plata and its tributaries for navigation by steam, the United States steamer Water Witch, was sent thither for that purposo iul853. This enter- prize was successfully carried on until February, 1855, when, whilst in tho peaceful prosecution of her voyage up tho Parana river, tho steamer was lired upon by a Paraguayan fort. Tho firo was retained; but as the Water Witch was of small force, and not designed for offensive operations, sbo retired from the conflict. The pretext upon which tho attack was made was a decree of the President of Paraguay of October, 1853. prohibiting foreign yessels of war from navigating tbe rivers ot that State. As Paraguay, however, was the owner of bnt one bauk of the river ot that name, the other belonging to Corrientes, a State of tbe Argentine Confedera tion, the right of its government to expect that each a decree would be obeyed cannot be acknowledged. But the Water Witch was not, properly speaking, a vessel ol war. She was a small steamer engaged in a scientific enterprize, Intended for^ the advantage of commercial States generally. Under these cir cumstances, I am constrained to consider the at tack upon her as unjustifiable, and as calling for sat isfaction from the Paraguayan government. Citizens of the United States also, who were es tablished in business in Paraguay, have had their property seized and taken from them, and have oth erwise been treated by the authorities in an insult ing and arbitrary manner, wbich require redress. A demand for theso purposes will be made in a firm, but conciliatory spirit. This will tho more probably be granted, If tbe Execntivo shall have au thority to use other means in the event of a refusal. This ia accordingly recommended. Kansas* for the purpose of framing a Constitution, preparato ry to admission into the Union. This law was in the mam fair and tost; and it is to he regretted that all the qualified electors had not registered themselves and voted under its provisions. At the time of the election for delegates an exten sive organization existed in tho Territory, whose avowed object it was, if need he, to put down the lawful government by force, and to establish a gov ernment of their own under tho so-called Topeka Constitution. The persons attached to tbis revolu tionary organization abstained from taking any part in the election. _ The act of tho territorial legislature had omitted to provide for submitting to the peoplo the Consti tution wbich might bo frainod by tho Convention, and in tho excited stato of public feeling throughout Kansas, an apprehension extensively prevailed that a design existed to force upon them a Constitution m relation to slavery against their will. In this emergency it became my dnty, as it was my unques tionable right, having in view the union of all good citizens in support of tho territorial laws, to express an opinion on the true construction of the provisions concerning slavery contained in the organic act of Congress of the 30 th Slay, 1854. Congress declared it to be “the true intent aud meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or Stato, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people there of pcrlectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions jn their own way.” Uuder it, Kansas, “when admitted as a State,” was to “be received in to the Union with or without slavery, ns their Con stitution may prescribe at the time of their admis sion.” Did Congress mean, by this language, that the delegates elected to frame a Constitution should have authority finally to decide tho question of sla very, or did they intend, by leaving it to the people, that the people of Kansas themselves should decide this question by a direct vote 7 On this subject I confess I bad never entertained a serious doubt, and therefore, in my instructions to Gov. Walkor, of tbe 28tji of March last, I merely said that when a “Consti tution shall be submitted to tho people of the Terri tory, they must bo protected in the exercise of their right of voting for or against that instrument, and the fair expression of the popular will must not be interrupted by fraud or violence.” In expressing this opinion it was far from my in tention tointerfere with tbe decision of the people of Kansas, either for or against slavery. From this I have always carefully abstained. Intrusted with tho duty of taking “care that tho laws be faithfully executed,” iny only desire was, that the people of Kansas should furnish to Congress the evidenco re quired by the organic act whether for or against sla very ; and in this manner smooth their passage into tho Union. In emerging from tho condition of terri torial dopendcuco into that of a sovereign State, it was their duty, in my opinion, to make known their will by the voteB of tho majority, on the direct ques tion whether this important domestic institution should or should not continue to exist. Indeed, this was the only possible mode in which their will could be authentically ascertained. The election of delegates to a conreniiou must ne cessarily take p'ace in separate districts. From this cruse it may readily happen, as bos often been the caso, that a majority of the people of a State or Territory are on one side of a question, whilst a majority of the rep resentatives from the several districts into wbich it is divided may bo upon the other side. This arises fiom tbe tact that in somo districts delegates mav be elected by small majorities, whilst in others those of different sentiments may receive majorities sufficiently great not only to overcome tho votes given for the former, but to leave a large majority of the whole people in direct opposition to tbo-majority of the delegates. Besides, our history proves that influences may bo brought to bear on tho representative sufficiently powerful to in duce him to disregard the will of his constitu enta.— The truth is, that no other authentic and satisfactory mode exists of ascertaining the will of a majority of tho people of any State or Territory on an importuit and exciting question like that of slavery in Kansas, except by leaving it to a direct vote. How wise, then, was it for Congress to pass over ail subordinate and inter* mediate agencies and proceed directly to tbe source of all legitimate power under our institutions! How vain nould any other urinciple prove in prac tice! This may be illustrated by the case of Kansas. Should she be admitted into the Union, with a Con stitution cither maintaining or abolishing slavery, against the sentiment of the people, this could havo no other effect than to continue and to exasperate tbo ex isting agitation during the brief period required to make the Constitution conform to tbe irres is table will of tho majority, friends a At this election ovefy citizen will haveau opportnni- snry consequence not only that wo possess the power tv of expressing hts opinion by hisvotc, ” whether but it is ourimperativo duty to construct such a road! Kansas shall bo received into tho Union with oi- with- '* out slavery,” end thus this exciting question may be peaceably settled in tho verv motlo required by theor- It is unnecessary to state in detail tho alarming condition of the Territory of Kansas at the time ot my inauguration. The opposing parties then stood in hostile array against each other, and any accident might havo relighted the flames of civil war. tie sides, at this critical moment, Kansas was left with out a Governor, by the resignation of Governor Geary. Ou the 19th of February previous, tho territorial legislature had passed a law providing for tbe elec tion of delegates on the third Monday of September, Tbo friends and supporters of the Nebraska and Kansas act, when struggling on a recent occasion to sustain its wise provision before tbe great tribunal of American people, never differed about its true meaning oa this subject. Everywhere throughout tbe Union, they publicly pledged their faith aud tbeir honor, that tbey would cheerfully submit tbe question of slavery to the decision of tbeoona fide people of Kansas, with out any restriction or qualification whatever. Ail were cordially united upon the great doctrine|of popular sovereignty, wbich is tho vital principle of our free iu slitutions. Had it then been insinuated from any quarter that it would be a sufficient compliance with tbe requisi tion of thoorganic law for tbe members of aconvenlion, thereafter to bo elected, to withhold tbe question «f slavery from tbo people, and to substitute their own will for that ofa legally ascertained majority of all their constituents, this would have been instantly rejected. Everywhere tbey remained true to the resolution adopted on a celebrated occasion recognizing “tbe rights of the people of all the Territories—including Kansas aud Nebraska—acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority of actual residents, and whenever tbe number of their inhabitants justifies it,4o form a Constitution, with or without slavety, and be admitted Into tho Union upon terms of perfect eqality with the other States,” The convention to frame a Constitution for Kansas, met on tbe first Monday of September last They were called together by virtue of an act of the territorial legislature, whose lawful existence bad been recognised by Congress in different forms and by different enact ments. A large proportion of tbe citizens of Kansas did not think proper to register their names and to vote at tbe election for delegates; but an oportunily to do tbis having been fairly afforded, their refusal to avail themselves of their right could in no manner affect the legality ol the convention. Tbia convention proceeded to frame a Constitution for Kansas, and finally adjourned on tbe 7th day of November. But little difficulty occurred iu tbo con vention, except on the subject of slavery. Tbe truth is. that tbe geueral provisions of our recent State Con. slitutions are so similar—and, I may add, so excellent— that tbe ditfercnee between them is not essential.— Under tbe earlier practice of the government, no Con stitution framed by tbe convenuon of a Territory preparatory to its admission into the Union as a State, bad been submitted to tbe people. I trust, however, tbe example set by tbo last Congress, requiring that tbe Constitution of Minnesota “ should be subject to the approval and ratification of tbe people oi tbe pro posed estate,” may be followed on future occasions. I took it for granted that tbe convention of Kansas would act in accordance with tbis example, founded, as it is, ou corrcctpriuciple; and bcoccmy instructions to Governor Walker, in favor of submittng tbe Constitu tion to tbe people, were expressed in general aud un qualified terms. In the Kansas Nebraska act, however, this require ment, as applicable to the whole Constitution, had not been inserted, and the convention were not bound by its terms to submit any other portion of the instrument to an election, except that which relates to tbe “do mestic institution” of slavery. Tbis will be rendered dear by u simple referenco to its language. It was “ uot to legislate slavery into any Territory or State nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave tbo people thereof perfectly free to lorm and regulate their domes tic institutions in tbeir own way.” According to tbe plain construction of tbe sentence, tbe words “ domes tic institutions” have a direct, as they havo an appro priate, reference to slavery. “ Domestic institutions” are limited to tho family. The relation between mas ter and slave and a few others, are “ domestic institu tions,” and are entirely distinct from institutions of a political character. Besides, there was no question then before Congress, nor indeed bos there since been any serious question before the people of Kansas or tbe country, except tnat which relates to tbe ” domestic in stitution" of slavery. Tbe convention, after an angry and excited debate, finally determined, by a majority of only two, to sub mit toe question of slavery to tbe people, though at the last, forty-three of tho fifty delegates presented affixed their signatures to the Constitution. A largo majority of tbeconventioo were in favor of establishing slavery in Kansas. They accordingly in serted an article in the Constitution for this purposo similar in form to those which had been adopted by other Territorial conventions. In the schedule, how ever, providing for tho transition from a Territorial to- a Stato government,ithc question has been fairly and explicitly referred to the people, whether they will havo a Constitution “ with or without slavery.” It declares that, before the Constitution adopted by tho convention “shall be sent to Congress for admission into the Union as a State,” an election shall be held to decide this question, at which all the white male inhabitants of the Territory abovo tho age ol twcety-onc are entit led to vote. They aro to volo by ballot; and “ tho ballots cast at said election shall ho endorsed ‘Constitution with slavery,’ and ‘Constitution with no slavery.’” If there be a majority in favor of tho “ Constitution with slavery,” then it is to bo transmitted to Congress by the president of tbe convention in its original form.— If, ou the contrary, there shall be a majority in favor of the “ Constitution with no slavery’''“then tho ar ticle providing for slavery shall bo stricken from the Constitution by the president of this conventionand it is expresslv declared that “uoslavery shall exist in the State of Kansas, except that the right of property in slaves now iu the Territory shait iu no manner be interfered with f and in that event it is made his duty to hare tho Constitution thus ratified trausuiitted to the Congress of tbe United States for the admission ol iboBtate into tha Union. ganic law. Tho election will bo held under legitimate authority, and if any portion of tiie inhabitants shall refuse to vote, a fair opportunity to do so having been presented, tbis will be tbeir own voluntary-act, and they alone will be responsible for tho consequences. Whether Kansas shall be a free or slave State must eventually, under some authority, bo decided by an election; and the question can uercr be more clearly or distinctly presented to the people than it is at the present moment. Should tbis opportunity be rejected, she may be involved for years in domestic discord, and possibly iu civil war, before she can again mako up the issue now so fortunately tendered, and again reach the point she has already attained. Kansas has for some years, occupied too much of tho public attention. It is nigh time that this should be directed to far more important objects. When onco admitted into tbo Union, whether with or without slavery, the excitement beyond her own limits will speedily pass away, and she will then for tha first time be left, as she ought to have been long since, to man age her own affairs in her own way. If her Constitu tion on the subject of slavery, or on any other subject, be displeasing to a majority of th > people, no human power can prevent them from cb tinging it within a hrief period. Under theso circumstauces it may well be questioned whether the peaceand quiet of the whole country ore not of greater lmpnr tance than the mere temporary triumph of either of the political parties in Kansas. Should tho Constitution without slavery be adopted by tbe votes of the majority, the rights of property in slaves now iu the Territory are reserved. The number of these slaves is very small; but if it were greater the provisions would beequallr just and reasonable. These slaves were brought into the Territory under the Con stitution of the United States, and aro now the proper ty of their masters. This point tia3 at length been fi nally decided by the highest judicial tribuna of the coun try—and this upon the plain principle that when aeon- federacy of sovereign States acquire a new territory at their joint expense, both equality and justice demand that the citizens of ono and all of them shall have tbo right to take into it whatsoever is recognized as prop erty by the common Constitution. To havesnmmarity confiscated the property in slaves already in tbe Terri tory, would have been an act of gr-ius injustice, and contrary to the practice of the older States of I h e Union which have abolished slavery. Utah & file Mormons. A territorial government was established for’Utah by act of Congress, approved the 9th of September, 1850, and the Constitution and laws of the United States were thereby extended over it “ go far as the same, or any provisions thereof, may be applicable.” Tbis act provided for the appointment by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, ofa Governor, who was to be ex-officio superintendent of Indian afiairs, a secretary, three judges of the supremo court, u marshal and a district attorney. Subsequent acts provided for tbe appointment of theofficers neces sary to extend onr lanu und our Indian aystem over the Territory. Brigham Young was appointed tho first Governor on fbe 20th of September, 1850, and has held the office ever since. Whilst Governor Young has been both Governor and superintendent of Indian af fairs throughout this period, he has been at the same time the head of the church called Latter Day Saints, and professes to govern its members and dispose of their property bv direct inspiration and authority from tho Almighty. His power has been, therefore, absolute over both Church and State. The people of Utah, almost exclusively belong to this church, and believing with a fanatical spirit that be is Governor of the Territory by divino appointment, they obey his commands as it these were direct revelations from heaven. It, therefore, ho chooses that his gov ernment shall come into collision with the gov ernment ol tho United States, the members of the Mor mon church will yield implict obedience to his will.— Unfortunately, existing facts leave but little doubt that such is bis determination. Without entering upon a minute history of occurren ces, it to sufficient to Bay that all the officers of the Unitod States, judicial and executive, with the single exception of two Indian agents, have found it necessa ry for their own personal safety to withdraw from tho Territory, and there no longer remains an v government in Utah but the despotism of Brigham Young. This being the condition of afiairs in the Territory, I could not mistake the path of duty. As Chief Executive Mag istrate, I was bound to restore the supremacy of tbo Constitution and laws within its limits. In order to effect this purpose, I appointed a new Governor and other federal officers lor Utah,-and sent with them a military force for their protection, and to aid as a posse comitates, in ease of need, in tbe execution of the laws. With the religious opinions of the Mormons, os long as they remain mere opinions, however deplorable iu themselves and revolting to the moral and religious sentiments of all Christendom, I had no right to inter fere. Actions alone, when in violation of the Constitu tion and laws of the United States, become the legiti mate subjects (or the jurisdiction of tbo civil magis trates. My instructions to Governor Cumming bave therefore been framed in strict accordanae with these principles.. At tbeir date a hope was indulged that no necessity might exist for employing the military in re storing and maintaining tbe authority of the law; but this hope has now vanisfied. Gor. Young has, by proclamation, declared his de termination to maintain his power by force, and has al ready committed acts of hostility against tho United States. Unless he should retraco bis steps) the Terri tory of Utah will be in a state of open rebellion. He has committed these sets of hostility, notwithstanding Major Van Vilet, an officer of the army, sent to Utah by the commanding General to purchase provisions for the troops, had given him tho strongest assurances ol the peaceful intentions of the government, and that the troops would only he employed as a posse comitates when called on by the civil authority to aid in the exe cution ot tbe laws. There is reason to believe that Gov. Young has long contemplated this result. He knows that tbe continu ance ot his despotic power depends upon tbe exelusion of all settlers from the Territory except thoso who will acknowledge bis divine mission and implicitly obey Lis will; and that an enlightened public opinion tbere would scon prostrate institutions at war with the laws both of God and man. Ho bos therefore for several years, in order to maintain his independence, been in dustriously employed in collecting and fabricating arms and munitions of war and in disciplining the Mormons tor military service. As superintendent of Indian affairs ho has had an op portunity ot tampering with the lodiau tribes, und ex citing their hostile feelings against tbe United States. This, according to our inlormation, he has accomplish, cd in regard to some of these tribes, while others hare remained true to tbeir allegiance, and have communi cated bis intrigues to our Indian agents. He has laid in a store of provisions for three years, which, in case of necessity, as he informed Major Van Vilet, he will conceal, “iand then take to the mountains, and bid de fiance to all the powers of the government.” A great part of all this may bo idle boasting; but yet no wise governmeut will lightly estimate the efforts which may be inspired by suchphrensied fanaticism as exists among the Mormons in Utah. This is the first rebellion wbich has existed iu our Territories; and hu manity itselt requires that wo should put it down in such a manner that it shall be the last. To frills with it would be to encourage it acd render it formidable. We ought to go there with such an imposing force as to convince these deluded people that resistance wonld be vain, and thus spare the eftusion of blood. We can, in this manner, best convince them that wo are their l'r.ends, not their enemies. In order to ac complish this object it will bo necessary, according to the estimate of the War Department, to raise four ad dilional regiments: and this I earnestly recommend to Congress. At the present moment of depression in the revenues of tbe country I am Sony to be obliged to re commend such a measure; but 1 feel confident of the support of Congress, cost wbat it may, in suppressing tbe insurrection and restoring and maintaining the sov ereignty of tbe Constitution and Ians over tbe Territo ry of Utah. I recommend to Congress tbe establishment of a ter ritorial government over Arizona, incorporating with it such portions of New Mexico, os they may deem ex pedient. I need scarcely adduce arguments in support of this recommendation. We are bound to protect tbe lives and tbe property of our citizens inhabiting Arizo na, and these are now without any efficient protection. Tbeir present number is already considerable, aud is rapidly increasing, notwithstanding the disadvantages under which tho^tabor. Besides, the proposed Territo ry is believed to be rich in mineral and agricultural re sources, especially in silver aud copper. The mails of the United States to California are now carried over it throughout ita whole extent, and this route is known to be tho nearest, aud believed to be the best to tbe Pacific. Faciiic Kail ICoatl. Long experiencobas deeply convinced mo thata strict construction of the powers granted to Congress is the onlj true, as well us tbe only safe theory of the Consti* tution. Whilst this principle shall guide my public conduct, I consider it clear that under the war making power, Congress may appropriate money for the con struction of a military load through the Territories of 'he United States, when this is absolutely nece.-.*ary for too defence of any of the States against foreign inva sion. The constitution has conferred upon Congress power “ to declare war,” “to raise aud support armies,’’ to “provideand maintain a navy," and to call forth the militia to “repel invasions.” Theso high and sover eign powers necessarily involvo important and respon sible public duties, aud among them there is r.ouo so sacred and so imperative as th.it of preserving our soil from the invasion ofa foreign euemr. The Constitution has, therefore, left nothing oa this point to construction, but expressly requires that tho •• Uunitcd Stales shall protect each of them (the States) against invasion. 1 ’ Now, it a military road over our own Territories be indispensably necessary to enable us to meet and repel the invader, it follows os it neces- It would ba an absurdity to :nve a government with the unlimited power to inako and conduct war, and at tbo same timo deny to it the only means of reaching and defeating the enemy at the frontier. Without such a road it is quite evident wo cannot “ protect” Califor nia and onr Pacific possessions “against invasion.”— Wo cannot by any other means transport men and mu nitions of war from tho Atlantic States in sufficient time successfully to defend these remote and distant portions of tho Republic. Experience has proved that tho routes across the Isthmus of Central America aro at best but a very un certain and unreliable mode of communication. But even if this were not tho caso, they wou Id at once be closed against us in the event or war with a naval pow er so much stronger thci onr own as to enable it to blockade tho porta at either end of these routes. After all, therefore, we can only rely upon a military road through our own Territories; aud ever since the origin of tho government, Congress has been in the practice of appropriating money from tho public treasury for the construction of such roads. The difficulties and tho expense of constructing a military railroad to connect our Atlantic and Pacific States have been greatly exaggerated. The distance on the Arizona routo near the 82d parallel of North lati tude, between the western boundary of Texas on the Rio Grande, and the eastern boundary of California on the Colorado, from tbe best explorations now within our knowledge, does not exceed four hundred nnd sev enty miles, nnd the face of the country is, in the main, favorable. For obvious reasons the government ought not to undertake the work itself, by means of its own agents. This ought to bo committed to otheragencies, which Congress might assist either by grants of land or mon- ey,or by both, upon such terms and conditions os they may deem most beneficial for tbe country. Provision might thus bo made not only for the safe, rapid and economical transportation of troops and munitions of war, bnt also for pnblic mails. The commercial inter ests of the whole country, both East and West would be greatly promoted by such a road; and, above all, it would be a powerful additional bond of union. And although advantages of this kind, whether postal, com mercial, or political, cannot confer copstitutioual pow er, yet they may furnish auxiliary arguments in favor of expediting a work which, in my judgment, is clearly embraced within the war making power. For these reasons I commend to the friendly consid eration of Congress the subject of the Pacific railroad, without finally committing myself to any particular route. Kcports Departmental, &c. n,Tho report of tho Secretary of Treasury will furnish a detailed statement of the condition of the public fi nances and of tbe respective branches of the public ser vice devolved upon that department of the government. By this report it appears that the amount of revenue re ceived from ail sources into the treasury during the fis cal year ending 30th June, 1857, was $68,631,513 87, which amount, with balance of $49,901,825 45, remain ing in tbe tseasnry at the commencement of the year, made an aggregate for the service of the year of $S3,- 582,839 12. The public expenditures for tho fiscal year ending 30th June, 1857, amounted to $70,822,724 45, of which $5,913,896 91 were applied to the redemption of the public debt, including interest and premium, leaving m the treasury at the commencement of the present fiscal year, on the 1st July, 1857, $17,710,114 27. The receipts into the treasury for the first quarterthe present fiscal year, commencing 1st July, 1857, were twenty million nine hundred and twenty-nine thousand eight hundred and nineteen dollars and eighty one cents ($20,929,819 81,) and tbe estimate receras of the remaining threo quarters, to tho 30th June, 1858, are thirty-six million seven hnndred and fifty thousand dol lars, ($36,750,OOo) making with tho balance before stated, on aggregate of seventy five million three hnnd red and eighty uine thousand nine hundred and thirty- fonr dollars, and eight cents, ($75,889,984 08), for the service of tho present fiscal year. Tbo actual expenditures daring the first quarter of the present fiscal year were twenty-three million seven hundred and fourteen thousand five hundred and twen- ty-eigbt.dollara and thirty-seven cents, ($23,714,523 37) of which three million eight hundred and ninety-five thousand two hundred and thirty-two dollars and thir- ty-uine cents ($3,895,232 89) were applied to the re demption oftho publicdebt, including interest and pre mium. The probable expenditures of the remaining three quarters, to 80th June, 1858, are fifty-one million two hundred and forty-eight thousand five hundred and thirty dollars and four cents, ($51,248,330 04), includ ing interest to the public debt, making an aggregate of seventy-four million nine hnndred and sixty-three thou sand and fifty-eight dollars and forty-one cents, ($74,- 963,058 41), leaving an estimate balance in tbe treasu ry at the close of the present fiscal year of four hund red and twenty-six thousand eight hundred and seven ty-five dollars and sixty-seven cents, ($426,S75 67.) The amount of the public debt at the commencement of the present fiscal year was $29,060,386 90. Tbo amount redeemed since the 1st of July last, was $3,895,232 S9—leaving a balance unredeemed ot this time, of $25,165,154 51. The amount of estimated expenditures for the re maining three quarters of the present fiscal year wilt, in all probability, be increased lrom the causes set forth in the report of the Secretary. His suggestion, there fore, that authority should be given to supply any tem- S ’ ficiency by tbe issues of a limited amount nt lotos, is approved, and I accordingly recom- passage ot such a law. Aa stated in the report of the Secretary, the tariff of March 3,1857, has been in operation for so short a pe riod of time, and under circumstances so unfavorable to a just development of its results os a revenue mea sures, that I should regard it as inexpedient, at least for the present, to undertake its revision. 1 transmit herewith tho reports made to me by the Secretaries of War and of the Navy, of the Interior and of the Postmaster General. They ail contain valuable aud important information and suggestions which I commend to tbe favorable consideration of Congress. I have already recommended the raising of t our ad ditional regiments, and the report of the Secretary of War presents strong reasons proving this increase of the army, under existing circumstances, to be indis pensable. I would call the especial attention of Congress to the recommendation of the Sccretaiy oftho Nary in favor of tbe construction of ten small war steamers of light draught. For somo years tho government has been obliged, on many occasions, to hire such steamers from individuals to supply its pressing wants. At the pre sent moment Vo nave no armed vessel in the navy wbich can penetrate the rivers of China. We have but few which can enter any of the harbors South of Norfolk, although many millions of foreign and domes tic commerce annually pass in and out of these harbors. Some of our most valuable interests and most valuable points are thus left exposed. This class of vessels of light draught, great speed and heavy guns would be formidable in coast defence. Tbe cost of tbeirconstruc- tion will not be great, and they will require but a com parative small expenditure to keep them in commission. In time of peace they will prove as effective as much larger vessels, and often more useful. One of them should bo at eveiy station where we maintain a squad ron, and three or four should be constantly employed on our Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Economy, utility, and efficiency combine to recommend them us almost indispensable. Ten of these small vessels would he of incalculable advantage to the naval service, and the whole cost of their construction would not exceed ■$2,800,060. The report of the Secrettuy of the Inferior is worthy of grave consideration. It treats of tho numerous, im portant and diversified branches of domestic adminis tration intrusted to him by law. Among these the most prominent aro the public lands and our relations with the Indians. Our system for disposing of tho public lands, origin ated with the fathers of the republic, has been improv ed as experience pointed tho way, nnd gradually adapt ed to the growth and settlement of tbe western States aud Territories. It has worked well in practice. Al ready thirteen States and seven Territories have been carved out of these lands, and still more than a thou sand millions of acres remain unsold. What a bound less prospect this preseuts to our country of futurepros- perity and power. We have heretofore disposed of 363,862,464 acres of pnblic land. Whilst the public lands as a source of revenue aro of great importance, their importance is far greater hs tarnishing homes for a hardy and independent race of honest and industrious citizens, who desire to subdue and cultivate tho soil. They ought to be administered maimy with a view of promoting this wise and benev olent policy. In appropriating them for any other pur- pose^jve ought to use even greater economy than if they had been converted into money aud tho proceeds were already in the public treasury. To squander away this richest and noblest inheritance which an- people have ever enjoyed upon objects of doubtful con stitutionality or expediency, would ba to violate one ot tho most important trusts ever committed to any peo ple. Whilst I do not deny to Congress the power, when acting dona fide as a proprietor, to give away portions of them for tho purpose of increasing the value ol the remainder, yet, considering the great temptation to abuso this power, we cannot he too cautious iu iis cserciso. i Actual settlers under existing laws aro protected against other purchasers at the public sales, in their right of pre emotion to the extent of a quarter section, or 130 acres of land. The remainder may then be dis posed of at public or entered at private sale ia unlimit ed quantities. Speculation has oflate years prevailed to a great ex tent in tho public lauds. The consequence has been that large portions of them have become the property of individuals and companies, and thus the price en hanced to those who desire to purchase tor actual set tlement. Iu order to limit the urea of speculation as much as possible, Ibe extiuctiou of the Indian title and tho extension of the public surveys ought oniy to keep puce with the tide ot emigration. It Congress should hereafter grant alternate sections to States or companies, as they have done heretofore, i recommend that the intermediate sections retained by

Georgia Historic Newspapers

Georgia telegraph. (Macon, Ga.) 1844-1858, December 15, 1857, Image 1