Newspaper Page Text
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VOLUME IV.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING,-APRIL 21, 1870.
NUMBER 5
Bradley as a Democratic Deader*
It now turns oat that Aaron Alpcorm Brad
ley, true to his allegiance to the Biyant-Cand-
ler Democracy, It “ working against Bollock
<fc Co. with much zest and energy.” This is
npon the anthority of “Argos,” of the Consti-
tation—a paper supposed to speak ex cathedra
in all matters pertaining to the leaden of that
faction!
We congratulate the “Democracy” of Geor
gia upon this accession to its ranks, and hope
Hr. Bradley may find his associates both
agreeable and profitable!
Southern Manufacturers.
Hr. George L Lewis reports through the
Chattanooga Times the ooet of making pig
iron with stone ooal, at the Bockwood furnace,
Boone county, Tennessee, to be $16.90 per
ton; and Major L. L. Thomasson, for a
long time Superintendent of the Cornwall
Furnace, Cherokee connty, Georgia, gins the
figures of several week's run, showing that it
laid down charcoal iron in the rolling mill at a
cost of $22.37, or at the fnmaee $19.63. This
is not an attack on Fennsylrania and prohibi
tory protection !
Bellcose Language.
In his opening speech, as the counsel for the
defense in the McFarland trial, Hr. Charles
Spencer used some very strong, very personal,
and they do say, very pointed language, impli
cating’others than the parties to the trial.
Commenting on this, the New Tork Advertiser
says:
The language he applied to one lady who is
involved in this terrible affair was not only
gross and ungentlemonly, but cruelly unjust
and aggravating.
Now, if Mr. Spencer were practicing law in
Georgia, and the Advertiser were a Georgia
publication, one might expect to hear of a
“little unpleasantness” growing out of this
style of criticism. As it is, it will probably
not be remembered sixty days hence. Which
locality has the advantage, since it seems to be
a question of locality merely?
Mr. Morton's Bill a Necessity.
Whilst in some of the States “the Democ
racy " is endeavoring to conciliate the oolored
people and secure their votes by persuading
them that it never seriously opposed the XVth
Amendment, the fossilized leaders of that party
in other States renew their expressions of hos
tility to the Amendment In California, for
instance, a number of County Clerks, holding
their petitions in virus of Democratic votes,
refused to register colored men as voters. This
refusal was after the XVth Amendment Prec
is tion was issued, and therefore after the right
of Suffrage was guaranteed to the colored man
in the Fundamental Law of the land. And
yet more than fifty Democratic members of the
Legislature approve the action of the Clerks,
and propose to back them up “ with moral,
and, if needed, all the physical force God has
given them.” Physical force is suggestive.
It is to meet the demands created by this Dem
ocratic “physical force” that Senator Horton's
bill for tho enforcement of the XVth Amend
ment was intended!
John Rice—P»rty Warfare.
The effort on the part of J. E. Bryant and
those who acknowledge his leadership, to ostra
cise John nice, rresraent ornio Georgs. Na
tional Bonk, would be contemptible were it
leas ludicrous. Because Mr. Bid is a Bepub-
lican in politics; because be honestly believes
the material and commercial interests of Geor
gia demand her early admission to the Union;
because he desires this brought about in ac
cordance with the settled policy of the Gov
ernment ; and because he is in Washington
urging this upon bis acquaintances and
friends in Congress—for this the business men
of Atlanta, of whom he is an honored repre
sentative, are asked to ostracise him and the
House of which be is the head!
And this by a man who owns nothing in the
State, much leas in Atlanta ; who represents
no interests material, commercial or other
wise, that identifies him with the solid
men of the State; who has no local
habitation, but who lives a sort of nonnadic
life; who basis his hopes of political prefer
ment upon his ability to work upon the pas
sions of the ignorant and the desperate; who
would inflame the mob against the property-
holder and turn the State into a Pandemonium
in order to fill his pockets!
The business men of Atlanta are not yet
prepared to accept the leadership of such an
adventurer as this! They are not yet
prepared to respond to the suggestions
of a faction whose fortunes are so des
perate as to drive them to expedients
like this! Ur. Bryant's suggestions, and those
of bis lieutenants who soek to stab the com
mercial character of Mr. Bice and injure the
business of the House with which he is con
nected, is a species of political warfare emi
nently worthy of the leader of that conglomer
ated faction of malcontents and political
bankrupts known as the “ Bryant Democracy!"
Tin Legal Statue of the Georgia date.
In the course of a lengthy article in review
of the Georgia case, the New Tork Times says:
Congress has the power to declare the pres
ent State Government provisional, and it is
bound to do whatever is best for the protection
of the loyal men of the State.. It has already
declared, in effect, that the State Government
thus far is provisional, by interfering as it did
by the act of Dec. 22, 1869. Gen. Terry, an
able lawyer as well as a good soldier, could pro
ceed upon no other hypothesis, and the resto
ration of the authority of the Beconstruction
acts followed as as natural sequence. Congress
itself absolutely admitted that fact, by ordering
in the law of December last, that the Legisla
ture, when convened, should proceed to elect
newofficers. If it was not a provisional Legisla
ture, why require that? If the purging of the
Legislature by reseating the expelled members
was the only thing to be done, by what au
thority does Congress assume to orders new
election of officers for the Legislature? If
that Legislature was valid, and Georgia was a
State in the Union—which she was not in fact,
whatever she may have been in theory—then
Congress had no authority to interfere as it
did, except by that broad provision of the Con
stitution which requires that “the United
States shall guarantee to every State in this
’ Union a republican form of Government.
None of the lawyers in Congress have yet as
sumed that they were acting in pursuanoe
of this power, because they are not willing
to admit that Georgia is “a State in this
Union.'' Gen. Terry’s action and position
was approved by the Administration, his was
the only logical action that could follow the
action of Congress, and to reinforce this view
and position now comes Judge Erskine, of the
United States District Court for the District of
Georgia, who was prominently named for the
Circuit and Supreme Judgeships, and of whose
ability there is no question—with a decision,
arising out of questions involved in a recent
criminal case, declaring that by virtue of the
Beconstruction acts, the present Government
of Georgia cannot be anything but provisional.
If tho Senate must have more law npon this
point, let it apply to Judge Erskine.
5r of Encouraging It.
The wonderful statistics of Co-operative So
cieties in Europe, and the bare suggestion that
the principles of cooperation might be applied
in the South upon the farm, have excited no
little interest and inquiry tar further informa
tion.
It is a subject well deserving the investiga
tion of every benevolent patriot. It does not
become any claiming a modicum of intelligence
to turn from it with ridicule, simply because
they have never heard of it before, or because
their great-grandfathers knew nothing about it
and left no traditionary landmarks suggestive
of it. Tet co-operation has an
arrciEKT histobt.
For the benefit of those who are prone to
venerate antiquities, it may be remarked that
there are authenticated intances of the exis
tence of Co-operative Societies of skilled me
chanics in almost every period of the world's
history.
It is claimed that the Order of Freemasons
originated as a Co-operative Association of
Architects and Buildere, who, by their skill and
good conduct, so commended themselves to
tho princes and rulers of the world, that they
were permitted to go from country to country
free from molestation. They were granted
many privileges, immunities, and franchises
in consideration of the admirable rules and
regulations by which they controlled their own
members and restrained them from aggressions
upon others.
The Collegia Fabrorum at the time of Numa
were doubtless Co-operative Associations of
Architects and Builders. To the skill of co
operative societies of architects and builders,
the world is indebted for many structures
erected in past ages, that justly excite our ad
miration and astonishment on account of the
perfection of their workmanship and the mag
nificence and grandeur of their proportions.
The success or failure of co-operation de
pends upon the details of its organization and
the good or bad faith of its membership in re
gard to the engagements entered into.
co-ormuTioN or -in. >jtzszaT day
literally means copartnership in labor. It is
derived from the Latin words con, together,
and opus, labor.
It is based upon the principle that labor
properly accumulated, aggregated and organ
ized may be reckoned as capital stock in any
trade or enterprise. The members of Co-ope
rative Societies, practically subscribe for stock
in the enterprise or business undertaken, paya
ble in labor. Their associated labor is man
aged and directed as the Constitution and By
laws of each Society may direct If these ore
well considered and the personnel of the mem
bership ia good, the basis of a money credit is
at once formed. If money capital should be
needed, before the associated labor can create
it, these Societies have generally commanded
it with little difficulty.
Co-operation does not necessarily demand
theyieldingupofanyof the established cus
toms of good society, nor any interruption in
any degree of the independence and privacy of
the family. The formation of Co-operative So
cieties in Europe as well os this country was
provoked by the tyranny of the moneyed and
landed aristocracy In densely populated com
munities. They must be eminently successful
in agricultural pursuits, in sparsely populated
sections, where money capital is scarce and la
bor may be made to create wealth with great
rapidity. The practicability of successfully
rxnuNG os oo-opmuxxvB rr.iNcin.Es
Is well worth investigating; and it is seriously
urged upon the attention of the many worthy
and intelligent men to be found every where in
the South, who are seeking employment
Let ten honest and calculating men, who
are in good health and possessed of sufficient
strength to perform any of the operations
needed in Agriculture, seriously confer with
each other on this subject If amongst them
there is on experienced fanner, reliable data for
calculations can be furnished. On the suppo
sition that each of the ten will faithfully per
form the labors of a farm hand results can at
once be safely calculated.
Without doubt it may be set down that in
Georgia each of those hands can net after
paying expenses the first year, at least three
bales of cotton and lay up provisions to sup
ply him and the stock needed in bis operations
the second year. The association could be
gin the second year with a money capital of
at least $3,000, if their thirty bales net in
market 20 cents per pound and each bale
weighs 500 pounds.
The associated laborers should enter into a
well-understood agreement as to the period
and the terms on which they will co-operate.
In defining the relative proportion of interest
the profits of the association, a share might
be rated as one hand, half a share as half a
hand, and so on.
If some of the members have families and
some have none, those with families might
properly be allowed to enter some of their
children as half-hands if able to do half the
work of a foil hand. Or, if preferred, the
labor of the children as needed might be hired
by the Management at wages to be agreed
upon.
If an Association of ten or more Co-opera
tive Farmers should be formed under a judi
ciously framed Constitution, it is pot doubtful
that they could leases desirable farm for a
term of years, or purchase one on reasonable
terms as to time. Nor is it probable that they
would be unable to stock and provision the
farm the first year on a credit. Ten judicious
and determined men, with ability to labor,
would furnish the very best of security to the
money lender.
Upon the firm, accommodations could be
provided for a separate residence for each fam
ily, and a garden or truck patch, which might
be worked independently of the Associa
tion. To each associated laborer an agreed ra
tion might be issued, which, if he fails to draw,
should be credited to him. Additional pro
visions, household and kitchen utensils and
wearing apparel should be debited to the party
purchasing them. The furnishing of these
pre-suppbses their purchase at wholesale pri
ces by the Association, and only such advance
charged for them when retailed to the mem
bers, os will cover the expense and risk of
handling them.
A store belonging to the Association might,
in aome localities, be made a source of profit
by selling to outsiders.
Should it be deemed desirable or
to have in the Association a blacksmith and
woodwoxkman capable of repairing and mak
ing farming implements, wagons, machinery
etc., his labor might be rated as that of
hand and a half or two hands according as
equity may demand, and it may be mutually
agreed upon.
Accounts of labor performed or furnished
should be carefully kept, and in cases of sick
ness or absence each member failing to fur
nish a satisfactory substitute should be debited
on his account therefor.
Every such Association, to be successful,
should adhere to the rule never to purchase
what can be made and saved on the farm. It
is only thus that individual farmers succeed in
accumulating.
All the stock, cattle, horses, hogs, sheep
eto. on the form, should be owned by the As
sociation. The milch cows could be equitably
distributed among the families, on some well
understood plan, or they might all be man
aged at a dairy owned in common, the pro-'
ducts of which, after supplying the members
of the Association on equitable terms, could
be sold.
Great advantages would accrue from the use
of labor-saving machinery to a Co-operative
Society of intelligent laborers who would
rightly appreciate and skillfully handle it
These outlines are suggested not as those of
perfected plan of organization, but rather to
stimulate intelligent men to think about and
investigate this interesting subject for them
selves.
IN SWITZERLAND
and elsewhere Co-operation has done much to
lift the peasantry out of their abject poverty.
Already several Co-operative Societies of Swiss
agriculturalists have arrived in this country,
and more are coming. Many thousands of
acres of land have been purchased for their
use on the Cumberland Mountain, in Ten-
Will Americans, who are out of employment,
idly fold their hands and complain and lament
and theorize about the oppressive aggressions
of money capital, while there is a way open
for their relief, and there is a demonstrated
practical plan, which, if largely adopted, will
confine money to its legitimate and equitable
uses, viz: that of aiding instead of crippling
the producer?
THE LABGE MONET OWN EES
Are seriously interested in the contentment of
their impoverished neighbors. Already the
hopelessness of some of the latter is suggesting
to their minds the advocacy of Agrarianism.
Co-operation especially in Agriculture in the
South opens a way for the relief of a large
number of intelligent men, who are not skilled'
mechanics, and whose intelligence and sensi
tiveness will make them formidable propagan
dists of agrarian principles, if dire necessity
forces them to embrace them.
THE LARGE LANDHOLDER
Cannot flatter himself that ho will long con
tinue to employ laborers, who will be content
to be ever hopelessly homeless. Co-operative
forming will furnish opportunities to make
sales of surplus lands to purchasers whose
neighborship would be desirable, and whose
intelligence and industry would contribute
much to the permanent prosperity of the
country. It will, if wisely planned and faith
fully carried out, secure cheerful contentment,
where now there are heart burnings, and an,
yet, unuttered but growing disposition to ad
vocate the policy of dividing the lands among
people.
Co-Operation—It* Moral Advantage*.
In furnishing statistics and suggesting
economical considerations that favor the adop
tion of Co-operative Farming, motives of a
partizan character do not enter into the calcu
lations of the New Era. Co-operation is a pol
icy entirely foreign to the platforms of parties.
is independent of them. It not only defies
partizan diaoipiiae, dot n overrides "it Nor
in the arguments and illustrations used, is it
intended unkindly to npbraid the foibles, the
errors or prejudices of any.
There is existent a patent fact Many of the
most deserving young men (android ones, too,)
are out of employment. Many ore in despair
as to their individual fortune. In comparing
their present condition with that of days
now gone and passed away, philosophy is
often at fault. Worthy men too often yield to
the hopelessness of despair. Hence the finger
post of friendship, to point their way to inde
pendence and self-reliance becomes a necessity.
Besides the economical considerations that
urge the adoption of Co-operation by the
needy, there are moral advantages that grow
out of and are incident to it
There is no feeling that so much contributes
to one’s own self-respect as that of indepen
dence npon patronage. Cold, calculating
capital rarely adds to its charms, the beauties
of charity and unselfishness. It views its
servants os unthinking automata, that cry
Papa!” or “Mamma!" only as it deigns to
raise an arm or press npon a spring:
Independence of thought and action is the
great consolation of the farmer, and if his
cribs and meat house are full, he is free from
servility to any one. If he keeps in the bounds
of duty to himself, his neighbor and his Coun
try, he and his family can snap their fingers in
defiance at the caprices of trade, the machina
tions of corrupt rings, and the tyranny of
Fashion.
His Country and his God he can serve, just
as his own intelligent sense of propriety de
mands, in defiance of what tho Mrs Grondys
in political, financial or fashionable circles
may say.
Who will dare to say, that this kind of inde
pendence is not promotive of an intelligent
appreciation of the individual responsibility
that is necessary to individual morality, and
the happiness consequent thereon?
This independence assertedJayno-operation
brings in its train many moral and social ad
vantages, not only to the co-laborers them
selves but to their wives and children, if any
they are so fortunate as to claim.
Who can value the contributions made to a
good man’s happiness by the patient industry
and the persevering love of the dutiful wife,
that is raised for above the envyings and heart
burnings incident to competitive city life?
How inestimable to the husband the consider
ation that his own strong arms have wrought
for her freedom from the thraldom and sla
very of heartless fashion!
And then, when he turns his eyes upon his
offspring, far removed from temptations that
beset boys and girls on the crowded streets of
the cities, and the deleterious influence of the
impure and stifling air of closely built houses,
would he exchange his hopeful recognition of
the blessings of his situation for the wealth of
millionaires or the gay trappings of heartless
Courts?
Marriage life is, under the Constitution de
creed by the Creator for the moral govern
ment of man, both a duty and privilege. Yet
it is often held in abeyance by the necessities
of the artificial and unnatural situation in
winch men and women find themselves in
the towns and cities where, in many instances,
custom, prejudice and fashion seem to for
bid it
Thus young men and women frequently put
off their starting together npon the journey of
life, because they cannot begin house-keeping
at the same stage, at which it took their pa
rents a life time to arrive. Not so the for
mer, whose strong arms and willing hands
dig from the ground the means wherewith he
do&cs and feeds his family. His wife, from
the very beginning of his independent career
becomes in co-laborer, a co-operator and a pos
itive producer of wealth—not a continuous
and persistent consumer.
Were there no other considerations to urge
young men out of employment to engage in
Co-operative Fanning save that it would open
the way to early marriages, this alone would
be enough.
But there are other blessings flowing from
it It would shower inestimable blessings
npon the married man, his wife and his chil
dren. It would enable him rationally to edu
cate the minds, the hearts, and the physique of
his children. He could, if he would, thor
oughly control their associations, and success
fully direct their minds to the realities and re
sponsibilities of life, independent the sickly
prejudices of artificial society.
Nor would the unmarried young man, if he
is not fully impressed with the dignity of mar
ried life, and is unwilling to take upon himself
its responsibilities, fail to feel the moral bene
fits of a solemn engagement to rely upon his
own strong arm for support
For a will, ennobled by the aspirations of a
self-reliant soul, is at last the best prop for old
or young. It is not only a prop, when inter
est and comfort and character demand that
there shall be no retrogression; but it is t£e
propulsive power that will drive him over
difficulties, no matter how great is the uphill
grade he may have to surmount
The McFarland Trial.
The trial of McFarland continues to excite
great interest, as such trials always do. The
New York papers are full of it The Court
room is represented as being crowded every
day by people of all classes and conditions,
including ladies, who constitute a large pro
portion of the audience.
The testimony of Mr. McFarland’s niece,
Mrs. Oliver, tends to show that the prisoner
was partially insane, as was his brother, the
witness’ father. The prisoner had lost his
property, was troubled in mind about what he
termed his wife’s association with “thoseFree
Love people,” had contemplated a suit against
Richardson for abducting his family; but ow
ing to his poverty, and Richardson’s pecuni
ary advantages, become discouraged and
hopeless. According to the drift of the testi
mony, McFarland’s insanity—if he was insane
at all—was such as might result from a con
stant strain upon the mind of a proud and
sensitive man, whose nervous system (natu
rally predominant) had yielded under the hu
miliating sense of his wrongs.
The New York Sun contains portraits of
all the parties. McFarland is represented as
a rather handsome, middle-aged man, well
shaped head and face, open, benevolent coun
tenance, Roman nose, intellectual expression,
and looks very little like a murderer, or even
a man of violent temper. Mr. Richardson is
represented as being over medium size, long
dish face, ponderous jaws, massive head, and
a nose belonging to a class which physiogno
mists agree in pronouncing “villainous.”
Mrs. McFarland-Richardson is represented as
a woman of “ muscular beauty,” with a finely
shaped neck and head, oval face, Grecian
nose, laxge eyes, profuse curls, and a large,
well-shaped mouth.
It is one of the evidences of the depravity
of human nature that such tragedies, and the
legal trial and disgusting details of evidence
which follow them, captivates the pubtiq
FINANCE.
AVJiitlicr Are IVe Tendings
Tbeunteliigeiht man when he turns his at
tention to the movements of society is forced
to ask himself the question: 'Whither are we
tending? -
To judge the future by the past is futile and
silly; if we “expect History to repeat itself”
in the sense in which this old maxim is used.
Tie civilization of the present day has no
history to appeal to for precedents. The con
dition of mankind is not such os it used to be ;
nor ore men’s surroundings such as they were
in days of yore.
Talk of Roman and Grecian virtues in pres
ence of the steamship, railroad locomotion and
the telegraph and the intelligent mind is car
ried back to a period when “pent up Uticas"
narrowed men’s minds to traditional routine
and forced it to yiel&to the behests and com
mands of Caste.
Within the memory of men now living ex
change between Georgia and New York or
Philadelphia has been as high as twenty per
cent, if not higher. This was when the whis
tle the locomotive had never been heard
south of the Ohio, or west of the line of the
Alleghanies.
Within the memory of the same individuals,
the question of re-chartering the United States
Batik agitated the people from one extremity
of the Union to the other. The question of
difference of exchange entered ^into all the
politico-financial arguments of the politician,
of those Ancient days. Indeed they were
ancient, in one sense. For the improvements
in transportation of men and goods in the last
half century have excelled the improvements
made from the beginning of tho Christian Era
to the Dawn of the Reformation, or about the
time„of the Revival of Letters and the Inven
tion of Printing.
In the days of Jackson’s Administration, the
Bank question, the Pet Banking System, and
the Specie Circular agitated the people from
Maine to Louisiana. Hard Money—Benton’s
Mint drops—Biddle’s Corrupt Ring—Bills of
Exchange—The Tariff—in short, every vagary
of the most visionary political economist, and
tie.ad captandum asseverations of the most ig
norant ploughman, were rung in changes from
dne extremity of the country to the other; so
that many of the masses were in doubt as to
whether the money that purchased their
olothes grew on trees, or was vouchsafed to
them by that wonderful entity called the Fed
eral Government, that did and could make and
destroy the fortunes of men according as Jack-
son waved or held still the mythical hickory
stick that he was supposed to wield, and which
was presumed to be endowed with all the
powers of a Fairy’s Wand or a Wizzard’s Rod.
Now finance and financiers are at fault
Their thunder is stolen. They are silenced by
the whistle of the steam car, and appalled by
the whispered intelligence of the electric tele
graph. Exchange no more is rated by the ar-
F tificial values which distance and time dicta
ted. Th e kiting of the speculator is estopped
.by the suddenness of the flight of intelligence
'from one point to another. The financial neces-
skies of tho producer arc in a very short period
met; bec&uso he can convert his products into
money in the most distant market, in a very
mind, and hence monopolise so much,oi tk^ iwjfaxsand receive his net proceeds through
current literature of the day. those most wonderful modern Bankers, Rail
road and Express Companies.
The steamships, the Railroads, and the Tel
egraph of our day have set all financial prece
dents at defiance. Never was there a time
when, (if he chooses,) the producer can, with
so much facility, be his own banker, and com
mission merchant
In truth, never was there a time, when Fi
nance so thoroughly defied theory as now.
Legislation used to interfere in dictating sr
pensions and commanding resumptions of
specie payments. The masses of the people
formerly exercised themselves violently about
hard money and the worthlessness of a paper
currency. Now they are indifferent 'When
they want gold they get it When exchange
between one part of the country and another
is alluded to, they are indifferent, because
they rarely need it
Commodities are bought and sold through
the telegraph, both over-land and oceanic, and
balances settled by the entrance of credits and
debits on day books, and counting-house
journals to be closed out by future transac
tions.
The finances of the world are becoming sim
plified ; and in discussing of questions of Fi
nance, he that does not note and remember
that the tendency to unity, which modern lo
comotion of material and thought has created,
is not worthy of attention; and his opinions
ore, and must be, worthless, because without
the recognition of it, he cannot understand the
Situation.”
American Journalism.
The New York Herald is said to be worth
$3,000,000, the Tribune $1,250,000, the Times
$1,000,000, the Journal of Commerce $8,000,-
000, the Evening Post $700,000, the Sun
$600,000, the World $400,000, and the Even
ing Express $300,000.
It cannot be denied that the number of
newspaper readers in this country is rapidly
increasing—a favorable indication of the
growth of intelligence all over our country.
Say what the alarmists may, who are afraid of
the power of the press, and in their terror cry
out, from time to time, against its fancied
or apprehended corruption, the fact re
mains that' its increase has been the
almost invariably accompaniment, or immedi
ate hirbinger of free institutions. The follow
ing table, compiled from official statistics,
singularly illustrates this fact In 1865, the
number of journals in the chief civilized coun
tries of the world was as follows:
The United States, with a population of
38.000. 000, had, 4,000, or one for every 7,500
inhabitants; Great Britain, with 28,000,000,
had one for about every 23,000, or 1,200;
France, with 37,000,000, had 1,640, or one for
about every 22,000; Prussia, with 18,000,000,
had 700, or one for nearly 26,000 ; Italy, with
27.000. 000, had 500, or one for 54,000, and the
rest were classed as follows, in round num
bers;
Switzerland 2,600.000
Belgium 4,700,000
Holland 3,500,000
Russia C6,000,000
Spain 15,000,000
8weeden and Norway... .5,200,009
16,000
330,000
75.000
36.000
Impolicy of an Election this Fall.
Says the New York Times: There cannot
be any fairness or any protection to the loyal
people of Georgia, in any election that can
take place this year. The bad feeling of the
rebel Democracy -towards Congress and the
Administration, and the lack of organization
on the part of the Republicans, would be suffi
cient, of themselves, to defeat a fair election
now or for months to come. And if the loyal
people are not to control the State for the
next two years, it might with advantage be
handed over to the exclusive protection of the
military. All the loyal organizations in the
State outside of the cities have been broken
np absolutely, and cannot be reorganized
without the protection of the United States
military, which cannot be had in sufficient
force, or that of a State militia, which is not
yet organized.
Southern Manufactures.
Men who have given the subject careful at
tention and study, declare that cotton yarns
can be made in the South cheaper, by five
cents a pound, than in the North, and that
yarns made in the South and exported to Eu
rope can be sold for four and a half cents a
pound cheaper than of yarns made in Europe
of exported American cotton.
This presents a margin large enough to war
rant large investments in your factories. A
spinning mill that would employ 87 operatives,
and consume 887 bales of cotton, would prob
ably not cost over $50,000, and the gimnal
profits on the sale of its yams at Northern
prices, it is estimated would be $17,000.
The Value of Medicine.
A physician recently said, in a lecture on
intemperance delivered at Troy, N. Y., that
the whisky bought for three cents a glass at
the live Points is just os healthy and as good
as the whisky that is sold at the Fifth Avenue
Hotel for fifty cents a glass. It is not the
fusil oil, the strychnine, nor the adulterations
put into liquors that makea them poisonous—
it is the alcohol Alcohol is never of any use,
the lecturer declared, except rarely as a medi
cine, and this remark was qualied by the addi
tional one that medicine is rarely of any use
either.
Special dispatch to the New Era.]
Washington, April 15.—The debate on the
Georgia bill was continued in the Senate to
day. Speeches were made by Senators Sher
man, Boreman, Hamilton, of Texas, and
Poole, of North Carolina.
At half post four the Senate, by unanimous
consent, agreed to close the debate and vote
on Tuesday next, at half past six o’clock.
There is now no doubt but that the Bing
ham Amendment will be stricken out and the
State government continued as provisional,
under the military. In such cose the Repub
licans will favor the amendment of Senator
Pomeroy, which is as follows:
“Whereas great irregularities have been
practiced in the organization of the Legisla
ture in the State of Georgia, both in its first
organization and in the expulsion of certain
members, as well, also, as in its reorganization
since the act of December lost; therefore,
“Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of Ameri
ca in Congress assembled, That the existing
government in the State of Georgia is hereby
declared to be provisional; and the same shall
continue subject to the provisions of the acts
of Congress of March two, eighteen hundred
and sixty-seven, and March twenty-three, eigh
teen hundred and sixty-seven, and of July
nineteen, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven,
until the admission of said State, by law, to
representation in Congress; and for thin pur
pose the State of Georgia shall constitute the
Third Military District
Section 2. And be it further enacted,
That in accordance with the provisions of,
and under the powers and legislation provided
in, said acts, an election shall be held in said
State on the first Tuesday of September,
eighteen hundred and seventy, for all the
members of the General Assembly of said
State provided for in the constitution of said
State, adopted by its convention on the elev
enth day of March, eighteen hundred and
sixty-eight. And said General Assembly so
elected shall assemble, at the capitol of said
State, on the twenty-third day of November,
eighteen hundred and seventy, and organize,
preparatory to the admission of the State to
representation in Congress; and the powers
and functions of the members of the existing
General Assembly shall cease and determine
on the said twenty-third day of November,
eighteen hundred and seventy.”.
Tlie Brunswick and Albany Railroad.
During the past few weeks, much has been
written and said concerning this road. The
subject naturally came up for discussion by
the dispatch which was sent to Washington by
Hon. Wm. L. Avery. From that time to this,
thinking men, and those persons who had the
material interest of Georgia at heart, com
menced to inquire what this road was, who
were building it, and what was the nature of the
country through which it passed. The press
then, in every section of the State, be
gan to discuss the matter, and the conclusion
is, that every paper which has mentioned the
subject commends the enterprise, praises its
rapid progress, and, rather than disparage the
important work, speaks loudly in its favor.
It is true, some of the press speak of Geor
gia State Bonds, by which the road is built;
but what important railroad enterprise, North
or South, that has not had aid and influence
from the State ?
In regard to the contractors, concerning
whom so much has been said in a political
sense, it is not our purpose to discuss. We
only refer to the road and its representatives,
strictly as an enterprise, which, to-day, isone
of the grand internal improvements nf the
State of Georgia, and one which, when com
pleted, will add another important link to the
great chain of railways now belting every sec
tion of the South; and there is no doubt but
that it will be the eastern terminus of the
grand Southern Pacific route.
No one acquanted with the geographical sit-
nation of the country through which this road
passes, will deny that from the begining to the
end of the road, that it is the most practicable
line, while the entire country possesses supe
rior advantages for the capitalist and the set
tler.
Brunswick as a seaport cannot be surpassed
on the Atlantic coast Nothing but jealousy
and an unhealthy rivalry, prevented this place
from being, long ago, what it is destined to be.
Her interests with Atlanta are identical
The former the seaport city of Georgia, and
the latter the interior city and the natural grain
market of the State.
The following article, from the Appeal, can
not fail to command the attention of our
readers:
THE BRUNSWICK AND ALBANY RAILROAD,
This enterprise, whose importance to a very
extensive portion of the cotton-producing re
gion of the South (and especially to Georgia)
cannot be over-estimated, is being construct
ed in the most substantial manner, with an
energy and rapidity rarely equalled. It is a
source of pride and gratification to know that
it is the determination of the stockholders and
contractors, and more particularly of the able
General Superintendent, to make the Bruns
wick and Albany the model railway of Georgia.
Although the portion now completed and op
erated for construction purposes is superior to
any other we know of in the State, it is the
purpose of Colonel Halbert to moke it better
ban it is.
Over fifty miles of rail have been laid, and
several thousand tons are now piled on the
wharves and alongside the track in the city
which, at an early day, will be sent forward
and put down. If no nnpropitibus weather
intervenes it is expected the lino will reach,
and be in working order, to the Atlantic and
Gulf junction by the 20th and to Waresboro
by the 30th of this month.
When the junction is reached, or soon there
after, we doubt not a train for the accommo
dation of passengers and the transportation
of freight will be put on the line, and our fa
cilities for communication with tho interior
thereby increased, while onr charming city
will be placed in more intimate relations with
other parts of our grand old State and tho
outside world.
As this railway is built in the immediate in
terest of Brunswick—which is regarded by
capitalists and railway men os the Atlantic ter-
minns of the great Southern Trans-Continen
tal Railway—whose Pacific terminus will be San
Diego, California; and as we know it is being
built by live, go-ahead, progressive men, who
have confided its control to one of the fore
most, if not actually the foremost, railroad man
in tho South, we indulge sanguine hopes, in
fact, confidently believe, that one of the first
results of a junction with the Atlantic and
Gulf Road will be the construction of a Tele
graph line.
With Telegraph communication with all the
world, Brunswick will indeed have occasion to
rejoice and to feel that she is really advancing
to her proper and deserved position and prom
inence in the commercial world.
Jfen—men like these constructing this grand
connecting link of the shortest and best and
most practicable, (because least interrupted by
physical causes) route between the world’s
two greatest oceans ; men of brains, of energy,
of capital and undoubted financial facilities
and skill; men who have the sagacity to per
ceive the importance and value in the future of
such undertakings, and who have the courage
and daring to engage in them with zeal, are
the sort the South standsfmost in need of now,
and should be greeted with a cordial welcome.
It matters very little which political party is
predominant, or what citizen is Governor, if
we can only bring our improved lands under
cultivation; improve our immense water
powers; unearth and utilize our mineral de
posits; convert our almost boundless forests
into habitations, and tho greatest and grand
est commercial marine the world ever saw or
dreamed of; and construct railways to trans
port our products and manufactures to mar
ket, and our people whithersoever interest or
inclination may lead.
Men who can and will accomplish these re
sults are the men we need. Such we conceive
the men to be who are engaged in building
the Brunswick and Albany Railway—a half
dozen of whom are of more real value to the
community and State than an hundred times
their number of selfish politicians, distracting
the attention and exciting the bitter animosi
ties of the people, by discussing issues that
are dead, and should have been buried long
ago.
It will be a great thing for Georgia, and a
really great day for Brunswick, when the
Brunswick and Albany Railroad reaches Al
bany; it will be greater when it shall have
reached Eufaula ; and we heartily wish its en-
the exercise of this power, the late rebellious
States were placed under the control of the
military am, an assurance more liberal than
we had any right to expect was given us, that,
so soon as we would change the fundamental
laws of our State so that they should conform
to the provisions of the Constitution of the
United States, and show, in good faith, our in
tention to abide thereby, the military power
should be removed and we would be permitted
to resume, the government of our own State.
At that time, as now, I believed that the
proper place' for my native Stato was in the
Union, and I determined at once to devote my
self heartily to the work of reconstruction. In
this work I hoped to have the co-operation of
my former friends and political associates—the
men who in past times had honored me with
political trust To a great extent I have been
disappointed in that expectation. I soon dis
covered that to be a reconstructionist in
Georgia was to be an ostracised man, so far,
at least as my former political friends were
concerned. This, however, did not deter me
from maintaining the course which I had
marked out.
When the delegates to the constitutional con
vention were chosen. I was honored with a seat
in that body. I used my influence there to
frame for the citizens of Georgia such a con
stitution os I myself was willing to live under
and abide by, and to-day I am still satisfied
therewith, because I believe it to bo thorough
ly Republican in form, and equitably just.
Of the stand I have taken since its adoption,
and at our first election under it, it is perhaps
unnecessary that I should speak at length.
My record is in my private and public politi
cal acts, any of which, at any time, I am wil
ling should be submitted to the scrutiny of an
impartial tribunal.
The journals of Georgia, which have persist
ently opposed reconstruction, have also, many
of them, unspairingly abused me, not refrain
ing even from the lowest personal villification
of myself and my family. All this I have borne
and can bear in silence, because I understand
the source from which it proceeds; and, not
withstanding all this, I shall continue to Labor
here for the perfection of such legislation as
will secure peace to Georgia, and also for that
without which peace would be but a mere
mockery: namely, the right of every-citizen to
the full enjoyment of all the privileges granted
to him by the laws of the Union and of the State.
At the present time the bill for tho recon
struction of Georgia is in the Senate, where it
has been sent by the House, encumbered with
what you well characterize as “that iniquitous
measure, the Bingham Amendment” In my
mind I do not entertain a doubt but that this
amendment will be stricken out by the Senate.
Neither do I doubt but that the sober second
thought of the House, weakened as it has been
by the rebel howls of gratification which greet
ed the adoption of the odious amendment will,
by an overwhelming vote, concur in this strik
ing out.
That work accomplished, the Legislature of
Georgia will have time to enact suitable mili
tia, registration, and election laws, and pro
vide for their execution. That this will speed
ily be done I have no doubt. Before the close
or another week I hope to see our Senators
admitted to their seats, and Georgia placed
once more side by side with her sister States,
on the broad highway of national progress.
That she will be able to maintain a proud po
sition there, none of us who know her vast
mineral and agricultural resourocs can pre
tend to doubt
Under the genial reign of peace and equal
rights, all her natural interests will be revived,
her valuablo water powers will be improved, her
valleys and hills will bo covered with thrifty
communities, and she will be again, as in the
days of yore, theEmpire State of the South. May
a kind Providence hasten the dawning of that
day.
I cannot close this letter without saying to
your association that the men in the Senate and
House of Representatives of the United States
who have stood up for the rights of the people
of Georgia, are deserving of the highest en
comium of praise and gratitude. The limits
of a letter preclude the idea of giving the names
of tbomi, our friend*. They ft.ro numerous.
Again assuring your association of my earn
est desire for tho prosperity of the whole people
of Georgia, and for the spread of the political
truths which it is your privilege and your duty
to disseminate, I am, sir, very respectfully,
vours, Foster Blodgett. *
PLEBISCIT
FEMALE SCULPTORS IN ROME.
^ _ in their work, only regretting that
our State is not blessed with thousands more
of the same spirit
Letter from Hon. Foster Blodgett.
In reply to a letter of Mr. Cook, transmit
tjng a copy of the resolution adopted by the
Young Men’s Republican Club of Atlanta,
(published in the Era some days since) Sena
tor Bfodgett writes as follows:
From the Washington Chronicle, 12th.]
National Hotel, )
Washington, D. C., April 9, 1870. f
Mr. Charles S. Cook, Secretary of the Young
Men's Republican Club of Fulton county. Go.:
Dear Sir—I am in receipt of your favor of
tho 2d instant, inclosing copy of resolutions
adopted at a meeting of your club, held on
the evening of the 30th ultimo.
For the very complimentary manner in
which my name is mentioned in the resolu
tions, the club will please accept my most sin
cere thanks, and also the assurance that my
efforts to secure both theoretically and prac
tically a republican form of government in
Georgia shall not be relaxed until that good
work is accomplished.
The example set by the young men of Fulton
county in organizing a Republicen club is one
that should be followed by our friends in every
county in the State. We can in no other way
so well extend our influence and secure at oar
elections a full vote of the-party adherents.
Permit me to embrace this opportunity of
stating to our Republican friends in Georgia
my exact position in regard to the best inter
ests of that commonwealth, and the precise
condition in which legislation as respects her
reconstruction and readmission as a State in
the Union now stands.
At the close of the war, when the Southern
armies surrendered, in my opinion that sur
render inculuded a tacit submission to the
law, both political and civil, of the recognized
authorities of the United States. When, in
A correspondent of the Pittsburg Post, in
the course of a chatty letter from Rome, devo
ted to the sculptors and their works, remarks :
“The entrance to Miss Hosmer’s studio
through a small court, with flowers and foun
tains playing. In the first room canaries are
chirping and trilling their melodies to tho un
appreciative statues around. A number of
workmen in the other rooms, chirping and
clipping industriously, attest the success of
this lady who has already become wealthy,
and can well afford to take her airings upon
the Pincio or in the Campagna. She keeps
several horses and delights in the chase, and
is as regular at the semi-weekly fox hunts as
the male hunters and hounds. Should you
find her at work in her studio, she will be at
tired in a linen overdress, and have a velvet
cap upon her head. She will impress you as
a self-reliant woman, who, having carved her
way through difficulties and trials, in compe
tition, too, with the sterner sex. feels her pow
er, and quails before no man. Her rooms
contain a great many works of exquisite art,
and are as interesting as many galleries of stat
uary.
“We find Miss Freeman, a quiet, pleasant
faced lady, in a large room, wherein her easel
is placed behind a screen which partially di
vides the apartment. She is of medium
height, with a good figure, shown by a closely-
fitting black cloth walking dress. She wears
a small black hat over her short-cut hair. Her
manner is placid but aflable as she displays
her works; the most interesting being an ideal
of Chiaibos, whom Longfellow immortalized,
if he did not create.
‘Miss Vinnie Ream’s studio is by far the
most tasteful Upon the wall on one side
hangs the American flag, upon the other, two
small French flags are .arched over a portraifcof
Gustave Dor© and a sketch of Judith made by
him ’for this young lady, in whose success he
feels an interest In one corner is a pile of
stones mossed and ivied over, upon which a
pair of ringed doves coo. All around are bas
kets and bouquets of flowers. But brighter,
sweeter than the flowers, and more musical
than the birds, is the blithe little lady in her
short blue frock, and figured apron, with
sleeves, a blue veil folded liko a turban around
her head, with the ends hanging loosely behind,
from beneath which a few rich brown curls
drop out Her eyes are large, dark brown,
with an interestingly sorrowful expression,
when not lit up with smiles. Her figure is
quite petite, but frill of activity and energy.—
Seeing the unmistakable evidences of her
genius, and looking at her slight form, wo feel
the force of the remark of Bishop Domenec,
who looking at her and her works said, *Mul-
tum in parvo.' She is childlike in the frank
ness and simplicity of her manners, and wins
every person who meets her by her gentle vi
vacity and accomplishments. To-day’s visit
to her studio is doubly interesting, for it of-'
fords us an opportunity of seeing one of the
world’s celebrities, the great musical composer
Liszt, who is sitting for his bust He is an
elegant looking old gentleman, with a head
very much like Henry Clay’s, one that would
command attention amidst a thousand. He
takes a wonderful interest in our little Ameri
can sculptress, and os she rapidly moulds the
pliant clay more and more into a striking like
ness, the great composer bursts out in rhapso
dies of compliment, jumps up and pats her on
the head with the most parental approba
tion.”
French Rriorm
In the French Senate on the c
28th ultimo, M. Ollivier p
ing Sehatus Consul turn :
Article 1. The Senate shares the legislative
power with the Emperor and the Legislative
Body, and possesses the right of initiating
laws. Nevertheless, all bills for the taxation
of the country must be first voted by the Leg
islative Body.
Article 2. The number of Senators maybe
raised to two-thirds of the number of mem
bers of the Legislative Body, without includ
ing the Senators who hold their seats by right.
The Emperor cannot nominate more than
twenty Senators annually.
Article 3. The constituent power belong
ing to the Senate by virtue of article 31 and
article 32 of tho Constitution of the 14th of
January, 1852, ceases to exist
Article 4. The stipulations annexed to the
present Senatus Consultum, which are com
prised in the plebiscita of the 14th and 21st of
December, 1851, and of the 2lst and 22d of
November, 1852, or resulting therefrom, form
the Constitution of the Empire.
Article 5. The Constitution can only be
modified by the people on the proposition of
the Emperor.
Article 6. Paragraph 2 of article 25, and
of articles 19, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35,
40, 41,52, and 57, of the Constitution, as well as
all legislation contrary to the present Senatus
Consultum, are abrogated without prejudice
to the abrogation resulting from the plebiscitum
of the 21st and 22d of November, 1852, and
the Senatus Congultums promulgated, notably
that of the 8th of September, 1869.
Article 7. Those portions of tho Consti
tution of the 14th* of January, 1852, and of
the Senatus Consultums since promulgated
which are not abrogated formally or by im
plication, or are not reproduced in the appen
dix to article 4, will have force of law.
M. Ollivier, in introducing this Senatus
Consultum, pointed out that the Empire had-
constantly sought to conciliate the necessities
of the Conservative, interest with the require
ments of reform. The constitutional govern
ment of the Empire, based upon, universal
suffrage, would havo tho advantage over other
constitutional governments of giving an equal
share in the administration of the country to
the democracy and aristocracy. M. Ollivier
appealed to the patriotism of the Senators to
aid the Sovereign in giving liberty to France,
and said: “If the Senate loses a great part of
its constituent power, on the other hand it ac
quires by its new legislative attributes a field
of activity better calculated to utilize the
knowledge and experience of its members.”
The Minister of Justice concluded his speech
by eulogizing tho Emperor, from whom pro-,
ceeded the present great liberal initiative.
IIow to Drive a Horne.
It is a very common opinion that anybody
with a little practice can drive a horse. This
Is generally true, because a good family horse,
used to the road, will almost drive himself, and
many animals will turn out of their own accord
when they meet a vehicle, or will go through
a gateway quite as well, if not better, than the
majority of people can guide him. But tho
use of a driver is not only to guide the horse,
but to control him. Here is where the great
fallacy of the common belief becomes evident.
Instead of nearly anybody being able to
control a horse, it is an undoubted fact that
•without the consent of the animal, few per
sons—about one in a thousand—are able to do
it There may be giants here and there, but
we seldom see them driving. The horse, whilo
he is the most docile and tractable of all our
domestic animals—not one excepted—is at
the same time the most timid, foolish, and
sometimes the most dangerous. To no other
animal do wo so often trust our lives and hap
piness, and over none have we so little influence
in the moment of danger. When a horse is
frightened, his first impulse is to run, and when
he does that he has everything liis own
way. A strong man tugging at the mouth
of a runaway horse is comparatively liko a
child in strength. At no time does our phys
ical power appear wo trifling, tto It undiluted.
The great reason why, in a contest between a
man and a horse, the latter is so freqently
victorious, is because the man chooses to fight
the horse with the horse’s weapons, neglecting
those which are peculiar to himself. The
horse is endowed with wonderful strength of
muscle—the man with vigor of brain; but we
seldom sec the man’s brain brought to bear
against the horse’s muscle. And yet, if it were
done, we believe that, in {he majority
of cases, the muscle would have to suc
cumb. That it is not done is greatly to the
shame and injury of the man. As to
the methods of bringing the human brain into
play in such cases, they are simple enough.—
Wo may some of us remember the anecdote of
the sailor who was sent to a country black
smith’s shop with an anchor in a cart The
sailor was not used to driving, and he did it so
wildly that the horse ran off. Unable to stop
him by the mo»t vigorous commands and the
most energetic pulls at the animal's tackle the
sailor made fast a rope to the anchor, tied tliat
to the tail-board, and braced himself against
the gunwale of a cart In about seven seconds
the horse came to the most sudden
stop he ever experienced in his life, and
the sailor (with brains) waved his tarpau
lin victoriously. It would be rather incon
venient for us to always carry on anchor m
the vehicle when we went out riding, but if
there was no other way in stopping a run
away horse it would be better to employ this.
But there are other ways. There arc several
methods of controlling hard mouthed or fright
ened horses, by appliances which have been
patented, and which, working on the pnrely
principle, have been proved valuable. As a
rule, it would be a very good tiling for all
horses, gentle or spirited, to be harnessed,
whenever driven with the best of these bri
dles and lines, which put it in the power
of the driver to exercise power upon the bit
whenever it maj r be necessary, and when it is
going to be necessary, nobody knows. But if
these things are too expensive or difficult to
obtain, we might all harness our horses much
more sensibly than we do. Instead of buck
ling the driving lines to the ring of the bit,
we should pass them through it, bring them
back, and fasten them to some part of the
harness, say the check-rein hook. This will,
at least, double our power over the animal,
and the lines will generally slip easily
enough through the ordinary bit-rings with
out pulleys such as the patent bridles are fur
nished with. If a horse is very hard-mouthed
or vicious, a double pulley would give a gi
ant’s power over him ; but whether this would
interfere with existing patents I cannot know.
If, in the way proposed for persons using the
ordinary harness, the lines arc buckled together
before being passed under the check-rcin
hook, the possible breaking of the latter
will not cause the driver to lose control of the
horse. A little soaping where they run through
the bit, and proper arrangements for avoiding
too much contact of the two portions of the
line when driving gently, will, of course, add
to the effectiveness of the arrangement All
this is simple enough, and not a new thing.
Why, then, cannot they to whom the plan looks
reasonable generally adopt it, and make their
lives and limbs comparatively safe when driv
ing?—Hearth and Home,
Tho Legislature of Tennessee having enact-
ed.an amended charter for the city of Mem
phis, which confers suffrage on “all owners of
real estate situate within tho corporate limits
of said city of Memphis, upon which taxes
are assessed and collected,” a grateful lady tax
payer proposed to call a meeting of her sisters
and return thanks to that benificent body
But a cruel editor spoiled it all by suggesting
that probably the Constitution of the State,
which limits suffrage to male'citizens, would
prove to be the higher law.
A remarkable case of resuscitation is re
ported from Montpelier, France. A young
man asphyxiated by charcoal, was touched on
the soles of his feet with red hot iron without
avail. Electric batteries were then brought to
bear and, after eight hours of effort, animation
was restored.
The Fear of Death.
The New York Herald, which is opposed to
the ghastly and ghostly sermons which the
pulpit nowadays so largely indulges in, puts
the case thus:
We cannot believe that it is intended as any
part of the scheme of human life that our
thoughts should always be turned toward the
grave. There is such a thing as tho practi
cal salvation of the human race. Within histor
ical times man has been made evidently better
by the physical improvements of his life; has
been raised to an intellectual status at which
he can comprehend somewhat of the great
problems of his destiny and dimly conceive
of tho goodness of God. This has not been
achieved by following the example of St Simon
Stylites, nor by kneeling in a hermit’s cell be
fore some ghastly reminder of what we must
all come to at last It has been accomplished
by men who worked bravely forward in cheer
ful spirit and did with their might the labor
thatTthe uncomprehended purpose of God had
put before them; and who doubts but this is
in its effect a better religion than to be mum
bling before a skull and cross-bones?
Education in Mississippi.
Tlio Governor of Mississippi has sent a mes
sage to thq Legislature in which he recom
mends separate schools for the white and tho
colored children, and the establishment of a
Normal school for the education of colored
teachers.
