Newspaper Page Text
VOLUME IV.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 10, 1870.
NUMBER 21
laSKSPSESEXTiTIOS.
Xlie Ent na,: ||, AimtI.ntvlM Tro. Itc-
■>«*•■*» »" It* BrjiubUtan I'arlj-, «o the
I trat’itif ** c and to flic Admin-
lu Ilia Eci'a report of the revolutionary
mooting held at the City Hall, on Thursday of
llirtt week, the following erroneous paragraph
appeared:
’ General Gordon- speaking of the prolongs-
tinii, Raia: “Yes, let them attempt it, and we
will tear their hearts from them and throw
them ns food to the demons of hell !”
- This mistako (In the substitution of “Gen.”
f>r “Col.") was not detected until tho whole
edition of the paper had been worked off,
totalled and. distributed. And, publishing no
evening edition, the earliest possible moment
th'it the correction Could be made was the suc
ceeding morning, to-wit, on Saturday, the 30th
nil. Tho correction then mado was as fol
low;;:
General (Jordon and the Meeting Ihursduy
Xight. In onr report, yesterday morning, of
the Democratic meeting of tho night before,
General Gordon was mentioned as one of the
r speakers. This was a mistake. Tho reporter
’ never attributed tho lauguage quoted, to Gen.
Gordon. He knew that the Hr. Gordon
who addressed the meeting was not the Gen
eral, and, not knowing his initials, mentioned
him as Colonel Gordon. The printer evidently
thought that tire reporter had made a mistake
in the title; lie certainly substituted “Gen.”
Gordon iu two places where the reporter had
' written ‘‘Col.” Gordon. Wc have since learned
that tho speaker was Mr. Walter S. Gordon,
of this city. Gen. Gordon did not speak at
all The reporter left tho meeting while Gen.
Henning was speaking, and was informed, an
hour later, by another reporter, of the lan-
■’n.v;.. used by \Y; S. Gordon.
These are tho facts. Any one familiar with
Uni mistakes of a printing office will not be
surprised at this one. Certainly, after this ex-
' planation, no person possessing common
sense and common honesty will accuse us of
wilfully misrepresenting the facts.
This was a trno recital of the fuels, just as
they occurred; and a gentleman well and
favorably known in this community, was re
quested (o make this explanation to The Con
stitution in advance of its afternoon edition of
Friday. Whether the explanation was made
or not, wo cannot any positively. Wo only
know that tho gcuUcmanpromised to make it,
and that ho is a man of his word. And wo do
not note know whether it was so made, as wo
have not stain him since the morning of the
211th. What was then our surprise at seeing
the following in Tho Constitution in its even
ing edition of tho same day:
How, the truth is, no General Gordon spoke
at tlio meeting.
Why it is that Governor Bullock’s short
hand writer should g<*out of his way to slan
der and misrepresent a popular and prominent
citizen of Georgia, wc leave tho distant reader
to judge, when it is remembered that General
John It Gordon was Governor Bullock’s
competitor in tho race for Governor, and is
believed, by tho people, to havo been fairly
elected.
(in the evening of the same day, and after
H.o afternoon edition of Tho Constitution con
taining the above statim-nt, tho following
uotu was brought to this office:
Editor Xem Era: The purpose of the false
hood having been served, will you now state
that I did not use the louguago, at the mass
meeting last evening, attributed to me by
your reporter, nor any other language -that I
made no speech whatever?
Respectfully,
J. B. Gordon.
July 23, 1870.
.The messenge r who lu ought tho above w.i
a young gentleman nnknown to tho editor, but
had tho appearance aad manner of a man
~ ” the explanation was
Ena, there appeared a more extended notice of
the meeting, giving extracts from the speeches
jusias they fell from the lips of the speakers.
Of course, these were only what they pur
ported to he, simply extracts, no more nor less;
but these were not “garbled” in the legitimate
sense of that term. They were not merely de
tached sentences jerked out of tho discourse
at different points and pat together as para
graphs, purporting lobe from the speeches as
delivered. Nothing of this kind was attemp
ted; nothing of this kind was done. But, the
extracts were fairly and legitimately made, with
out dividing a single sentence or ;even detach
ing one compound sentence. Neverthless this
gave occasion for another attack by The Con
stitution; and in view of all that bad passed,
that paper of Monday evening heads an article
thus: 4 *The Peoplo of Atlanta Slandered,”
and then proceeds to charge this jour
nal with purposely misrepresenting the “peo
ple of Atlanta!” It alludes to the Era. as
Governor Bullock’s organ” and charges
in effect that it is used by interested
parties to cover up the alleged wrong-doings
at tbe Executive office.
This cliargo is false, ful.su in every partic
ular. The Era is a Republican
journal; as such, it supports tho Ad
ministration of the State and National Gov
ernments. As a Republican paper, it seeks
tbe promotion of tho Republican party by all
fair and honorable means. But, whilst this
is so, it is also a newspaper. It is more; it is
on independent newspaper, independent in
the legitimate sense of that, much-abused
term;, mid as a newspaper, it publishes the
proceedings of public meetings and extracts
from the speeches of public men, os part and
parcel of the current history of the times.
If, therefore, The Constitution does not want
tho unfortunate utterances of its rash and im
practicable party leaders published to the
rorld, then lei it persuade its party leaders
ecoouflJSg mr tho mistake’
which tho General was pleased to style a
'“falsehood.” no was farther assured that
the explanation was perhaps then in type,
and that it wonld appear in the next edition
of tho Era. Under these circumstances, and
iu viow of tho fact that the language and spirit
of tho noto was not such as tho gallant gentle
man whoso name it boro was in the habit of
using or indulging, wo declined its publica
tion, and would do so again under the circum-
Ktances.
Next morning,’ in tho editorial columns of
the same edition of the Eka, containing tho
- : xplanation, the following request appeared :
The Atlanta Constitution.—The editor pro
tan. of tho above named paper is politely re
quested cither to copy tho Era’s explanation
of the manner in which tho name “General
Gordon” appeared in our report of Thursday’s
mooting; or, with the fuels now beforo him,
to mako the correction otherwise due this
nal.
like a curse upon the heads of his enemies.
While Napoleon lives, Franco is a thing of
life and power. When he dies, perhaps
another reign of terror” will follow. History
repeats itself, as the record shows, in France
os elsewhere.
Of mysteiyjand music,” until they establish the
fact that he never lived, and that his name is
but the shadow of a myth!
“Prolongattontits” and “Cartatlisti. 1 *
The shom-Democracy, now as heretofore,
seek to deceive the people by missating the is
sue. They have the face to tell on intelli
gent people that the Republican members of
tho General Assembly seek to prolong their
official term “beyond tho time limited by the
State Constitution 1” Nothing could be more
unfair than this. Republicans seek no such
thing. On the contrary, they seek to. retain
their position to which they were fairly elec
ted, only for the time limited by the Consti
tution—this and nothing more.
What then is the issue? Simply this: The
Sham-Democracy, now os heretofore, hold that
tho organization of 18G8 was legal; con
sequently, that the term began July
4th, 18G8. The Republicans hold that
the organization of 18G8 was illegal;
consequently that tho Act of Congress
of December 22d, I860, was constitutional;
that the organization of January, 1870, was
the first legal organization had since the elec
tion; that tho State Government remained
Provisional, and the Stato Constitution iu
abeyance, until the admission of the State to
representation, as provided in thir Reconstruc
tion Acts; and consequently that, as the Con
stitution was not of 'force until after the ad
mission of the State, the constitutional terms
for which the State officers were elected, did
not begirt until after the Act of July l~tb,
1870.
The position of the Democracy, it will be
observed, implies that the Act of Congress
setting asido the organization of 1808 as ille-
State looking to the establishment of a
party, does not seem to elicit much
It labors under many difficult
them very serious difficulties.
Platform of Principles to begin __
body seems to know exactly wbat aro ;ts
tenets. Beyond the fact that its manipulates
want office or prominence, no one seems to
understand the Principles underlying the
movement. It repudiates alike the; Demo- *
craticandthe Republican faith; and its pro
jectors claim that the leaders and representa
tives of both nrp corrupt and selfish! One is
denounced as an impracticable junta of con
servatives who stickle for the original princi
ples of the Democracy; the other as extremists
who adhere to the rigid polity of Congress
remanding tbe State to military rule, and set
ting aside the organization of 18C8 as illegal:
Hence both are denominated “extremes”—, ■ . « . . . . . .. ,
, .. - are becoming alarmed at the danger
one for opposing the consummation of threatens their liberties, and if ve do
Reconstruction policy of Congress, tho other not mistake tho signs of tho times the period is
for advocating it! hot liir distant when General Grant and his
It is difficult to ten therefore jest where inrty will be taught that constitutionalliberty
, it vil gevernment, law, order, peace, public and
the ‘Middle ^ any begins or where it ends- i )r j va t 0 security—all that the American citizen
and it is as difficult to say how much or how*?holds dear—were not lost to the nation in the
little of both platforms it means to adopt, or) defeat of secession. The Union must bo re-
whether it means to have nay platform at
Its leaders havo nover told ns what they r ro *»iutu>t be preserved.
peseta accomplish. They have intimated thel « war hi Hoith Carolina” seems to he
vgane'genomlity that something is not righfj^e rcsu it of a scrie3 of aggressions hy a
gal, was an usurpation. It thus arraigns the
not to make use <f 'such uUerancts'lcJwt !7rf P u4ji. Con BK*s of tho Cuitcd States for enacting an
That explanation gives the true and full
statement of the case, just ns tho facts trans
pired; and if the editor pro few. of The Con
stitution was not informed in relation thereto
U-foT© tho publication of his article of yester
day afternoon, he is now. We cannot believe
that tho gentleman iu charge of The Constitu
tion w ould deliberately misrepresent a contem
porary journal for the purpose of making
point, and hence this friendly, but by no means
idle, request.
Wo supposed of course that The Constitu
tion would republish tho explanation, since,
under all tho circumstances, it could not have
done less provided it designed to do us simple
justice. - But instead of a prompt and cheerftil
compliance with this friendly request, The
Constitution made the following garbled and
.unfair statement: .
Governor Bullock’s home organ, of this
Humming, says that the substitution of General
for Colonel Gordon, in its report of the anti-
prolongation meeting of 3he'people of Atlanta,
without distinction of party, was a typograph
ical error. It says, speaking of tbe typogra
pher who set up "that reports— .
“ Ho certainly substituted* “ General ” Gor
don in two places where the reporter had
■written “ColoffeT’ Gordon. Wo have since
1 'arned that the speaker was Mr. Walter S.
Gordon, of this city. General ■ Gordon did
nnt speak at all.”
There is no tuan in Atlanta known as Colo
nel Gordon. Two reportorial and two tvpo-
grqphiHb errors make four. m
Still inclining to the charitablo side of the
question, still unwilling to believe thath re
spectable journal would persist in a refusal to
do a simple act of justice, tho editor of The
< ’onstitution was waited upon in person by a
•; * ntlemoxr connected with this office, and re
quested to say, definitely, whether he (the
editor of The Constitution} would or would not
copy the explanation, and thus set the Era, right
before his readers. The Constitution promised
io copy the explanation next morning; but it
seems that it did not copy but a portion of it,
as the following will show:
General Gordon ami the Meeting Thursday
Xight, filirf.—In our report yesterday morn
ing, of tho Democratic meeting of the night
Itrimv, General Gordon was mentioned as one
of the Speakers. This was a mistake. The
reporter never attributed tho language quoted
to General Gordon. Ho knew that the Mr.
< lordon who addressed the meeting was not the
General, and not knowing his initials, men
tioned him as Colonel Gordon. Tho
printer evidently thought that the repor
ter bad made a mistake in the title;
ho certainly substituted “General” Gor
don in two places where the reporter had
written “Colonel” Gordon. We have since
learned that tho speaker was Mr. Walter S.
< lordon of this city. .General Gordon did not
.speak at all. Thir reporter left the meeting
while General Denning was speaking, and was
informed, an hour later, by another reporter
iff the language used by Mr. W. 8. Gordon.
These are the facts.—Xew Era,20ih.
We publish the above by request of tbe
editor of the New Era.
Iu tho Sunday morning’s edition of the
lie / And if any one of the speakers, (extracts
from whoso speeches we have published,) feel
that,we have done them injustice, let him
come in person or by proxy, in the proper
spirit, state their complaint, point out the error
(if any exists), and wo hero promise that they
shall be promptly set right before our readers.
We say this for tho benefit of the gentlemen
from whoso speeches those extracts were made.
Now let them respond! Let them bring in their
speeches and ask their publication in full as an
act of justice, and wo shall not deny them tho
use of our columns. What more could rea
aonablo men ask ?
„ And now, in conclusion, wo take this occa
sion to say, once for all. that if any man or set
of men, of any clique, faction or party, will
give us 'the evidence in support of their al
leged charges of malfeasance preferred against
Republican officials; or, if they will establish
the fact that such officials havo been guilty of
malfcasanco or improper conduct, there is not
a journal in all this broad land that will be
more prompt or more merciless in holding up
such officials to public * execration than
the Atlanta New Era. We sock to shield
no man, bo ho Republican or Democrat,
from tho just consequences of his own mis
deeds. Wo seek to cover up nothing; wo will
gloss over no tortious or dubious act of any
Republican official, from tho Governor down
to the humblest Notary Public. But while
this Is so, we must be excused from joiuing in
the
ywa truo to tflp party that ele
vated them, and truo to the masses that com
pose the party of which thoy aro representa
tives.
Whilst, therefore, the fact of Gov. Bullock
being a Republican Executive, would not, in
itself, shield him from the condemnation of
the Era for acts of malfeasance, were he guilty
of any, it is likewise truo that the fact of his
being tbe head of tho party in Georgia of
which this journal is tho exponent, does not
justify his condemnation without evident
and in the face of the further fact not a
SINGLE CHARGE BROUGHT XOAT^T niM BY THE
DEMOCRACY HAS BEEN SU^'INED.
liboLi Kapokon.
Tb**JSmporor of tho French has about as
much regard for his word as he has for the
rights of others; ho loves his country while
he remains “the State;” he has, during his po
litical career, had one object always in view—
himself; and ho has never scrupled to employ
any means, however fraudulent and violent,
which enabled him to' realize his darling
dream' of power. When it was popular he
was a Republican; when it was necessary, be
was a liar and a murderer; when policy re
quired it, ho-was a despot, and when the Ge
nius of Progress descended upon his Empire,
with a new revelation and a new political gos
pel, he yielded to the exigences of the situation
with tho grace of a courtier and the
benevolence, almost, of a kind and loving
father whose only desire was the welfare of his
children.
Inconsistent his career certainly has been,
ne has been bold, bloody and resolute. But
when the occasion requires ho can relieve the
dull monotony of the “piping times of peace”
by the “lascivious pleasing of the late.” Of
course his wrathy antagonists occasionally
fling in his face the sayings and doings of his
youth. But one might as well attempt to
ruffle the serenity of the Sphinx as to disturb
the repose of this man with ffico of brass and
heart of marble. In 18*0, Napoleon found it
popular to be a Republican and issued the
following proclamation:
•• I appear before you as a warm aud true Democrat
and Republican. I take tbe shadow of the man of tho
century as tho symbol of the promises which I now
solemnly make, I will be, as I always was, a child cf
France. In every Frenchman I will ever see a brother.
The Democratic Republic is tho object of my adora
tion, and I will be her Minister. Never will I try
clothe mypdf in Imperial robes. May my heart cease to
beat on the day when I forget what I owe to you—what
I owe to. France. May my lips' forever be dosed if I
say a word against tho Republican sovereignty of the
French people. May I be cursed if I suffer doctrines
to be taught in my name contrary to democratic prin
ciples and the government of the Republic. May I be
condemned if I lay a treasonable hand upon the rights
of tho people, cither with their cinsent or against
their will l»y farce. And now trust me, as I trust you,
and may this call from mo be like a prayer to Heaven.
Tire la Republique l”
This was excellent—it served its purpose.
At a later date bebolil tbe coup d'etat! And
lie did “ clothe himself in Imperial robes.'
This was “ panic faith” but it was none the
less good policy. He disappointed his people
in their political hopes, but ho gave to them
the best government for France. He knew
that a French Republic was a fanciful and
flimsy fabric, and so he gave tho people an
Empire. Amid all the wrongs thtj treacher
ies and the inconsistencies of hif career, one
fact looms up—ho lias, in serving his own
selfish interests, always advanced the
material interests of France. Ho wanted
power, he seized it; the French wanted glory,
he gave it to them. Whatever his faults may
be—and they aro many and criminal—it
would l>e a black day in the history of la Idle
France if he should be assassinated, and the
“deep damnation of his taking off” would fall
unconstitutional and an unjustifiable measure
overturning the legally constituted Govern
ment of Georgia.
What a monstrous position is this! Why ‘
they might, with almost as much show of rea
son, arraign the Act of Congress of March,
1867, for overthrowing tho State Government
of 18GG. The principle is tho same in both
cases. And the Republicans are simply con
sistent with their plighted faith to support tbe
reconstruction policy of Congress, when they
insist that the organization of 1868 was ille
gal, and that tbe organization of January last
was the first legal organization since the wars.
The Ilfliable- Ctnlltiim
This ubiquitous character has turned up
again. The London Times credited him with
an important piece of war news only last week
and it was telegraphed all over the world.
We thought that the old party had “cut his
stick,” or retired to the shades of private life.
Not a bit of it! Nothing can take the wind out
of him. It is the most surprising thing in the
world that he don't get killed. During the
late war wo used to shudder at his deeds of
reckless daring, as her narrated them in the
daily papers. His hair-breadth escapes were
of tho most blood-curdling character. W<
never did folly understand him. At one time
we heard of him leading a Federal charge,
and again we lost our breath over his bravery
as ho assisted a company of Confederates,
armed with bowio knives only, 4 -
Yankee gunboat. Ilis exploits
sometimes improbable, but we never kpew
one of the “reliable gentleman’s” statements
to be fully disproved. And if' it
was, he always had another ready
that actually made one’s hair stand
on end like the “fretful porker swine.
Now, after leaving him -Appoj***®* Court
House, who would expected him to turn
up on the front** ^ between Franco and Prus
sia? Btf* a0 evidently on the spot os
us ever. The extent of that man’s
information is remarkable. What he don’t
know about .Bismarck’s plans is perhaps known-
only to Bis. himself, and his confidential
friends. And it is a positive fact that he Inis
told things about Napoleon’s movements
which tho Emperor never supposed were
known to auybody. Tho trouble about the
“reliable gentleman” is, that he spreads him
self too touch* .VP* never knows exactly
whero to find him.. He is like the little ball
under the thimble- at Donny brook fair. 4 ‘Now
you see him, and now you don’t see him!”
But for this eccentricity, what a capital news
paper correspondent he would moke! As it
is, however, it is no use to engage him as he
writes for all the papers. We propose to keep
an eye on this gentleman, during the present
war, and our readers may confidently expect
to be favored with news from Europe before
Bismarck and Napoleon even get so much us
a hint of it “This is reliable!”
The movement recently inaugurated in tCcT to that held by tho thing called “Do-
.i tv. moeraev.” Tlio simn mnpr fliw mm.
SPIRIT OF THE GEORGIA PRESS.
THE ROME COMMERCIAL (DEAL )
.Says Senator Higbee is “infamous” for enter-
taming an opinion in reference to the scope
and meaning of tbe late act of Congress a ti
mocracy.” The same paper has this para
graph :
j * Grant is going to send Sheriilau to Europe
‘ to observe tho war. We don’t know of any
man that the country could spare better than
Sheridan—except, probably, Grant himself.
[That’s the old style.]
THE ALBANY NEWS (DEAL)
Copies one of tho Era’s editorials on the sub
ject of “Monopolies” and credits it to “an At
lanta paper.” It credits another article from
tho same source to an “Atlanta Exchange.”
[We do not object to this, provided it meets
the* editor's views of “professional courtesy.”]
; THE SAVANNAH NEWS, (DEM.)
In tho course of a long tirade upon ‘‘The
North Carolina Revolutionists and General
<jraut,” says:
Tho people, not only of down trodden and
outraged North Carolina, but of the whole
in both parties, and that they will herd with
tho men of neither, except upon condition
that they swear fealty to tho * “new party,”
and utterly abandon the old!
This is what wo may call accepting things
on tiost! It may mean “Chase and *72" or it
may not. Nobody knows. It is only known
that wo have a brave little handful of virtuous
politicians ia Georgia, who cannot thiuk of
soiling their garments by either Democratic
or Republican associations! They seem to
have been ill treated by somebody, as indeed
the virtuous and pure iu heart generally are.
Thoy have been too honest to prosper well in
either party. Their claim to consideration
seems to have been somehow sadly neglected.
secret political organization known as the Ku
EIux. This being tho case—and it is so un
derstood at Washington—tho President was
bound by his oath of office to enforce the law
us against these lawless ruffians.]
THE SAVANNAH RETURLICAN (DEM. )
Republishes the slander against Senator Mer
rill:[ This, however, was before the editor had
ilio means of knowing its falsity. We pre
sume ho will now malic the correction, and
Jins do Mr. Men ill justice.]
THE AUGUSTA CONSTITUTION.*LIST (DEM.)
} fas an interesting leader on the European
mddle. It also lias this paragraph:
Mum.—Attorney General Akcrman has be
_ . . . . „ , ,. bitten to by several Georgians, asking him to
But, being wholly disinterested, and seeking jl ace his opinion in writing on tho status of
only to “save the State,” they care nothing ‘ eoigia under tho bill passed on the last night
for this nicked exhibition of ingratitude. In- tho urasion, admitting the State, but he de-
cited by a deep love of country, and this only,
they can well afford to make sacrifices in pro
jecting a third parly. They cheerfully moke
expenditures in erecting a sort of political In
firmary. Hereto they invite all the honest
men of both parties—men who arc panting
for righteousness, aud who aro therefore will
ing to forsake the tents of wickedness and
align themselves with the pure in heart and
simple in spirit. Incredulous men can ouly
hope that this spurt of righteousness will not
end os fatally to the people of tho State as did
that of Andy Johnson in 1866. Tho motive
may be commendable, bat the result is*;i fail
ure thus far.
“ OCto Von Bismarck
The man behind the throne, who is popu
larly. supposed to hold in his hand tho dei
nies of Prussia, is no other than tho Prime h]
istct-'-Bumarcta Tho German, ,/’.-,;
the most
t:o5- I'rom thi
led' ^
ed deviltry of llachiavo’li, the trickery of
BcauirurcUols —«"th» edmost preternatural
astuteitfa* Talleyrand, with a considerable
iasfi"of Blnchefabrnta’ity thrown in to com
plete the tool cusartfilc. Bat, when due allow
ances aro made for national prejudices, it will: ^“ n ' t arfratsitby” refusing to rasta’in”our
appear that Bismarck has been very greatly! Governor and Legislature in their attempted
over-rated. He is a thorough mau of the' icbellion against the Constitution. That he
world and his pntcUcal philosophy eatrics him^“
lines to do so until it is brought before him
a legal form.
[Mr. Akcnnan was right. We can conceive
: but one way in which the case coaid conic
jforo him; and in that event, the ltevolntion-
Ls or * t Curtail‘«ila" would run against a snag.]
IE AUGUSTA CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL (DEM.)
o\\ a on poor Augier. Noticing the ex-
nation of the Treasurer’s friends about the
ihool fund” (so called) the Chronicle says:
w, to this we have to say, that if General
jr instructed the Treasury to keep this
intact, why did not the Treasurer obey
■s? If this Government is provisional, is
General Terry the highest authority ?
not tho Governor refer to him as his su-
, or? Does not. the Assembly consult him
.■iono having authority over them? Why,
u, does Mr. Treasurer Augier pay out this
■A in violation of the Constitution, and
to his oath of office nd contrary to
instructions of the military com-
? Does he consider tho
e tho paramount
VlIk ionoH
;e” of his duly,
iimuniU? teu viciuitTu Aliy's instructions,
I'-Aua coo&OSllio communicated taesp—what
thy i-wr» 3 urtlge wftST 7
" THE COLUMBUS ENQUIRER (DEAL)
S iys of the present aggressive warfare of the
*-*feuts” as against the “ins
The “war” in Georgia seems
point of breaking out afresh, unless Gen.
Slandering (be Dead.
If old Sam. Johnson liked “good haters ”
as much os ho said he did, he was doubtless
gratified by meeting a good many in the course
of his experience. They grow to perfection
among literary men. They aro not only
good haters” but haters of good!
Within the present generation we have wit
nessed a most remarkable and disgraceful cru
sade against three men who, however frail
they may have been, were more “sinned against
than sinning.” We mean Shelley, Poe and
Dickens. These men ennehed the world with
their genius, and, dying, left behind them
name* which shine all tho brighter because
contrasted with the blackcet calumny. And
apropos of Poe. The Rev. J. Shaver,, of Bur
lington, N- J-» calls attention, in a recent arti
cle, to a supposed discovery which, it is
claimed, disproves Poe’s claim to the author
ship of the “ Raven.” The article referred to
appeared in Littell’s Living Age, a Boston pe
riodical The story is, that an old letter
written by Edgar A. Poe, has been found,
which states that the poem in question
was written by one Samuel Fenwick, of
New York, and was by him sent to Poe
for correction; that Fenwick died shi rtly
after, and Poe put his own name to
the pcim when he was drunk and had it pub
lished. This story —which ia written like a
falsehood, which sounds like a falsehood, and
undoubtedly a falsehood, was, no donbt, con
cocted by some member of that contemptible
literary clique which the dead poet was wont
to ridicule in his peculiarly scorching manner.
If this supposed letter, which is said to be
mutilated and almost illegible, ever ex
isted, how is it that it has never been
heard of before ? If tho poem is not Poe’s,
how is it that it bears upon its face the distin
guish! g marks of his genius—his pecu
liar rythmical construction, and words and
phrases which aro to be found in poems writ
ten in his childhood ? It is top plain.for ar
gument. Pal was weak, dissolute, anything
but moral, but he never descended to such
baseness. Nor did he ever calumniate a dead
rival Men have tried to prove that Shak-
speore did net write <( Shakspeare, ’ hut they
will never succeed in proving that Poe did
not write the “Raven, that marvelous poem
safely over some very rough places. : In his
youth lie was a wild, turbulent character, and
his insolence involved him in continual quar
rels and broils. At the fiimous old University
of Gotiingon he distinguished himself by
braggadocio, swaggering bullyism aud un
bridled audacity. The hero of more than
twenty duels, he naturally became pre-eminent
among the roystering youth of Germa
ny, and. when family -influence brought him
into public life, he carried with him into the
politest circles of the world the untamable
ferocity of a savage.
His admirers tell innumerable stories of his
peculiar diplomatic tnctics and his associates
always seemed to regard him as sort of
pet bear,intelligent but vicious; a creature to be
used and petted—at a safe distance. * Intense
hatred will sometimes make even an ordinary
man . formidable, and Bismarck, with his
strong will and hard common-sense, is per
haps fully a match for the wily Frenchman.
A member of the Prussian Conservative party
himself, and entertaining the utmost contempt]
for tho popfllace, he despises Napoleon foi
conceding to the canaille the Plebiscitum. He
goes so far as to take the field with las regi
ment, and, if the Prussian colors should ad
vance as far as the walls of Paris, he would
doubtless repeat the excesses of his country
man, Blucher, whom he resembles-in bravery
and ferocity.
The French may well say that they are fight-'
ing Bismarck! He is the very incarnation of
a War-like spirit His genius will animate’
strengthen and sustain tho armies of Prussia]
He will infuse into them something of his own
energy and unfailing hatred of the Frencbj
and, whether victorious or defeated, he
make his mark os a powerful leader,
man’s face is indicative of his character,
story of a stormy life and a conquering
is traced upon his sullen browr. Pride,
and unscrupulous efinning are stamped
his countenance. If any man in Enrope coji
successfully cope with Napoleon, it is Bii-
marck. But there is a philosophy in events
which sometimes baffles those who flitter
themselves that they understand the relations
of cause and effect, and it may be that Bis
marck is now about to meet, face to face,) ike
bitterest disappointment of his life.
which he hosheretofoic refrained from
forcing a policy of his own” when opposed by
Radical clamor,.and no instance in which he
las risen supeiior to party influence in a de
termination to observe good faith towards the
tiiople of tho South. Tho emergency is
ijie ot uncertainty and peril—involving the
hether wo arc to maintain constitu
tional government and peace in Georgia, or
Whether we are about to enter upon a political
did social condition similar to that which
& long made a “ reign of terror ” if! Tenues
si?, and is now inaugurating the some condi-
ti>n in North and South Carolina.
| [Thu “war” must be inaugurated by the j
rffo or ruin Democracy, else there will be no
ar.” In case . they press iheir aggressions,
President will sustain the Administration
law against the Mob \ iolenco of faction,
j^t as ho is doing in North Carol ; na. He
laid not do otherwise consistently with his
ofljtli of office.]
THE AfILLEDGEV.LTt: RECORDER (DEAL)
Lashes itself into a fury over the proposition
to purchase the Capitol building. [This was
to havo been expected.]
THE ATLANTA INDEX AND BAPTIST
Takes one of its evangelical exchanges to task
for the heathenish phrase, “he is no more,”
as employed in announcing the death of some
Christian Minister. The Index says:
How strangely it sounds, then, when uttered
by believers in “the resurrection of the dead
STATE NEWS.
SAVANNAH.
Forty-eight marriage licenses Issued
month... .The vessel Commodore Dnpont whs
struck by lightning Tuesday... .Heavy wiiid
and rain storms Regatta at Tlmnderlolt
came off Wednesday. j
CABTZE5TILLE.
Abundant rains Crops flourishing.,..
Fair Ground improvements going on.l..
J. H. Fittcn, H. F. Price, R. H. Cannon (nd
Lewis Tomlin were appointed as delegates,
and Gen. P. M. B. Young, J. C. Roper, John
Shuler and F. A. Boston as alternates to jthe
Atlanta State Democratic Convention.
ROME.
At tho Democratic meeting, Tuesday, it was
resolved to send twenty delegates from Floyd
county to thee Atlanta State Democratic Con
vention.
and the life everlasting V when uttered, too,
with reference to one who has “fallen asleep
in Jesus ?” We hope that phraseology sojjlittle
Christian, so grossly anti-Christian, will he
excluded from the columns of evangelical
journals.
[The rebuke is just [and timely. Time was
when tho Cristian Church taught not ouly
the doctrine of the immortality of the soul,
but tho ministering presence of those who
had left the body and entered the higher
life.]
TIIE SITUATION IN GEORGIA.
Letter from General Bcnj. F, Butler.
Lowell, July 29, 1870.
My Dear Governor: I congratulate the State
of Georgia at last upon her ochnmission into
tho Union. After very full deliberation and
vexy full argument, the Conference Committees
of tho House and Senate agreed upon the
terms of the bill admitting the State. As the
law enforcing the 15th Amendment, taken
with the former enactments in regard to Geor
gia, rendered unnecessary the conditions
which had been, before the adoption of that
amendment, attached to Virginia and Missis
sippi, I agreed that those conditions be stricken
from it when the hill passed the House, and a
simple resolution admitting tho State, offered
by Mr. Dawes, should take tho place of the
report of the committee. Mr. Farnsworth
then offered, as the judgment of some
of the Republicans and of all tho De
mocrats of the committee, a proposition
that nothing in this act contained should pre
vent the people of Georgia from having an
election in tho year 1870, as provided by
their Constitution. This, of course, was the
Bingham amendment in a new form, requiring
an election; because if Congress legislatively
declared that the Constitution of Georgia re
quired on election in 1870. then such election
must he held. Mr. Farnsworth's proposition
w is amended by striking out the year 1870, so
that the proposition stood, that nothing in
this act contained should prevent the people
of Georgia having an election according to
the provisions of their Constitution. OI
course I am giving the substance from morn-1
ory, and not the words.
This amendment to Farnsworth’s resolu
tion, was passed by a very Largo majority.' The
amendment, therefore, in my judgment,
strengthened the theory upon which I had
all along been acting, to-wit, that the
people of Georgia ought not to havo an
election in 1870; or, in other words, as I ex-
f ressed it in the Committee of Conference,
wonld not be accessory, beforo or after the
fact, to the rebellion in any way, by aiding
the rebels of Georgia to gain any portion of
tbeir ends by permitting tbe loyal legislators
whom they had deprived of their seats, to be
again deprived of them by a new election,
until they had served out a full two years,
term of uninterrupted right and power iu re
organizing the State upon :> true Union basis.
And as tho Constitution gave the Legislature
full right to determine when they would have
an election for their successors, the statement
in the act of admission, ti^it nothing in it
contained should prevent tlio people of Geor
gia from having an election according to the
terms of 0 that constitution, seemed to me to
affirmatively dispose of tho question which
was negatively disposed of by Mr. Dawes
naked resolution of admission.
Tho House evidently took this view of it
The bill as amended then went back to the
Senate; and, in order to save time in discus
sion and propositions of amendments, onr
friends voted for non-concurrenco with Jhe
amendments cf the House, in order that a
Committee of Conference might settle the
bill; and os tho report of that Committee
conkl not bo amended, no opportunity wonld
be given to talk against time or embarrass the
matter further by amendment
When the Committee of Conference rnetT a
proposition was made, that a further proviso
should bo added, in substance, that nothing
herein should be taken to extend the term of
any member of tho General Assembly or offi
cer of the Stato of Georgia, beyond the time
fixed by the Constitution. That proposition
came from tho Senate conferees. A majority
of tho House conferees replied that we
might have no objection to that, becausi
did not think that there was anything in the
act which extended the time of any officers
beyond that fixed by the Constitution of
Georgia, and wc called upon the Senate com
mittee to point out anything that they
claimed did so extend the term of office,
which required the action or tho proviso that
they proposed. The reply to that was, that,
although there did not appear to be anythin;
so extending the lime, yet they wanted the
moral effect of tho declaration in order to
have an election in Georgia in 1870. To that
the Houso committee replied that we would
not agree to tho proviso if that .was the pur
pose, but we would agree if they would put
that nothing in the act should be construed
to extend or abridge any office, so as to
relieve it of its moral effect Because
wo thought we were
for the State of Georgia, but
people and the Legislature of Georgia to settle
their own affairs in their own way for them
selves. This the Senate Committee, by a ma
jority, declined to agree to, mid
ence Committee disagreed and agreed to
.two Houses that they could
not agree.
Upon that repoit being made to tho Senate,
as we had supposed, the Semite ordered its
committee to try again. Upon tlm Conference
Committee again meeting, I myself drew up the
proviso which was afterwards agrAito, and
which provided, as you know, in suoffauce, as
follows: Nothing in this or ary •other act shall
affect the term of office of any member of the
Assembly or officer of the State of Georgia.
This, after conference, was agreed to by both
Senate and House, and has become a law.
I need not say, therefore, that I am clearly
of opinion that the construction of the
act will not require any election to be held in
Georgia until the Legislature chooses to have
one; that the present Legislature is thoroughly
legalized as far as an act of Congress can do
so, by the declaration that a “legal Legisla
ture” adopted the 15th Ameudment, and that,
being a legal Legislature, under your Consti
tution, you have the power to fix the election
of yonr successors. Of course any attempt to
prolong the term arbitrarily, unjustly, indefi
nitely, or, iu the slang of the discussion, to
‘perpetuate your power,” would be just cause
of animadversion, and, if extended too far,
cause of revolution. But all true aud good
in the country, as iu tho State
of Georgia, in my judgment will sustain you
and the Legislature in taking to themselves,
for tho purpose of organizing the State, tho
full term of two years after they are fully
seated in power, as you now are.
Use the power you have—as I know you
will—with Wisdom, Justice and Moderation,
and the pillars of the State of Georgia will be
more firmly settled than ever to uphold the
Union, the Constitution and the laws of our
country.
I am, very truly, your friend,
Benj. F. Butler.
IIon. It. B. Bullock, Atlanta, Ga.
loyjBisIatin.
i wSKsired the
$TATE NEWS.
. BARNESVTLT.E.
The Mount Zion camp meeting was atten-
ted by great numbers of people Barnes-
villo is to havo a “Loan and Trust Com
pany.”
ALBANY.
Democratic and Agricultural meeting last
Tuesday Frequent showers of rain.
THE NORTH CAROLINA TROUBLES.
The Habeas Corpa* nntl (De Decision of
•Judge Pearson—-Reply of Gov. Holden.
Correspondence of N. Y. Tribune.J
It aletgu, July 2S.
Governor Holden refused to deliver up the
prisoners arrested by Kirk in Alamance on the
mandate of the Chief Justice. The counsel
for tho prisoners moved to attach tho Gov
ernor, but the motion was refused by tho Chief
Justice. The counse] then moved to attach
Kirk. This motion was also refused. They
then moved to send tho Marshal ol the Su
preme Court to Kirk’s camp to bring the pris
oners. Tho motion was refused by tho Chief
Justice saying it would bo idle, as tho order
would not be obeyed; that tbe counsel for tho
prisoners might take it as a fact that the Mar
shal had been sent and tho prisoners not sur
rendered. If, as was said by the prisoners’
counsel, they intended tho application for re
lief, it should be made by them to the Chief
Justice of the United States.
THE HABEAS CORPUS AND THE DECISION OF
JUDGE PEARSON.
Reference has been made by telegraph and
therwise to the recent decision of Judge
Pearson, Chief Justice of North Carolina, in
the habeas corpus case of Adolphus G. Moore,
of Alamance county, arrested by Col. G. W.
Kirk, commanding State militia, by authority
of Gov. Holden. It will be remembered that
when the writ of habeas corpus was served
upon Kirk, he refused to obey it, giving as a
reason that ho was acting under orders of his
superior officer. The Raleigh papers give
the decision of Judge Pearson in full, from
which wo make tho following extracts and
statement of tho case:
The counsel for the prisoner, Moore, sub
mitted two motions: 1. For an attachment
against G. W. Kirk for failing to make retura.
2. For a writ, to be directed to the Sheriff of
some county, commanding him, with the
power of the county, if necessary, to take the
prisoner out of the hands of said Kirk and
have him before the Chief Justice.
After reviewing tho fact that the Governor
had declared the counties of Alamance and
Caswell were in a state of insurrection, and
the extent of the powers conferred upon him
by the Constitution of tho State, he grants the
Governor tho right to adopt measures for the
suppression of insurrection, but holds that tho
means resorted to in this case were not proper,
and that the detention of the petitioner as a
military prisoner violates tho Decluation of
Rights. Tho Constitution should bo co:
straed so as to allow military possession of
county to be taken and the arrest of all sus
pected persons to be made by military autho;
ity, but requiring the persons so arrested to be
surrendered for trial to tbe civil authorities on
habeas corpus, should they not be delivered
over without the writ. In accordance with
this view he declares his opinion on this
point
As to Kirk’s refusal to obey the writ, the
Chief Justice says:
The question is, do the facts beforo me show
a sufficient excuse! The affidavit sets cut that
Col* Kirk put his refusal on the ground that he
had orders from his commander-in-chief, who
is the Governor of the State, not to obey the
writ. Ills Excellency avows that Col. Kirk
was acting under his orders So we havo this
case. Col. Kirk is commanded by the Chief
Justice to produce the body. He is ordered
by his commander-in-chief not to obey the
writ. What is the man to do? He elected to
obey Ills orders. In my opinion, there
sufficient excuse for refusing to return the
writ. The motion is not allowed. *
Tho proceeding is by a rule to show cause
why an attachment should not issue. And yet
I was urged, with much vehemence, by
learned and aged counsel, to rule Kirk up for
a contempt of tho Chief Justflte in this, the
affidavit of service sets ont mat Col. Kirk,
when the writ was served, said, “Tell them
such things are played out; I havo my orders
from Gov. Holden, and shall not obey the
writ; I will surrender them on Gov. Holden’s
order, but not otherwise, unless they send a
sufficient force to whip me.” This,
well said by Mr. Badger, is tho language of a
rudo soldier, and not as courteous as we
.uauaflwfiiid-injttdMud nroceodinga. . Tho-mo
tion for a rule w'^austribrrid* contempt
is not pertinent to the matter now on hand
The cvid3n.tr. prjj v'hvh it i cotsxcsipr'i
questionable shape, extraneous matter put
into an affidavit of service to excite prejudice,
and the motion made at the instance of one
who is under arrest for tho horrid crime <af
murder by midnight assassination. * * *
Tho second branch of the motion, that the
power of the county be called out if necessary
to aid in taking the petitioner by force out of
the hands of Kirk, is as difficult of solution as
the first. The power of tho county, or posse
comitaius, means tho men oL the county in
which tho writ is to be exedRed—in this in
stance Caswell; and that county is declared to
be iu a state of insurrection. Shall insurgents
called out by tho person who is to execute
tho writ, to join in conflict with the military
force of the State? It is said a sufficient force
will volunteer from other counties; they may
belong to the association, or be persons who
sympathize with it. But the posse comiiatus
must come from the county where the writ is
to be executed; it would-be illegal to take men
from other counties; this is settled law. Shall
illegal means be resorted to in order to exe
cute a writ?
Again: Every able-bodied man iu the State
belongs to the militia. The Governor is, by
the Constitution, “Commander-in-chief of the
militia of the State.”—Art. 3, See. 8. So, t!
power of the county is composed of men who
are under tho command of tho Governor.
Shall these men be required to violate, with
force, the orders of their Commander-in-
chief, and do battle with his other forces that
are already in the field? Iu short, the whole
physical power of the State is, by the Consti
tution under the control of the Governor. The
Judiciary has only a moral power. By the
theory of the Constitution, there can bo no
conflict between these two branches of the
Government.
The writ will be directed to the Marshal of
the Supreme Court, with instructions to ex
hibit it and a copy of this opinion to his Ex
cellency the Governor. If he orders tho peti
tioner to bo delivered to tbe Marshal, well; if
not, following the example of Chief Justice
Taney, iu Merry man's case, Annual Cyclope
dia for the- year 1861, page 555, I have dis
charged my duty, the power of the Judiciary
is exhausted, and the responsibility must rest
on the Executive.
REPLY OF GOVERNOR HOLDEN.
Executive Department, [
Raleigh, July 26, 1870. f
To the Horn D. M. Pearson, Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court of Xorth Carolina:
Sir: I havo had the honor to receive, by
the hands of the Marshal of tho Supreme Court,
a copy of your opinion in the matter of A. C.
Moore; and tho Marshal has informed me of
the writ in his hands for tho body of said
Moore, now in the custody of my subordinate
officer, Col George W. Kirk.
I have declared tho counties of Alamance
and Caswell in a state of insurrection, and
havo taken military possession of them. This
your Honor admits I had the power to do * ‘un
rest and punishment. TheSialc Judicial pow
er in the said counties, though in the hands of
energetic, learned and upright men* has not
been able io briu« criminals tq-justice; indeed,
it is my opinion,, based on .tbe,facts that have
com a to my kno wledge. that the life of the judge ‘
whoso duty it is to ride the circuit tohwhicli
said counties belong,* has not been safe, on
account of the hatred entertained toward him
by the Klan referred to, because of his wish
aud purpose to bring said criminals to justice.
For be it known to your Honor that there
ty a wide-spread and formidable secret organi
zation iu this State, partly political and partly
social in its objects;-that this organization is
known, first, as The Constitutional Union
Guard— secondly,,as The. While Brotherhood—..
thirdly as The Inviswic'Empire—that the mem
bers of this organization aro united b}’ oaths
which ignore ©v repudiate Uie ordinary oaths
or obligations that rest upou all other citizens
to respect the laws and to uphold the govern
ment; that these oaths iiicUlcatc hatred by tho
white against the colored people of the State;
that the members of this Klan arc rcconcilabl v
hostile to the great principle of political and
civil equality,. on which the government of,
this State hV? been reconstructed; that these
Klaus meet in secret, in disguise, with aims,
in uniform of a certain kind intended to con
ceal their persons and their horses, and
terrify . those whom they assault
or among whom they move; that they,
held, thqir camps in secret places, aud
decree judgment against their peaceabld lel-
low-citizens, from mere intimidation to
scourgings, mutilations and murder, aud that
certain persons of tho Klan are deputed to ex
ecute these judgments; that when the membes
of this Klan' are arrested for violations of law,
it is most difficult to obtain bills of indictment
against them, and still more difficult to con
vict them, first, because some of the members
or tbeir sympathizers are almost always on
tho Grand and Petit juries; and secondly, be
cause witnesses who are members or sympa
thizers uublusliingly commit perjury to screen
their confederates and associates iu crime:
that this Klan, (bus cohststnted and having
in viow the objects referred to, is very power
ful iu at least 25 counties in tho State, and
has bad absolute control for the last 12
months of tbe counties of Alamance and
Caswell.
Under the circumstances, I would havo been
recreant to duty and faithless to my oath, if I
had not exercised the power ia the several
counties which your Honor has been pleased
to say I have exercised constitutionally and
lawfully; especially as, since October, 1868, 1
have repeatedly, by proclamations aud by let- .
ters, invoked public opinion to repress these
evils, and warned criminals and offender;:
against the laws of the fate that must, in the
end, overtake them, if, under the auspices of
the Klan referred to, they would persist in
their course.
I beg to assure your Honor that no one sub
scribes more thoroughly than I do to the.great
principles of-habeas corpus and trial by jury.
Except in extreme cases, in which beyond all
question “the safety of the State is the supreme
law,” these privileges of habeas corpus ami
trial by jury should be maintained.
I have already declared that, iu my judg
ment, your Honor and all tiie other civil ami
judicial authorities aro unable at this time t<»
deal with tbe insurgents. The civil aud .the
military aro dike constitutional powers—tin*
civil to protect life and property when it can,
and the military only when the former has
failed. As the Chief Executive, I seek to re
store, not to subvert, tbe judicial power. Your
Honor has done your duty, and in perfect
harmony with you I sock to do mine.
It is not I nor the military power that has
supplanted tho civil authority; that has been
done by tho insurrection in the counties re
ferred to. I do not sco how I can restore the
civil authority until € “suppress the insurrec
tion,” which your Honor declares I have
the power to do; and I do nqt see how
I can surrender tho insurgents to tW
civil authority until that authority is
restored. It would be a mockery in nie to
declare that tho civil authority was unable to
protect the citizens against the insurgents, and
then turn.the insurgents over to tho civil iw-
tkoi-Uy.- _ My.nath to SllPPflltJJiO.GQastitutio:v
makes it imperative —.. -.q.j
insurrection” and restore the civil authority
ni tiqi rov referved to, and, this 1 igiiet do.
lu doing this, i renew to your llonor expres
sions of my profound resjieet for the civil au-
kority, and my earnest wish that this author
ity may soon be restored to every county and
neighborhood in the State.
I have the honor tc bo, with great respect,
your obedient servant,
XV. XV. Holden, Governor.
At tbe regular annual communication of the
Rignt Worthy Grand Lodge of Georgia, on
Tuesday and Wednesday last, the following
officers were elected for the present year:
Charles A. Robb, M. W. Grand Patriarch; C.
H. Johnson, M. W. Grand High Priest; C. J.
Stroberg, M. W. Grand Senior Warden; J. F.
Hert, Junior Warden; J. G. Deitz, Secretary;
T. A. Burke, Treasurer; B. Lowenthall, Senti
nel. Grand Encampment—James L. Gow, M.
W. Grand Master; David Bailey, R. W. Depu
ty Grand Master; Chas. R. C. Kibble, II. W.
Grand Warden; John G. Deitz, Secretary
Thomas A. Burke, Treasurer; S. W. Man gum,
Representative; E. A. Birch, W. Grand Chap
lain; O. Brandt, Marshal; J. M. Blood worth,
Conductor; T. H. Askett, Guardian; B. Low
enthall, Herald. Grand Lodge—Tho atten
dance large. Tho order is represented to be
in a prosperous condition. Next meeting
will be held iu Augusta.
COLUMBUS.
Wingfield Colquitt, a well-known,colored
boy, died Wednesday. Menil . - of ri;o First
Baptist Church have presented their la to pas
tor, Rev. J. H. Do Yulia, with $200...
Slight showers A meeting of citizens op
posed to prolongation was held last night.
der the Constitution and laws.” And not ouly
thi3, “but to do all things necessary to sup
press tbe insurrection,” including the power
to “arrest all suspected persons” in tho
above-mentioned counties.
Your Honor has thought proper also to de
clare that tho citizens of the counties of Ala
mance and Caswell are insurgents, as tho re
sult of the Constitutional and lawful action
of the Executive, and that, therefore, you will
not issue the writ for tho production of the
body of Mooro to any of the men of the said
counties; that “the posse commitatus must
come from the county whero the writ is .to be
executed,” and that any other means would be
illegal.
1 have official and reliable information that
in the counties above named, during the List
twelve monte, not less than (She hundred per
sons, ‘•in the peace of God and the State,”
have been taken from their homes and
sconraged, mainly if no Entirely on account of
their political opinions; that eight murders
have been committed, including that of a
Stato Senator, on tho same account; that
another State Senator has been compelled,
from fear for his life, to make his escape to a
distant State I have reason to believe
that ’the Governments of the said
counties have been mainly if * not
entirely in the hands of men who belong to
tho Ku-Klux Klan, whoso members have per-
petrated tho atrocities referred to;' and that
tho county governments have not merely
omitted to ferret out and bring to justico tho.it
of this Klan who have thus violated tho lav/
but that they actually shielded them from ar-
FltEXCU SOCIETY.
Furls Fashions ami tile Bcr.ii-Ttlomtr.
Correspondence Cincinnati Gazette;]
It is a strange stato of society which in one
country permits notoriously bad and Impure
women to set fashions in dress, which art-
initiated and followed by the pure and vir
tuous of the rest of tho world. Strange as it
is nevertheless true, The leader of tin
demi-monde in Paris, as bold. and shapicles a
class as can any-where be found,, are also the
leaders of fashion. These 'women who
have, generally speaking! gained thfe posi
tion they occupy by their personal channs, are
cm fait in every art that will enhance them,
and reckless and extravagant iii, tiie use of
means to supply these arts, conspicuous among
which are those of the toilet. They are tin
most costly, and elegantly apparelled females
of the capital, delighting iu opportunities t<.
flauut their extravagance of equipage and at
tire in the face of the wives of their cheramis,
as they pass them on tho drive.
Several years since when the demi-mohth
first came into fashion, a courageous lady cf
high rank, whose husband, report says, liud
been led away by a siren of that class, deter
mined that she would see for herself in wbat
tho seductive power of tho women consisted,
which could allure men from pure homes and
a fill wives. Consequently she made up a
party, who disguised themselves, and managed
to gain entrance to one of the sclcct iuasquer-
ades given by a noted cortesaa. When ques
tioned afterward as to the discoveries she had
made, she replied she had made but one—that
they knew liow to dress; as for the rest, she
believed it was only the longing for forbidden
fruit.
A later writer states that tho scandalously
low dress worn at tho present day at the
French Court, where three inches of corsage,
aud one thickness of illusion, is a woman's
covering from the,waist up, can be traced en
tirely to tho influence of the demirnwnde.
Private letters say that the failure of Madame.
Ollivier to endorse the high corsage upon
Parisian society iu due to the same cause.
“The daughters of pleasure” laugh at and ridi
cule it, and make themselves more attractive
than ever in their dzciXlde toilettes, having
more influence in the salvos than even the*
Empress on her throne. It is represented that
Eugenio’s adherence to bare shoulders is as
much a matter of popularity as taste, tbe
canaille of Paris deeming that such exhibi
tions are a part of. royalty, expect it, having
no fancy for an Empress choked to the throat
like a grandmother..
Presideu* Grant ami Gov. Holden.
Says the Philadelphia .Press: Governor Hol
den of North Carolina, is sustained by tho
President upon a square understanding of tho
facts. Gen. Grant never yields to impulse,
and when he decided to help Holden it was in
full view of the necessities of the . situation.
V* r e trust sincerely that when Holden is satisfied
as to tho guilt of the men* who have been mur
dering Inti Union peoplo-of thdt State for the
last lour: years, he will lot them hang* . A little
of that sort of medicine, administered at an
earlier da}’, would havo saved thousands of
lives. Our good Governor of North Carolina
was for a while, a univcrsal amnesty man, and
eu believed that Gov. Walker of Virginia
would bo permitted to fulfill bis pledges to the
Republicans of that Stale. But ho has lived
to practice a different philosophy. The 11c-
publicans of the South can C)3y maintain them
selves by adhering to the Republican parly.
KAST TENNESSEE ITERS.
• KNOXVILLE.
CapU Beardon killed** mad dog Tuesday.
XV. Patton’s store, cobbed by negro thioyes.
Michael. Sullivan attacked by something
very like cholera.
Mesui.;. Burr Terry .Io A 30,000 feet of
lumber by fire Tuesday.. '*
'* CHATTANOOGA.
Heavy’rains. Show in town. Some wretch
walked off with a hat belonging to the editor
of tbe Times, the other day.
