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THE GEORGIA TELEGRAPH.
For tbe Georgia Telegraph.
Crastltatlonalfty of the Slave Tr.tdc
PROHIBITION.
There has always been a class of political writei
who hare deemed it their mission to enlighten
mankind by exposing what they regard the enors
• of their predecessors. Like the witches in Macbeth,
they gather around the political cauldron, throw
in a handful of bitter herbs, nnd retire with the ex
clamation : ^
••Fair ia foul and foul is fair.
Hover through the fog and filthy air.”
To the South, the "Constitution” is “a league
formed with death”—its framers her worst ene
mies—and laws passed by Congress in pursuance
of this instrument, "Algerine laws,” and “worthy
of none but barbarians.” Thus they bluster and
prate about Southern wrongs and Southern op
pressions and Southern ‘Leagues,’ singing to them
selves,
“Oh! South, shall it e'er be mine.
To wreck thy woes in battle line—
To lift my victor head and see
Thy hills, thy dales, thy people free?
Accordingly, just at tW» moment, all through the
South, the Walkers and Yanceys, with a team of
anonymous newspaper scribblers at their heels, arc
proclaiming to the Southern people that they are
quite a number of important rights for tbe purpose
or vesting it with the adequate powers, but that
the Constitution contains a grant of power to any
Convention that may assemble under it to make
amendments to that instrument, so to amend it as
to give Congress the power to abolish itself, i* *
proposition to which I cannot subscribe.
er astounding this doctrine may appear. •* '* 0< *'
vnneed apparently with entire confidence of its
correctness by Hampden. Let u* see if this new
tenet is founded in truth, or i* the mere vagary
of a heated imagination. I"* 10 5t ** -^ rt * *^ e
Constitution provides "‘hat Congress, whenever
two-thirds of both H« 03e9 sha11 <loem 5t necessary,
shall propose amendments to the Constitution, or
on jhc application of two-thirds of the several
States, shall call a Convention for the purpose of
proposing amendments, which in either case shall
M valid to all intents and purposes as parts of this
Constitution when ratified by the Legislatures ot
three-fourths of the States, or by Conventions in
threo-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode
of ratification may be preferred by the Congress.”
This article, it will be seen, confers upon Congress
the power simply of proposing amendments, but
expressly declares that they are not to be valid or
binding until ratified by the Legislatures of three-
fourths of the States. It is clear, then, that the
Constitution cannot be amended so as to abolish
slavery, except by tbe concurrence of three-fourths
incurably wronged by the "Slave Trade Prohibi
y on « t | m t they are bruised and trampled under I of the States. Tbe act of abolishing slavery then,
foot by a lion’s paws, and the sickle must be beat I is to be performed, if performed at all, not by C'on-
into the dagger, and the corn now almost rlpo for I gross, but by throe-fourths of the States acting
the harvest must be trampled down unreaped all ' ’ - r n
over our Southern plains, to gratify their envy,
vanity and ambition! Small men who could not
climb, and talented men too indolent to work, be-
through their State Legistures, or in Conventions
composed of delegates elected directly by the peo
ple. It was in this mode that the Constitution was
originally adopted. The power of Congress over
places of distinction would not drop like ripe I this subject of amendments to the Constitution'^
apples at their feet, are seeking under the plausi
ble pretext of protection to Southern righto, to
make the South a sad and sorrowing household.—
We honor—we love devotion to the “sunny South”
when her rights are truly invaded or her liberties
really threatened, but wo protest against the at
tempt now being made on tho part of idle barris
ters :nustachoe<fhnd gloved politicians, to produce
fearful agitation at the South on a purely sectional
question for no better purpose than to soothe tbe dy
ing hours of a few political malcontents! We warn
tho Yanceys and Walkers of the South in advance,
that wc regard the Federal Constitution as a mon
ument of human wisdom and patriotism—that wc
shall not dash it rudely down with the sword-hilt
or the pike-handle; and that if a quarrel must
come with our Northern brethren on the slavery
question, tec, ihe people of the South, will have the
forging of the anchors and the casting of the can'
non*, and tho selection of our military leaders, and
although it will be a bitter draught to swallow, we
will fight our Northern brethren in the. Union our
father's framed, and not out of it! The dreadful
crime of a dissolution of this Union shall be theirs,
for ice arc not wiiiing that the recollection of it
shall disturb our nightly slumbers, or the reveries
of our waking moments. The South desires to live
in peace and brotherhood with the North—to pre
servo inviolate the Constitution, as the only sare
and permanent bond of union, and if tills bond is
ever broken, that great, bad deed must be done by
the North. The South will never be tbe first to
unfurl the standard of opposition to it, but if need
be, we will moisten the soil with our blood to pro
tect and defend the Union of the Constitution
against lawless violence from any quarter. At the
same time wc avow a fixed and unalterable deter,
mination to maintain and preserve at all hazards,
and to tho fullest extent, the rights reserved by
the Constitution to the States and the people, and
to resist by force, if necessary, any clear and pal
pable infraction of those rights. In our judgment,
the true position of tbe South is to abide in good faith
by tho Constitution and all of its compromises, with
a firm determination, on ourpnrt, not to yield any
of the rights guaranteed to us in that instrument.
This is the position of honor, patriotism, strength
and safety. Occupying this impregnable position,
we can secure a united South, and thus be able at
all times to beat back tho billows of Northern
aggression as they dash against our Southern At
lantic coast; and preserve unimpaired tne const!
tutiuu of our country, and the Union which it has
so beneficently given ns. I have been led to these
reflections by tbe movement set on foot recently
in Alabama, by Mr. Yancey and others, having for
its alleged object, the repeal of the "Slave Trade
Prohibition.” Simultaneously with this movement,
Mr. Yancey has recently organized in Hontgomo
ry, an Association under tbe name and style of
the "Montgomery League of united Southerners,”
being a purely sectional organization. On the
evening of the 21st inst., in pursuance of previous
notice, tho “Leaguers” held a meeting, the pro
ceedings of which are published at length in the
"Montgomery Mail” of July 2Sd. A Constitution
was adopted—officers elected, and the Association
addressed by Mr. Yancey. The preamble to the
Constitution recites, "Believing that the South is in
need of some efficient and organized mode of con
centrating public opinion upon public men and
measures, and of influencing and guiding political
parties with a view to the advancement and protec
tion ofher constitutional rights—and that the want
of tliis has enabled all political parties to sacrifice
those rights to their own necessities.” In his
speech on that occasion, Mr. Yancey declares it to
be the great design of the “ League ’’ to create a
“public opinion that shall force ail parties to a
strict observance of our Constitutional guarantees,
by holding ihe Constitutional rights of the South
to be paramount to tho political necessities of na
tional Administrations or national parties.” The
second paragraph of the preamble to the Consti
tution declares “that it is the duty of the South to
use all proper means to maintain her rights within
the Union.” With a view to being justified before
the world in returning the posters bhe has delegated
to the General Government, in the event she fails
to obtain justice in tho Union, “we organize our
selves under tho following Constitution,” &c.—
What miserable dap trap! The national demo
cratic party has sacrificed the interests of the
South “to its own necessities”—tho national demo
cratic Administration has done the same thing—
Toombs and Stephens and Clay have been recreant
to their trust—all have rinsed and gone out of the
way—ergo, the South must organize a new and
pure party—pledged to “secure justice to the
South or resume tho powers she has conferred up
on the General Government,” and place Mr. Yancey
atjtsheadl This new party to be known by the
name of “League of united Southerners,” to have
a written Constitution, officers, stated meetings,”
Ac. Knowing Mr. Yancey to be an avowed dig
unionist for existing causes, and that he has recent
jy and repeatedly so declared himself, who can faii
to see in this new movement, an artful effort to or
ganize and put in tangible form all the existing el
ements of opposition to the Government—to tbe
national democratic party, and its chosen Chief,
Mr. Buchanan T These elements of power, too, are
all to be wielded under Mr. Yancey’s leadership
for,the specious purpose of doing what all our na
tional administrations and parties have failed to do
—vizto secure justice to the South in the Union.
And if he fails, what then ? Why, forthwith to
“resume the powers conferred by the South on the
General Government!” Wbat a grand scheme of
disunion is hero dimly shadowed forth! It is the
first fruits of tbe tree planted in Southern soil, by
the great opponent of “the Slave Trade Prohibi
lion.” This prohibition is tbe damning act of
wrong and injustice to the South, according to Mr.
Yancey, and to secure its repeal the natioual dem
ocratic party must be put down—its tried leaders
disgraced and driven from power—and the whole
South agitated and convulsed from one extremity
to the other. What stupendous folly and crime I
Wo entreat Mr. Yancey to pause before ho involves
tho South in revolution and bloodshed, and tarnish
es forerir his own bright fame.
Wo will now resume the consideration of our
-nlyt.•land briefly discuss the last proposition laid
down by Hampden, viz: “that the Constitution
may bo so amended os to give Congress power to
abolish slavory itself.” It is undeniable that the
people have ceded to tho Federal Government
expressly restricted by the very terms of the 5th
Art. to proposing amendments—and there is no
other clause that contains a word upon the subject.
If the power conferred by this article upon the
State Legislatures or Conventions of ratifying a
mendments to the Constitution were taken from
them and given to Congress, would that not be a
subversion of that instrument rather than an a
mendment? It has never beon contended, I be'
iievc, that the parties to any written instrument
might destroy it by on amendment. Under this
clause of tho Constitution, (the 5th Art.) amend
ments to the Constitution were proposed by the
Congress of I78S, to the Legislatures of the sever
al States. The following is the resolution adopted
by Congress, from which it will be seen that Con-
gross exercised only the power conferred by this
article:
“Resolved, by the Senate nnd House of Repre
sentatives of the United States in Congress assem
bled, two-third* of both Houses concurring, that
the following articles be proposed to the Legisla
tures of the several States as amendments to the
Constitution of the United States, all or any of
which articles, when ratified bwAircc-fotirihsoftlic
said Legislatures, to be valid toall intents and pur
poses as a part of the said Constitution.”
Then follow the proposed amendments, which
were submitted to the several State Legislatures l
and ratified in the manner required, and thus be
came a part of the present Constitution. See Elli
ott's debates on the F. Const., p. S75, rol. 1st.
What is there then in the 5th Art. of the Con
stitution that should cause any Southern patriot
“to tremble as be reads it ?” Does Hampden real
ly think tiiat he can persuade the Southern peo
ple into the belief that there is any real danger
that the Constitution can or will be so amended as
to abolish slavery itself, when by its terms it re
quires three-fourths of the States to concur in such
an amendment? There are now fifteen slave
States and only seventeen non-slaveholding States.
When will the disproportion between the two be
so great as to enable the free States to control the
Legislatures of threo-fourtlis of the States ? Never
until three-fourths of the States become free States,
an event not likely to happen. At farthest, out
of the Territory now belonging to the U. States,
the North cannot get more than three more new
States; and if the South is wise, she w ill oppose
any future acquisition of territory on the par t o!
tho Oei»„ral Government—since if flcauixed—ih*-
dominant majority would*," it is* probable, make it
“free soil.” It is not likely that slavery will ever
be abolished in the States, where it now exist-, and
if in any of them, not more than two or three, m.
that it results from this examination of the suhji cl
that the slave States have really nothing 10 fear
from any amendment which may be made to the
Constitution.
Ilut if the free States should (which is barely pos
sible,) ever obtain a two-tl.irJs majority in the
Union, nnd in the madness of political fanaticism,
so alter the Constitution as to abolish slavery
the States by the concurrence of three-fourths of
the legislatures thereof, would that alteration bo
binding on the other fourth not consenting there
to? 1 hold that it would not, because it would be
an utter subversion, and not an amendment of the
original compact, which would justify the minority
in the exertion of that original right of self-defence,
which is paramount to all political forms of Gov
ernment.
I hare thus endeavored to demonstrate—
let That by tha EtU Art. of llw Constitution
the power of Congress over the subject of amend
merits to the Constitution is restricted by the terms
of that Article to tbe mere formal right of propo
sing amendments to that instrument.
2d. That in 1789, in pursuance of this formal
right, Congress proposed amendments to the Con
stitution to the several State Legislatures, and they
were ratified by three-fourths thereof, snd thus be
came a part of the Constitution,
ad. That from the relative strength of the slave
aud non-siavcholding States in the Union, the con
Letter from W. Dougherty, Esq.
The following was accidentally detaiued
from our hands until last week’s edition was
nil worked off. Mr. Dougherty does us no
more than justice, in assuming that our purpose
was merely to state facts, and that we would
not willingly misrepresent or place him in a
false position. We publish bis letter with
cheerfulness:
Macon, July 23d, 1858.
Editor of Georgia Telegraph :
Dear Sir :—My attention has been called
to an Editorial in your paper of the 20th Inst.,
purporting to give an account of n “scene”
before the Supreme Court on Saturday last.
The publication was made, doubtless, on the
imformation of others ; as you were not, it is
believed, in tbe court room at the time.
Your informant is greatly at fault, both in
misstating that part of the occurrence which he
proposes to set forth, and in omiting to state
other parts, necessary to a proper understan
ding of that which he does state. It is said
that one of the grounds of objcctiou to Judge
Benuing’s presiding was “that he had made
pledges in MilledgeviUe while his election was
pending, that he would not preside in these
Bank Cases." That is not the statement which
was made—but it was. that Judge Benniug
bad pledged himself before bis election, not to
preside in any of these Bank cases, in which,
he had been employed as Counsel. That is pre
cisely what was said. If Judge Benning un
derstood the statement as did your informant,
he certainly became indignant at what did not
occur; and contradicted that which was not
stated.
Your information is, that this contradiction
was followed by an “angry conversation be
tween Judge Benning aud myself. But your
informant does not give any part of that con
versation. It is entirely omitted—whether
intentionally or not, I cannot say ; but it cer
tainly should have been given. For, if what
was said by Judge Benning in that Conver
sation, had been correctly stated, it would
shew that the charge as made, to wit: That
he had pledged himself not to preside in any
of these Bank cases in which he had been ein-
A PROCLAMATION.
By JOSErir E. BROWN, Governor of
Georgia.
XX THE REAS the Legislature of this State, on the
V V •-•Mb day ofDecember, 1S3C, pars* <1 an acton
titled “An Ac r more effeetnaliy to secure tbe solven
cy of nil the banking institutions in this State,” the
preamble of which act is in these words, ••'Whereas
ihejenorcio'is amount of banking capital chartered by
the Laws of the State,and her circulatin g currency be
ing composed almost entirely ofthe bills ofher own
hanks; and whereas,tho safety ard best interest of our
eilizcDS require that thetiui condition a nd solvency of
each bank or incorporate company exercising bank
ing privileges, should beknou-u tothe community, so as
to guard the gnat body of tit people freon receiving c
depreciated or doubtful paper, end for remedy where
of.” Tbe first and* second sections then direct how
the returns of each incorporate bank in this State are
to be made, and the penal-y for a failure to make such
returns is prescribed in the third section, which is ia
these words, “Should the president and directors of
auy one or more of tho aforesaid banks, fail to com
ply with tbe spirit and true meaning of this act.it shall
be the duty of his Excellency the Governor, for tbe
time being, to uotify the Treasurer of this State, and
ihe president and directors of the Central Bank, of
said delinquent bank or banks, v-here upon it shall not
be lawful to rective tho bills of any such delinquent
hank or banks, in payment of any debt due the State of
(ieorgia, or Central Hank, until the President and
Directors of such delinquent bank or banks, shall
have made such returns as are required by this act.’
And the tourth section doclsres that, “It shall bo
the duty of bis Excellency the Go» ernor, lor the
time being, to publish the name or names of any
bank or banks, wbicli may fail to comply with all
the requisitions of this act, in all the newspapers
printed in Milledgevide, as often as he may think ex
uedieut for the public good.”
And whereas, the second section ot an act asseu
tid to tbe 22d day of December, 1843, entitled ‘An
Act amendatory of the act providing for the publi
cation of ihe Uauk Reports, is in ihtso wore, “The
bills of ai:V Dank failing to publish its return as a.
foresaid, within thirty days after making tho same,
shall not be received ia payment of Tuxes, or at the
Treasury rj the Mate.
And whereas, tbe act approved 21st February,
18.'i0, entitled "An Act to change, poiut out and reg
ulate the maimer in which the returns of tho seve
ral banking institutions of this State shall hereafter
be made.” euat-ts as follows, to-wit:
Section 1st. "lie it enacted, '1 bat after tbe passage
of this act. his Excellency ibe Governor of the State
shall twice in each aud every year require, by pub
lic advertisement for at leasttwo weeks, iu agazette
priuted at ihe seat ot Government, each and eve
ry hanking iustilunou in this Male to make a justand
true turn under Ihe omits or affirmation of ita Presi
dent aud Cashier, of Ibe state and condition of such
bank or banking institution, with tbe names of its
President aud Directors, and a list of its stockhol
ders, ou ihe day of the regular weekly meeting of the
President and Directors thereof, uext preceding the
date of such requisition by the Governor; and it shall
be tbeduiyuf each and orery bauk or banking in
stitution w.thiu thirty day a after tbe data of such call
uy tliu Goverimr,<i«« under tnepenalty noic prescribed
by law fur a failure to make returns, to makeuiid ir ms-
initio tbe Governor such return so required in lieu
aud stead of the return heretofore required.”
[Section 2 jd. **fn the respective returns required by
ployed as Counsel; was substantially, if not! lb® prejeJing section, tue good, bad aud doubttul
T J , , debts of said bank or banking ius itution, respective
literally, true. In that conversation he ad- ; j yi 8 j m n so i forth as now required by law.
uiittcd that objections were made to bis eiec- 1 :><i “Ws™ auv Ih.hk or haukimr i
lion on account of his connexion as counsel
with these Bank cases—That he determined
not to preside in any case of any sort, in which
ho bad been engaged as Counsel; and that
he announced that determination, in Milledge-
viile, before his election; and that his posi
tion and course, in regard to these cases, if
elected, was well known and understood-
Does this amount to a pledge ? I thought at
flic time, and still think, that it does. Judge
Benning thinks that it does not. So tho dif
ference between us is, not as to what trans-
Sectiiii 3d. “When auy buna or banking institu
tion aball make tiie return required by this act, tbe
same shall be published by such corporation within
the time, under the penalties, aim iu tiie manner pre
scribed by existing laws, publishing tbe list of stock
holders ouco a year only.’'
Aud whereas, in October last, mostof the banks of
this Mate, iu violation of their contracts with the
people and iu violation of their charters, suspended
specie payment, und relugrd.to comply with their
solemn engagements to redeem their lulls iu specie
on demand or presentation, thereby subjecting them
selves. uuder existing laws, to judicial proceedings
to beinoiituteu by order of tbe Governor, ou duo main in the retirement of plantation life.
proof thereof, lo the eud that flieir charters might be .* ,. , , „ ,, ,
ueclaied as lorleited und annulled.
e of this State, for the
Aud wheiess, the iegialatur
purpose ol relieving' tnose suspended banka which
uao subjected themselves to the penalties of tbe act
- ,of lo4u, irum tbe heavy penalties they had incurred,
pired m Mtlledgeville, but as to wbat it should and from the foifcitureot tluir characitre.aud fertile
be called—it is the name and not the substance, ' P“ r P«»« "*
> cesi‘1 aii ur any ot the banks ot ihis fetate—as well tue
upon which wc differ; and which aroused the ; specie paying a* the suspended—anti for the purpose
indignation and called forth the contradic- e-mtuui.ig the law of oauk returns so as to require
indignation am; cauea torin me contrauic uf bank officers tbe guaranty ofau oalh that tueae
tion of Judge Benning, It will he perceived practices are'not indulged iu,pa-red un ait i nlhtjCJnd
that for the purposes iu view, to wit: to show
Judge Benning’s incompetency to preside, it
was the same, whether it be a pledge, an agree
ment, a promise or understanding; and if ei-
uay ul December. Idol, entitled “An Act to provide
against Ihe forfeiture of the several Uauk Charters iu
this Mate on account of non specie paymeut for a
given time, and for other purpose* therein named, the
eighth, ninth, tenth and etnenth sections of w hich are
iivered by the latter clause of its caption, being
currence of three-fourths of the States never can be
obtained to any amendment of tiie Constitution n-
bolishing slavery itself, in the States where it now
exists.
4th. That if it were possible to obtain such an
amendment of tbe Constitution, that it would be
incompatible and inconsistent with that instrument,
and snefi an entire subversion of it, ns would a
mount to a revolutionary act, and justify the ini
nority States in appealing to arms to protect their
peculiar domestic institutions. There is nothing in
the Constitution, therefore, to authorize such an
exercise of power as would be required to make an
amendment to the Constitution, which would “give
Congress power to abolish slavery itself.”
Such a change as this, then, if made, (which \
have shown is utterly impossible,) could not rcsnlt
from any defect in the frame-work of the Constitn
tion, or any slip on the part of its framers, but
would be a clear usurpation of power, outside of
tho Constitution, and never contemplated by that
instrument. The argument of Hampden, then, that
Pinckney, Rutledge, Madison, Baldwin, aud other
eminent statesmen from the South, who were mem
here of the Federal Convention that framed the
Constitution, were mere dotards, and ignorantly
inserted in that instrument, a power, which, in the
course of time, might possibly be wielded to the
overthrow of the most important interest of their
section of the Union, is thus shown to be altogcth.
er groundless. Indeed, it may be truly eaid, that
the South was represented iu that Convention bv
men of tbe most distinguished talents and patriot
ism, who performed tbe task assigned them in a
manner unequalled by any of the legislators of the
present day. And here my task for tho present
ends.
A Delegate to the Montgomery Convention.
I The Gloucester News tells the story of n
boy in one of the schools in that (own who is
an inveterate rhymster. nnd who laughed one
momiDg during prayers at the sight of a rat.
Being asked why he laughed he replied :
I saw a rat upon tbe stairs.
Coming up to hear your prayers
Being told that lie must immediately make
another rhyme or be flogged, ho quickly an
swered :
Here I stand before Miss Blodgett:
ilia’s going lo Mrike, aud I shall dodge it,
and took his scat, the whole school being i i a
roar of laughter.
,h cr . Judge Benning ought Milo pwide i„
any of that class of cases. I then proceeded t "asetion VIII. lit it father enacted. That no bant,
to show and did so i think conclusively that i DOr b,t,lk a 6 enc y* b i ,Uel f ( rf “) officers or a gen's shall
to snow, ana aia so i hiuik conclusively, unit | ei|ller direPll y or jndirtct.y loan inouey ou any note,
by presiding in the case then before the court, ; bill, draft or contract of any sort, v, rbal or written,
I,e ™.ld a. cfTeeraelly decide .bo«, ee.e. i„ ;
which he had been employed as counsel* as if er or biiortertime; aud nil notes* bills, drafts aud
he was to preside on their'trial; and thus do c<,mr “ c . t8 " f sor * whatever, on which a greater
* . . . ; late oi interest is reaerveu or exacted and received
indirectly, what he had pledged, promised or | or bargained for, are hereby declared to bo utterly
agreed not to do. This being so, should he , fo l dnuiU,i iiofcttect. aud irrecoverabte uilaw '
° b . "dctlion IX. And be tl further enactsl, That no
IluVC presided ? I leave that question just 1 L+uU iH»r o*uk Hgcucy ahull, by ilnclf, its officer*, or
where I did, when I closed my statement: for i discount or purchase notes, papers, or evi-
, , , , . . , . I ilences ot debt, made l«r a valuable consideration,
1 he .Judge to determine tor himself, and the ' ur a good cousideratioc, between tho parties there-
public to judge of tbe propriety of his course. ' to, at a greater discount than at the rate of seven
' per ceuiuui per annum, aud that all such notes, pa
pers aud evidences ot debt, discounted or purchased
iu violatiou of this Act, shall, from the time of each
purchase, become utterly null aud Void andi.retvv-
Ts/L01ST. GA
Tuesday Mamins:, Auf?. 3.1858.
The Governor's Proclamation,
IVe giro place to this document to-day, with the
benefit of ail tiie light which has been thrown upon
it through the columns of the leading presses in
the State. The Constitutionalist correspondents,
we are sorry to see, charge it to the score of tiie
Governor’s personal hostility to the Banks; but
our intelligent contemporary of the Savannah Re
publican, while admitting tho animus, and com
plaining of the fatuity and injustice of “proscri
bing” so many of the leading banks of the State,
suspends opinion upon the law involved. \Ve are
free to confess our opinion, with the lights, before
us, and holding ourselves open to a contrary con
viction, that the Governor has discharged his sim
ple duty as prescribed by law, aud the imputation of
personal motives is wholly gratuitous. The procla
mation itself is its o wn best defence, and to complain,
as a correspondent of the Constitutionalist does,
that the Governor should have hunted up an old
statute, is to complain that he should do his clear,
sworn official duty, and execute the laws as he finds
them. The law exists without the Governor’s con
nivance orsanction, and if the Banks do not comply
with it, the consequence must rest with them—the
Governor has no election, and is not permitted to
entertain the question of the policy or impolicy of
enforcing it. The results to the Banks, aud to the
people, will, we fancy, be imnutirial. The Govern'
or is an anti-bank man, decided And thorough,
principle; and none the less so, because the Banks
are now paving specie. The whole system he prob
ably bolds to bo dangerous and objectionable,
everybody finds it to be, the moment it is ti itd.
But wc believe him to be morally incapable of pros'
tituting his official power to the gratification of prl
vatc pique against the Bulks or anybody else.
Senator Haiuiiioud’s Speech
We have looked earnestly, before publish
ing the somewhat meagre and disjointed sy
nopsis from the Charleston Mercury, for a re
liable report of Gov. Hammond's speech at
Beech Island, but have seen none. The oc
casion was one of much public interest aud
importance. For years following a brilliant
gubernatorial administration, Gov. Hammond
had lived in chosen retirement and given no
public voice iu political affairs. The office of
Senator was thrust upon him unsolicited, and
indeed, in the face of an authoritative an
nouncemcnt that he was no candidate and did
not desire the honor. But to the great credit
of the State Legislature, in seeking a worthy
successor of the immortal Calhoun, she was
influenced neither by personal aspirations nor
disclaimers, and beyond a doubt she sustained
the general popular judgment of propriety
and intellectual fitness iu the choice of Ham
inond, notwithstanding his inclination to re
Your informant is not only at fault and your
information deficient, in the manner here sta
ted. but, be only purports to give you two
out of the Jive grounds of objection that were
treble iu law.’
•• Section X. That no bank or bank agency, by it
self, its officers, or agents, shall either directly or iu-
urged to Judge Benning, This is a little re- ; directlv sell any kind ot exchange, except sight
markable, to say ihe least of It; in one who j dB - maut1 ' “ ak or receive for ex-
pretends to give an account of such an affair. |
It was also stated, as an objection, that ;
whilst at tbe bar, he united with Ihe counsel
of the Stockholders in the preparation and de
fence of the Bank cases generally. That he.
or Jones and Benning, aided and contributed
largely in constructing the long argument read
by Col. Holt in one of these bank cases, on
this question of the statute of limitations
.(which was the mat* point iu the cnee about
to be tried) and that, too, in a case in which
he, Judge Benning, was not employed.
Also, that the case before the court was
tried in the court below, and brought tothis term
of this Court for the avowed purposethat Judge
Benning should preside in its trial here, and
that a case of the same kind against the estate,
of McDougald. Judge Benning’s former client,
was kept back, and returned to another term,
although tried before the one now here.
It would at least have been fair, and just
to the parties, that your informant should
change iu ur nut of this state, of any citizen of this
| State, a greater premium than oue per centum on
■ lie atnnuut of exchange s >Id, when tbe bills of the
b '■ k from which the exchange is sought to be ob
is ned, ere pi escLteti at its counter iu payment ot
s iu exchange, uud for the violation of this section
, f this Act. ihe person pay iug the premium, his agent
or attorney may, aud no is hereby authorized lo re
cover three tunes the amount of the excess by a
summary proceediug, before a Justico of the Peace,
tbe lufeiior or superior Couit, as the oue or the oth
er Court may have jurisdiction, aud on which judg
ment shall he rendered at the first term of the Court,
unless ihe priuciples of justice shall require^ a post
pone went tor oue term, aud no longer, and in which
ease ihe officer or sgsnt who receives the premium
shall appear, without auy other process than theser
vice ut me w nt, aud give evidence iu the case; and
if lie fail to appear, lue affidavit or evidence of the
plaintiff shall be received in proof of the amount de
manded aud the suit shall be against either the bank
whose agent loaned tbe money, or agaiust tbe agent,
aud iu either event, the property of the bank shall
he subject to the payment of tho judgment: Pro
vided, that nothing herein contained shall have any
reference to foreign exchange, aud provtued furth
er, the person applying for the exchange sh II, if re
quired, make nail, that it is not to resell as exchange.'
••[section XI The affidavit ot bank officers to an
nasi and semi-annual reports shall in alt casts state
that the bank of which they are officers has not by it
self, its officers, or agents, in any particular, violated
the provisions of this Act.”
Which said last mentioned section of said act en
against Judge Benning; the more especially, i i and a
® ° ° j i Mid efeventk section related to tbuiwme subject
as none of them were controverted or de
nied, with the exception of that in regard to
Judge Benning’s pledges.
Your informant represents Judge Benning
as indignantly denying both of the two grounds
of objection made to his presiding. This is
have given all the grounds of objection urged j grafts another secliou upon the lawof bank returns,
as the
mat
ter—that of bank reiurns—it is to be construed with-
and iu reference to all previous legislation then in
force on that subject, by a well known rule of con
struction, that statutes in pari materia, are to be
constiued togeiher-tra but one law. Wherefore, a
bunk tailing to comply with “tbe spirit and true
meaning of said act,” incurs the penalties prescri
bed in case of a delinquent bank.
And Whereas, on the first day of June last, I is
error—he did not deny the statement that he j sued my proclamation wlrieh was published as di-
h„<l tam counsel for McDouguUl uud hi. «. |
tate in similar cases. There are many other in- l and to comply with the provisions of the said eleventh
uccurucic. iu ihe iufunnuiiou furui.hcd you, jSf.M'i’d.n h,“
which I pass for the present, | made, as required by law, upon said banks ; nnd
My connexion with this matter, will, I hope, ;
be considered a sufficient apology for sugges- j The Planters’ Bank of tho State of Georgia, at
ting these corrections and additions; and I j 8»vanoab.
, ,, . ... . - ,, 1 " no Commercial Batik of Brunswick,
doubt not you will as cheerfully publish this, | The Cherokee Insurance and Banking Company,
as you did the original statement made to you. j “j
Respectfully yours, &e.,
W. DOUGHERTY.
For the Georgia Telegraph.
The undersigned respectfully informs “Ber
rien ” iu the last Citizen that his interrogato
ries embrace matters altogether collateral to
tho great subject now being discussed in this
paper, viz: the constitutionality of the “slave
trade prohibitionand a delegate is not wil
ling to divert attention from this subject to
any new or false issue nnd therefore declines
answering “Berrien's” qnestions,
A Delegate lo the Montgomery Convention.
The Chinese in Cai.ifounia.—The Cali
fornia p ipers And it hard to fight against des
tiny. They cannot stem the new tide of ex
citement and they have changed their tone in
gnrd to the exclusion of Chinese emigrants,
us the following paragraph goes to show :
These Chinese are buying up abandoned
claims in California: and it is surprising to
note in places where, a few months ago, white
men were working, to seo Celestials busily
employed. The discovery of gold on Frazer ! . ... ,
iver will have the effect of changing our poli- 1 1,av ® complied with tho law, and shall have made
,, ,,, . T . f .57. such retain as tho statutes require.
cj to aids the Chinese. Instead of pieteu- | Given under my band Hnrt tne Great Seal of tho
ting their immigration here we will have to j State, at tbe Capitol, in MUlodgeviile, thia twentieth
encourage it, Tiie Legislature, at its next ! day of July, in the year of our Lord eighteen linn
et' sion. will repeal the net preventing their en- “"‘f hity-eight. and of the Independence of the
trance here: audit ts not at all impossible a
‘coolie’ bill will pass. We cannot do without , t j, 0 Governor i
labor. What has left muat be supplied.” ! E. P. Waikiks, Se.reUry of Stats.
T be LaGrange Bank,
The Bank of Commerce, at Savanna]?,
The Merchants and Planter' Bank, at Savannah,
The Mechanics’ Savings Bunk, at Savannah,
The Augusta Insurance and Banking Company,
The Marine Bank of Georgia, at Savanah,
The Bank “f Columbus,
\ The Bank of Middle Georgia, at Macon,
I The Bank of the Empire State, at Borne,
The Union Bank, at Augusta,
The City Bank, at Augustn,
The Planters and Mechanics' Bank of Dalton.
The Bank of Greencsborough,
The Timber C'utter'a Bank, at Savannah,
The Exchange Bank of the State of Georgia, at
Griffin, nnd
The Mechanic's Bank, at Augusta,
'have wholly neglected and refused to make their
retains as required by the positive mandate of the
statute of 1857, (the benefits of which in tho pro
tection of their charters from forfeiture have been
realized by such of the above mentioned banks as
were lately in a state of suspension,)and have ntter-‘
ly disregarded the will of the legislature, set them
selves above the authority of the law, and stand in
open violatiou of its commands;
1 do, tltereforc, issue this my Proclamation, pub
lishing as direct- d by the statute, tbe names of the
before mentioned delinquent banks. And 1 do here
by notify the Treasurer of this Mate of. said delin
quent bunks .-and I do moreover proclaim and make
known that the bills of said delinquent bnnks will
not be received at the Treasury ot this State in pay.
ment of any debt due the State ot Georgia, or tho
Central Bank, ui-.til the President and Cashier of
each of said delinquent hanks respectively, ahall
. This accomplished, there followed a very
natural nnd strong desire to know his opin
ions upon public questions which had arisen
during his long retirement. Conjecture and
rnmor were busy and he was claimed with
equal ardor by “secessionists” and by “co-op
erationists”—by politicians who think the
Union a hopeless failure and see no other
course but to get out of it, the sooner the bet
ter. and by the more moderate and hopeful
who are willing to await the suggestions of
events and developements of Southern opin-
ion. With great prudence, however, Gov
Hammond declined to commit himself uutil af
ter he should have had the opportunity for
personal observation and the aid of mature re
flection ; and the Beech Island speech, after
his return from his first session in the Senate
is his first response to the cariosity to know
his position and views
We think few of our readers will faii to be
pleased with the general tenor of this speech.
They may except, as we do, to some particu
lar portions—for example, to that part which
denounces the popular sovereignty method of
deciding the slavery question in the Territo
ries. It may be liable to abuse—it may in
volve difficulties and occasion dangers; but
what substitute can be proposed ? or what
other mode can be devised in harmony with a
sound constitutional theory, or the spirit and
genius of our republican institutions ? Con
gress is clearly not a safe and proper arbiter
of the question, and it must, then, be devolved
on the people ; and the experience of abuses
and dangers ought only to lead to the estab
lishment of precedents and legal safeguards
and restrictions. The Kansas troubles may
have their uses in subsequent history ; and let
no man forget that during all the tempestuous
agitation of this and kindred matters, from
the Wilmot Proviso of 1847 down to the pres
ent moment, a great benefit has resulted in
the elaboration and establishment, for the
first time, of well defined doctrines and prin
ciples covering every political relation of slave
ry under our government. Surely, it is not a
matter of reasonable surprise that doctrinos
which provoked sach violent opposition in the
declaration, should meet with embarrassment,
obstruction and perversion in the first attempt
to carry them into practical effect; and we
may justly anticipate more satisfactory results
hereafter.
Bnt with this and some other and slighter
exceptions, we admire the speech and consid
er it a fitting sequel to a debut in the Senate,
which holds out a rare promise of usefulness
and eminence. We rejoice, too. iu the potent
sign it gives that the gallant and powerful
State will somewhat modify her Federal atti
tude—that she will abandon the position of an
armed, indifferent neutrality in Federal af
fairs, «3 if too bad to bo mended, and lead off
in a genial, hearty, patriotic eff >rt to thwart
sectionalism and maintain a Constitutional
Government. We hold, if fanaticism is busy
violent and aggressive, the fact affords but a
stronger reason why constitutional and con
servative men every where should come more
resolutely and eagerly to the rescue, and nev
er abandon the struggle so long as a hope of
successful resistance remains. The country
it seems to us, has an equal demand for the
service of her patriotic citizens whether as
sailed by foreign or domestic foes. We arc
glad to hear this hopeful and cheering voice
from the old Palmetto State and from the lips
of one of her wisest and moat distinguished
sons
A Delegate—The Montgomery
LEAGUE.
We observe in tho conclusion of the very able
articles upon the Slave Trade Prohibition, for
which we are under many obligations to our cor
respondent, “A Delegate,” that lie assails with
much ardor the device of Mr. Yancey, of Alabama,
stvled a "League," which seems to bo based onau
assumption, neither just nor complimetary, that
the Southern people either do not know or are in
different to the maintenance of their lights, and
need the indoctrinating light and impiriting influ
cnees of the knots of politicians congregated to
gether in conclave under the organization of these
“Leagues.” It will be timo enough to express our
objections to any such mere sectional organiza
tions at present, when they get beyond the town
limits of Montgomery. They might, perhaps, live
and prosper during a’ revolutionary emergency,
like the Committees of vigilance and safety and
minute men and sons of liberty during the strug
gles for independence of the thirteen colonies; but
in the absenco of nil special occasion and pressing
danger, they lack the first aliment of life and will
die out too soon to afford a subject for newspaper
disquisition. And should the time come, when the
plain dictates of self-prcservatiou shall impel our
people to abandon the federal organization, we do
not believe the step will be taken under the direc
tion of any organizations of this kind. Political
clubs will do in France, and may flourish in Nor
thern cities, but they will never take permanent
root or exercise much influence among an intelli
gent, reflecting, agricultural people, scattered over
a large surface of country, like tho people of the
South. There are insuperable difficulties of space
and habits of independent thought and conclusion
to overcome; and there are also still greater diffi
Celtics of well founded prepossession to encounter.
Clubs, leagues, cabal*, knots, juntas and conclaves
of all sorts are foreign to the genius of a race, who
debate ail their political questions and grievances
in assemblies of the people under the broad light
of heaven, in the shade of their forest trees and in
the cars of all men who will hear. These meetings
will be the “Leagues” which will settle the dis
union question and select the directors of the se
cession movement, should it become necessary,
whether Mr. Yancey’s Montgomery League be in
existence or not. And we have not a doubt they
will select wise, prudent, thoughtful men—not so
much given to new inventions and discoveries, as
rooted and grounded in the old established princi
ples of free government and rich in the wealth
of a wise and conservative statesmanship.
This league business is tho abortive fruit of the
project for reviving the slave trade. Concede, as
is claimed, that a revival of the slave trade is in
dispensable to Southern progress, why then noth
ing stands in the way of progress so much as the
Federal Union, which prohibits tbe trade. (Jon
cede that the prohibition is unconstitutional, then
we become the victims of a political outrage.—
Looking through these glasses, a League with a
squint to tbe prostration of the Federal Govern
ment becomes a natural sequence. But looking at
the facts as they exist: that after long and bitter
controversy the South has atiast doctrinally estab
lished in all the departments of the Federal Govern
ment—Executive, Legislative and Judicial,—her
own carefully elaborated doctrines with regard to
the reserved rights of the States, and the position
of the slave owner and slave property under the
Constitution—that the landmarks are now well es
tablished and beginning to be acquiesced in—that
slave labor and its products now occupy a new,
grand, unrivalled position in the commercial and
industrial world—and the South herself is in the
enjoyment of a splendid career of prosperity with
a promise of permanence never befote rivalled in
the history of any people, ancient or modern—we
say, regarded in such a light as this, Mr. Yancey’s
scheme to revolutionize matters with his “League,”
looks like a calomel pill to a man in high health
and vigor. We have, we confess, not over much
respect for the race of “tertium quids,” and purists,
who, in the face of the present actnal political sta
tus of tbe slavery question can berate and assn l
the great democratic party of this country. It has
contended manfully, nobly and successfully for the
truth ! so that even its scars, distractions and luss-
, ° rrCr **°».
lf S «ph «e ,-ta
JOSEPH E. BROWN.
The Cotton Crop of 185S.
In conversation last week, with a gentleman
who has very recently travelled over nearly
the whole Cotton grttwing section of the Uni
ted States, he expressed tho opinion that if
present prospects are verified, the crop will be
beyond all precedent in quantity. The idea
of a deficit of 400,000 bales in the Southwest,
resulting from high waters, he considered alto
gether delusive, nnd maintained that he had
been in no county of that section where pre
sent anticipations did not fix tho quantity of
Cotton grown, above what could be gathered.
Tiie Corn crop everywhere was more titan a-
bundant.
Carpeting.
The largest stock of Carpeting ever offered
in this city, can be seen at the store of Mr. B.
F. ll;ss, aud we find he sells ir, at New York
retail price*. J
cs are pointed at in derision by its piebald oppo
nents, who never broke a lance or ventured a
thrust for the maintenance of the great intersec
tional doctrines upon which the Union must be
maintained if maintained at all I Even in South
Carolina, always distrustful, the magnanimous and
independent Hammond could not withhold the
meed of bis high praise, to the manliness and de
votion to principle which this party has shown.—
Though “baffled oft,” she has risen again and again,
and will still rise triumphant over sectionalism or
perish at the altar of a broad and generous nation-
oiism, polluted only in spite of her efforts to main
tain its purity. Now, if Mr. Yancey, or any body
else, can see vulnerable points in this party, in
hich to plant their barbed arrows, we have only
to say it is but human—full of imperfections—an
organization too numerous not to comprise many
unworthy members—too vast not to comprehend
many unsightly spots. They choose to specialize
rather than look at general scope, design and ten
dency. If they can see a better guarantee lor gen
eral safety and security in a few Court House
leagues,” let them wend their way and wc will
take our’s. We prefer the appeal to the people
and the great principles of Right and Constitution,
the strong hope, at least, that the appeal will be
sustained at the ballot box under the American
flag, and in defiance of sectionalism and fanaticism.
Water Works.
It was our purpose, last week, to invite at
tention to the advertisements of Messrs. Thom-
Oliver & Douglass, of Savannah; but it
escaped memory, although, we dare say the
advertisements themselves did not escape the
attention of the reader. The mechanical helps
and contrivances for irrigating grounds and
supplying households with water in abundance,
are subjects of great and increasing interest
in tbe South, and many of our readers will be
glad to know where they can look at home for
mechanical aid and machinery in effecting
these important improvements.
Plantations for Sale.
We don’t like to help any good citizen in
selling out to “move west,” but if ho will go.
we hope it is but to make room for others of
tho same stamp. Mr. W. W. Chapman offers
some fine plantations iu Dooly, in our paper
of to-day, well known as among the most fer
tile and productive in Southern Georgia. Col-
Bass and Mr. Comer, also, offer very valuable
plantations for sale.
Tliu Sapie ns Cou t—A i
In the la-t issue ot t!i P Teleg j,;,
the decision made by the Supreme Conn'(t
Lumpkin dissenting) in reference to the! v,
of stockholders to suit after the ex D ir at ; n „ ’ ,f
Bank Charter, overruled a decision
Judges Warner and Niabet were on the ben ]
this we were wrong, and we cheerfully m f' 1,1
the correction. Judges Warner and y Jr* tlle
not on the bench, but Judge Starnes w,i«
append the pleas filed to show whattheno™" 1 *’
and the public can judge whether we M **’
right, after all, in stating that Judges \rT ^
and Benning had changed the law as 0Pi '' i
by a former Bench of Judges. o n ,! DOuaced
vol. 16th of Georgia Reports, the
that in an action brought by Robert B gj <l
the Directors of the Commercial BaakofM
the defendants, filed among others this •jJ** 0 "’
the first day of January, 1852, the time
the act of incorporation of the Comiuett-Lu n ’
of Macon, for the corporate existence oft!,
terminated and expired, whereby the fai j °
tion became extinct, and all debts S*'
due to or from the said corporation beeamsT-
also." This case was very ably argued for
rectors by Messrs. Toombs, Nisbet and Jones'
for Smiley by John Rutherford and Whim “ W
Judge Powers, who presided in the trial „f T
cause in the Court below, on motion, s [rB ,
the plea of the Directors as above °' Jt
which decision of Judge Powers was alleged* ’ ^
erroneous. Judges Lumpkin and St&meg,
ed the ruling of Judge Powers in striking outT
pleas, and Judge Lumpkin concludes his Tcrr
decision in this significant and comprehensive u'
guage—“In no point of view can the defendj'
escape the liability sought to be fastened u M
them.” Judge Starnes concurred with Judge L-m
kin, and Judge Benning dissented. ’
The difference between the ease of Nmilev ln j
the ease before the Court during the last Term,
Macon, was this: that in the latter ease, the «te ^
holders were sued, and as we understand, fil^j
similar plea—which, instead of being overruled, i.
in the case of Smiley, was sustained by Judges Si c .
Donald and Benning—Judge Lumpkin stagin'-
firm to his judgment in the Smiley case.
We will here take occasion to say to oar neigh
bor of the ‘Columbus Times,’ that our article
not intended to prejudice or beget excitement
against the Court, but simply to place before our
readers a j udgment of our highest Judicial tribunal
involving principles oflaw in whicli many of them
were personally interested.
Moreover, we are in the habit of publishing a 1
tbe judgments of the Court involving importac:
legal principles, and we must confess to some srn-
prise, tlia; we should be charged by our cotempo-
rary, with a desire to excite prejudice against ttt,
Court. 1 he Telegraph has been the friend o’the
Court from its beginning—we were the first Jout-
nal iu the State to call the attention of the Leri-
lature to the inadequacy of the salary of the Judges.
We are in favor of its continuance—wc Ant to see
it located permanently at the seat of Government,
and -in conclusion, we desire to see its deciaoas per
manent. If the members of the Court do rot give
to its solemn judgments their approbation and is-
ent, but cnange them as often as Judges sm
changed, then we must confess that tb» Co;;rt rill
have failed to answer the great purpose for wnich
it was organized, and the sooner it is abolished,
the better it will be for the rights and liberties of
the people of Georgia.
JTIerccr University.
At the recent Commencement, the degree if
A. M. was conferred upon Rev, Joseph Wall
er, of this city, the Editor of the “Christian In
dex,” and that of D. D. upon the Rev. Job
E. Dawson, of Columbus, Ga., and the Rer.
William Williams, Professor of Theology ia
Mercer University. Also the degree of L. L,
D. was conferred upon our townsman, Hon.
Eugenius A. Nisbet.
Hot.—We have had intensely warm
weather for the past few days. Health of
town and country good—crops fine.
Pro;
The Watering' Places.
If any reader of the Telegraph is wearied out
with work, or wearied with hot weather, and feels
that a week’s recreation would help him, both bodily
and mentally, let him go to a Georgia Watering
Place. Don’t go to the North or “ Old Viginny,”
but remain at home where you can be cool and
comfortable. In this connection, wc would recom
mend the Indian Springs, where a visitor will find
good company; the best water, and as good a table
as Bryan Collier or Ned Varner can prepare, and
that is saying enough,
We have conversed with numbers who have vis
ited the Indian Spring during the summer, and all
unite in commending the excellence of the accom
modatiatis. Give them a call.
Tiie Iron Tie.
Planters should carefully consider tho ad-
ortisement iu reference to the new ii ou cotton
tie.
Valuable Fertilizer.
Lime which has been used in the purifica
tion of gas and unimpaired, if not benefitted.
in its fertilizing qualities, can now be had dog
cheap at the gas works. If our planters and
gardeners do not avail themselves ot it, they
will stand in their own light.
ess of tbe Mciv Party Move-
MENT.
The Athens Banner calls attention to t
speech delivered by Cassius M. Clay, tie noto
rious Kentucky emancipationist, on the 4th
ult„ at Big Giade in that State, and publish
es the following paragraph from a report of
the Speech by the Kentucky Statesman. Com
ment is superfluous.
"He referred at length to the course of the
party leaders at Washington during the last
winter, and commended in the most laudato
ry terms the action of Messrs. Crittenden, Mar
shall, Underwood and their confederates. He
welcomed them as worthy allies in the aboli
tion cause ; said they had come to him, ami be
was ready to strike bands with them in the
effort to consolidate all the elements of oppo
sition to democracy. He recognized in the
Democratic party the only unrelenting fee
black republicanism lias to encounter
hailed the accession of such Southern States
men as Crittenden, Marshall and llndenvood
as the happiest omen of success which bail
yet occurred to encourage him and his friends.
He pledged the votes of the Kentucky free-
soilers in support of the American ticket th.s
summer.”
Sorrows of Dillaye Continued*
We see by. the New York papers, that Ste
phen A. Diilayc, who a few weeks ago de
tailed his sorrows and grievances in the loss o*
a custom house office, and spread his com
plaints before all mankind in an abusive pam
phlet of some twenty pages, has met with lur ‘
tlier misfortunes, which are set forth in ’
Herald of last Wednesday as follow?, (oaths
omitted :)
Stephen A. Dillaye was standing on the l0 '
ner of Nassau and Pine streets, when Lai*
uel B. Hart, the Surveyor of the Port,
ly approached him and accosted him *‘ lUS ’.
“l’ou infamous libeller, this is the first
I have met you since you published that
on me ;” and the speaker then spit in nts 11
and added emphatically: Take that. .
Mr. Dillaye retorted vehemently:
scoundrel, y ;u are a better man
I a.n, bnt go away from ine. for I a- n * ral
Instantly with this. Mr. Hart drew back a P
or two from Mr. Dillaye, and tlie»*f ru ’ '
such a violent blow upon the head a ^
he bad in his baud that he fell seuseles’®.* 1
pavement. ^- e
So misfortunes never come single-
are sorry for Dillaye, who. to follow P R ^
dent, ought to go Paris and have bis -F
cauterized. But taking Dillaye’s comp ® ^
to Hart in its literal and not pugilistic
we fancy it was true, although the - ' * j
office holders are a worthless aud rowdy ^'
all round. Mr. Buchanan should
entire army aud import a new sett roi
rural districts. .
..... Editor:—Let me, through ^
per, call the attention of the “powers ? *
to a wash made by the last rain, in t e 1 ^
of the street, near Mr. Raines stab c, n ^
College. It is a dangerous P la “ ’ , oB
wonder is, that no accident has >->i.
account of it yet. the city
I would be strongly tempted to su- »
for damages, were I to fall m tba
A small hole is also seen in the Street
Boardman’s corner. , t (he
Prav, whose business is it to s< o ?
Street* are, at least, in a ^ gJ^R.
We are again pnblishmgadvertise , vet’
Cherry Pectoral. This lnedicmo > •*, J>e0 nle. *
strong hold upon tho good epimon c
eniedy
is regarded generally as a »£« “SfigW .
lor Uulinouar, Complaints. Lnu * -/* eke '
Having tnuud it »» excellent mrd cm
fully endorse it.—Miscellany, Dc>" >■