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fc VOLUME IV. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY MOBNING, SEPTEMBER 28, 1870. NUMBER 29 The Vice Prcildtnrf, It baa been for months post, the viction of all enlightened minds, representing the material and industrial interests of the nation, that the nomination and re-election of President Grant, in 1872, will be a mere matter of fonn. That he is the first choice of the Republicans, now as ho was in 1868, no well informed man doubts; and the brilliant sac cess of his administration, has drawn to his support thousands of liberal minded, enliglit- enod and progressive men, irrespective of party allegiance, who opposed his election in 1868. It only remained therefore to Alect a suitable candidate for the office of Vice President, in order to complete tho Republican ticket in the next Presidential campaign. Mr. Colfax, present able and efficient Vice President the United States, has declined, absolutely, to continue in public life longer than the expira tion of his present term of office. This an nouncement was made public some two weeks since, in a letter over his own signitore where in the Vice President uses this significant language: ‘T thank you for your kiud wishes in my 4 ‘behalf, bat I intend, with this term, to close "ray public life absolutely. I will then have "had eighteen years of continuous service at "Washington, mostly on a stormy sea—long "enough for any one; and my ambition is all "gratified and satisfied. General Grant will *‘doubtless be re-nominated,and,I think,should "be. My articles and speeches show my faith "in him, and my regard for him. Bnt the peo- "ple will want some Eastern or Southern Vice "President, and should have one. I shall leave "public life voluntarily and without regret, and "oxpect to go into hetive business. My friends "here all know of this determination, and I as- "sure you it is no pretense, bnt a reality, as you "will see. This is the last campaign in which I "shall participate, and I feci as happy at the "prospective release from the exactions, cares, "misrepresentations, and excitements of politi- “cal life ns the student who is about to gradu ate and go forth from the walls iu which be "has been for years, free from professors and "critics. When yon think it all over, you will "concede that it is a wise determination.” Now, ScniTYi.cn Colfax is no trickster, lie is not the man to Nay one thing and mean an other; and those who know him, need not be told that when he thns declines, in advance, the re-nomiuntion, he meant just what lie says. They know, furthermore, that wheu Mr. Col fax recommends the selection of the next Vice President from the Eastern or Southern States, he means just that too. lie may, therefore, very properly be said to have retired in favor of some gentleman from the South or East, ' who may be agreeable to the President, and who enjoys the confidence of the party. The next question then, is, Shall that man be from the East or from the South ? Presi dent Grant himself bos indicated his prefer ence—in no far as he might do so—by the se lection of a Southern man to fill the vacancy in his Cabinet occasioned by the resignation of au Eastern mnn; and this preference has fallen upon the Honorable Amos T. Akerman, of this State. In calling Mr. Ax roman to one of the most important positions in his Cabinet—that of constitutional adviser—the President evinced his high appreciation of that gentle man's talents, learning and spotless integrity, both ns a man and as a statesman. It is con ceded also that Mr. Akerman is a sound Re publican, and that he enjoys the unlimited confidence of the party in the South where his political record is best known. It is further more conceded that iu point of talent and tact, both as an advocate and statesman, he is the peer of any man in the South, or even in the East for that matter, ne likewiso enjoys the respect and confidence of thousands of Southern men, who are not Republicans, bnt who would not vote against a Republican ticket on which his name appears. He would, therefore, probably bring more real strength to tho party, than almost any one man either from the East or South. Taking, this view of the case, and without previous consultation cither personally or through his personal friends; and withont cither liis knowledge or that of his most inti mate associates, we put Mr. Akerman in nomi nation for tho Vico Presidency on Sunday morning lost. In doing this, do Mr. Col fax no injustice. On the contrary, we but carry out tho suggestions made by Mr. Colfax himself, in tho letter above referred to. And that this nomination accords with the feelings of tho President, We may legitimately infer from the marked manner in which the Presi dent himself has recognized Mr. Akerman't abilities and integrity as a sound Repub lican and practical statesman. And it certainly do Mr. Akerman hims*W“ no injus tice to nominate him to * position for which ho is so eminent fitted, to which every tone Republican in the South would rqjaioe to see kirn elevated, and for which he stands virtu ally endorsed both by Mr. Colfax and Gen. Grant, and at a time when no one, not even his most relentless political enemies, would suspect that he himself had any hand in pro curing such nomination. Indeed, it quite needless to repeat to any sane man, who may have the knowledge of Mr. Akennan's character, or who may have the slightest regard for fairness and truth, that this nomination was withont his knowledge, and that his moat In timate friends knew nothing of it until it announced publicly. It was made in good faith, in the interest of the party rather than of individuals, and it shall stand until reversed by the National Nominating Convention, of until the People ratify it in 1872. tageto one party over another. The Bill will bear no such construction. It cannot bo so understood by any intelligent and fair minded man who will take the pains to read it care- folly. And now if our Democratic friends would have an ending of the Reconstruction troubles in Georgia, and would see the State completely and folly restored to all the rights and privi leges of the Union, let them give the legal vo ters of the State, irrespective of color or pre vious conditi4a, the opportunity here proposed of easting their ballot, for the men and the principles of their* choice. This will secure the desired result; whereas, a fraudulent elec tion now, would bnt result in the remanding of the State to her Provisional condition, and in our people tho foot boll of notional [tics for another indefinite period. But whatever the Democracy may deride to do in this matter. Republicans can bnt stand united now* ns heretofore, in support of the Government,- by giving their adhesion to a measure originating with the law officer of the Cabinet, and commanding the unqualified ap proval of our own State Central Committee. For, to opposethis Bill, or to give it a lake- warm or doubtful support, can but lay them under the charge of factions opposition to the Federal Administration; of being untrue to their professions, and of proving recreant to their trusts as representatives of a Republican constituency. Article 1 section 2D of the Constitution of 1868, declares that "nopoll tax shall be laid except for educational purposes, and that it shall not exceed one dollar annually.” Article 6, sections 1 and 3, declares that the poll tax allowed by this Constitution is devoted and Met apart for the support of a system of Common Schools free to all, and makes it the duty of tho Legislature, at its first session, to establish such -a system. It seems to ns that under any fair construc tion of these clauses, the system must be es tablished before the tax can lawfully be laid. It will be noticed that here are two different provisions upon the .subject of the poll tax ; in the common school article, and one in the Bill of Rights. One is a solemn guarantee to the citizen, that it shall not be in the power of the Legislature to levy any poll tax except for educational purposes, and that it sliall in no event exceed one dollar annually. The other points out the kind of educational purposes for which the tax may be laid; it de votes to the support of common schools, free to aU, the poll tax “allowed by this Constitu tion. 7 Now, Article 6th of the Constitution makes it the doty of the General Assembly at its first session to estaUish a system of Common Schools. The poll tax, therefore, ran only be levied to support a system of Conpuon Schools, which it is the duly of the Legislature to establish. It requires affirmative positive leg islation to give existence to the system for the support of which tho tax can be laid. What an absurdity it is to lay a tax for the support of a system which does not exiMt Suppose tho danse had read : No poll tax shall be laid except to pay the salaries of the Judges of the District, Courts. Could tho tax be lawfully laid before the Court was organ ized ? Suppose the clause had read "no poll-tax shall be laid except to carry on a war, or sup press a rebellion ? * r la it not plain that the existence of a war, or a rebellion, would be a prerequisite to the laying of a legal tax? And is it not just as plain, tpat the existence of a system of common schools Is a necessary pre requisite, the legal assessment of a tax to sup port it? This very point, has in effect been decided by our own Supreme Court, in the case of Yeruon vs. the Inferior Court of Ter rill county, 27 Go. Terrill was a new county, aud the Inferior Court were allowed by an act of the Legisla tore to lay an extra tax for county purposes, without limit as to extent, bnt as the Court might see fit The sale of the lots at tho county seat, paid the expense of building a court house, jail, Ac. For some reason, how ever. the Court laid a tax of two hundred per cent on the State tax for " public buildings, and the Court held the tax void, mainly be cause tho public buildings hmt bf>*n built and paid for. in otter words, the tax was raised' for a purpoae that did not exist And this is nothing bnt the plain common sense view of such a matter. To say. that a constitutional prohibition to the Legislature from laying a poll tax, except for a specific purpose, means not that the Legislature may not lay the tax, but that if the tax is laid, it is the main duty of the Legislature to appro priate it for the specific purpose, is in effect to further array the prohibitory clause altogether, as the mere devotion of the tax wheu laid to the purpose, would have answered all the par- The Election BUI. . If onr Democratic friends reedty desire, (as they sometimes profess to,) a free and fair election, the most tangible way in which they can satisfy the public oftheix sincerity, would be to support the Bill now pending providing for that result Admitting the fact that all men are now willing that each and every colored man in Georgia, of lawful age, aud not restricted by constitutional provi sions, should be admitted to the -free exercise of the elective franchise, we asnnot see any valid objection to the Bill under sideration. It seeks merely to afford every le gal voter in the State, an opportunity to cast his ballot withont hindcrance or molests * This is all that the measure aims at It is all that Republicans desire; and it is only what onr Democratic friends profess to concede. Now let them unite in its support and thns re fer the issues involved in the campaign to the People, in snch a manner os that the election will be held as valid, and therefore such as Congress will not feel bound to aet aside. - We have been pained to witness a disposi tion on the part of one or two Democratic pa pers in this State, to misrepresent the true in tent and meaning of this Bill They have sought by an artfully arranged synopsis, to create the impression that the Bill hr t thing very different from what it really is; and that it is calculated to give an undue advan - But obviously,this conclusion depends en tirely upon the practical difficulty we have al luded to, to-wit, that it is generally impossible to say whatany. particular tax is for; and the Courts, if they were to attempt to interfere, would be wholly in the dark, nor could it be known ordinarily whether,or not the turo would misappropriate or foil to appro priate the money. .. # Bat should a case arise where this practical difficulty did not exist, then bat very few sound lawyers would hold the citizen reme diless. Suppose, for instance, a Legislature were to lay a tax specifically for a special and declared purpose which was illegal, ’ as for in stance to purchase ships of war in time of peace, or to establish or support a religion, or to pay the public debt when there was no debt Would there be any doubt about the right of the citizen to object, and would not tho Courts hold the law void? Now, every poll tax is of necessity a specific tax, both in amount and object, since the Con stitution declares it can only be laid for a specified purpose. And if that purpose does not exist, why may not the citizen set up his rights as against-this tax, os well as he way against a tax for 44 Public Buildings,” when there is no such purpose existing ? It seems to us that the argument is irresisti ble. Onr Constitution declares that every uncon stitutional law is void, and that the judiciary shall so declare. Hero is n tax laid for a specified and declared purpose, to-wit: to sup port a system of Common Schools. No such system exits in this State, and any snch tax must be unconstitutional aud void. It is said, however, that it Is competent for the Legislature to lay a tax for the purpose of accumulating a fund wherewith to establish this system. But the Constitution declares that the poll tax allowed by this Constitution is devoted to the support of the system. Be sides, it is expressly said that the fox shall be but one dollar annually. Poll foxes are in their nature odious taxes- they are laid equally upon the rich and the poor, upon those able to pay and those not able; aud it is a far heavier burden upon a poor man to jmy one dollar from tho pittance his hands have made than it is for a rich mau to pay $100. There cau be only one excuse for it, to-wit: that, as the money is mainly to bo used for the benefit of the poor, it is used that he should bo mode to join in its payments. The contemplation of the Constitution, therefore, is that snch men shall pay one dol lar annually for each year s nse of the schools, ami is a grow* pmcmion off ibis idea to accu mulate a fund by a lmlf a dozen year's fox, and then establish the system. It is making the citizen pay six dollars for tho nse of the schools instead of one, and thns doing indi rectly wliat it is clear the Legislature cannot do directly. We conclude, therefore, that the poll fox of 1868 and 1869 was illegal and voirl, and that any other poll fox will bo void until there ex ists by law u common school system. situation,” and recognize tho right of the colored man-to the free exercise of the ballot, do not oppose legislation providing for the en forcement of the rights of colored men at the ballot box. Tliooe who really accept the XIVth and XVth amendments as part of the funda mental law of the land, are not unwilling to see those amendments enforced by appropriate legislation. Those who now acknowledge the legality and binding force of the reconstruc tion acts of Congress, accept Reconstruction and its incidents as "fixed facts,** and arc willing to support the State Government set up in virtue of those acts. And those who really mean what they say, when making pro fessions of a desire for the restoration of the State to her proper relations to the Union, will now support a measure which commands the approval of the law officer of tho Govern ment looking to that end by securing a rant election. Will Napoleon be Restored S Several of onr contemporaries are discuss Lug this question with a considerable degree of earnestness. Now that -King William has shown a disposition to continne the war against the French people, in ntter disregard of his famous declaration that the war was waged against Napoleon alone, it is thought Unit he fears the Empire less than he does the Republic. Prussia is thoronghly^mperiolistic. She has no sympathy with Republican France, but, on the contrary, dreads the idea of having so dangerous a neighbor. Since Napoleon's surrender at Sedan, it will be recol lected that be has been treated with marked consideration, and, in fact, recognized by King William as the Sovereign of France. Now, if the Prussians capture Paris and re duce France to submission. King William most treat with somebody. It is thought that he will not recognize the Republic, but will assemble the Corps Legislatif, the Senate and the Regency. In that event, what else can follow but the restoration of Napoleon ? It would be a singular sight, indeed, to see the fallen monarch reinstated by the bayonets of his conquering foe; but it may be that Prussia prefers even that to (whnt they regard) the " social evil,” known as the French Republic. th? surrender. And yet some of the same ptrtics ore equally frank in the expression of their .opinion that it will be impossible to aigid’ the repetition of 44 freight blockades ** tkis winter, unless the work thus began is speedily completed, and without an additional sipply of rolling stock, motive power and other necessary equipments. : l'.ids, the proportion General Assembly, to carry out dation oi the Joint Committee •tion, is not a political or a partisan measure, and should not be so regarded. It simply looks to such au equipment of the road as will enable it to do the business that will be accumulated at the end of the line this winter, and thereby become auxiliary to tho business interests not only of Atlanta, bnt of the whole State daring the ensuing season. We know of no way in which members of the General As sembly could better serve the real interests of their constituents, and, through them, the State itself, than by voting this appropriation recommended by the Joint Committee. the providential guidance in its history, the fundamental Mosaic principles of progressive developments, a future universal knowledge of the Almighty’s commands, a love of peace and justice and humanity. THE GEORGIA STATE FAIR. It U no uncommon thing for a Legislature to foil to obey even a a constitutional direction. We have indeed a very strik : »g instance of it in thia very mattei 1 . The Constitution makes it the daty of the Legislature, at its first ses sion, to organise a Common School System. Two sessions of the Legislature have been held, and we am well nigh to the eud of the third, and yet the Common School sysle still hangs fire. Nay the Legislature has actu ally taken the proceeds of tho poll tax and ap propriated it to the payment of their own per diem, patting in its place some State bonds which it is just aa competent for the next Legislature to order burned. The public money, the Treasurer, and what lie has on hand, are absolutely in the power of the Leg islature, and nobody has any right to interfere. It is a mere question. of legislative adhesion to the oaths they have taken. And if this be all, then the solemn constitutional guarantee to every citizen, that no poll tax shall be laid, is all leather and prunella—empty words—very pretty to look at, bnt wholly useless in fact The constitutional guarantee exists, it is true every man has a solemn constitutional protec tion against paying any poll tax, except for a certain definite and specified purpose; but it rests entirely on tho Legislature, whether or not that purpose shall exist, and it may lay the tax, whether it exist or not, on the pre sumption that if the tax be laid the Legisla ture will most certainly cause the purpose to The mode of reasoning by which this strange result is arrived at seems to be this: It can never be exactly known what any fox is for until the Legislators appropriates the money, and this is after the money is paid in, and there »therefore an insurmountable practical difficulty in any interference with tho tax; be cause yon cannot know what any particular tax iu .laid for. Hence there ip a general, per haps proper, opinion that the restrictions upon the Legislative use of public money are only directory to the Legislature, and thns the in dividual tax-payer has nothing to do but to' pay his money, trusting to the Legislature performing its constitutional duty in any given Ifo the Democracy “Accept the Situation?” The stereotyped cant of tho Democratic lead ers in this and other States, about "accepting the situation,” and desiring 44 fair, elections,” has at length been revealed in all its hideous deformity. Not even tho authoritative injunc tion of silence os respects all the living issues of the day, nor yet the hypocritical cant about “bowing to the suprexua-wilL of tho People ” as respects "dead issues,” have served to di vert public attention from their real pnrposos of revolntion. For, while these revolutionary leaders in Tennessee hold a State Conven tion of the party, and therein refuse to en tertain a Resolution declaring the right of 'Secession to bo ii dead issue, the Chairman of the State Committee of tho same party in Georgia writes an advisory letter, wherein ho deuonnees the XIVth and XVth Amendments as usurpations, the reconstruction laws of Congress as legally invalid, and the original dogma of State Rights as the chief corner stone of the Democratic party of 1870! Thns it is, that after months of labored as- serration alxrat "accepting the situation,” and after an avalanche of platitudes about burying "dead Issues,” the Democracy conies forth lwldly upon the ante-bell urft platform of the "reserved rJ**-*-*’ «c the. States, and the con stitutional right of secession! Ten years ago, these leaders inaugurated civil war over the protest of a majority of the Southern people, for the purpose of testing the practicability of this " State Rights” dogma. They appealed from the ballot to the bayonet in defense of the identical dogmas which still constitute their chief stock iu trade; aud they professed a willingness to abide the issae of the war thns precipitated upon on un willing people. We will do them the credit to iy that some of them at least were sincere in their profession of a belief in the rectitude of their position. They, even appealed to the God of tho Universe to witness their sincerity? and, in a devotional mood, put up petitions to the Most High for success, subject to the ap proving smiles of an All-wise and Omnipresent Providence. If Providence would deign to favor their suit, then clearly^licy were right, und would win; bnt if Providence should favor the other side, then clearly they were wrong, and they would cheerfully accept the result Divine Providence did favor "the other side,” and so they lost everything; aud so, also, according to their own thesis, they were wrong, and the Union party was right And now, how do the pious leaders of this self-righteous Democracy accept tho result. Let the Tennessee Convention and the present ungainly attitude of a portion of the Georgia Democracy, bo* the reply. In both . Stales, many of the Democratic leaders of 1861, hare had the manliness to keep their vows. They did 44 accept the situation,” and they accepted it with honest hearts ai^l a firm purpose to keep their plighted .faith. Having done this, they coaid no longer act with a party which held that " the war settled no political qncs- tion,” and consequently.which still adheres to its dogmas of the "reserved rights of the States,” aud the constitutional rights of Seces sion. Among these are some of tho ablest, best and truest men of the Republican party in .both States. Their position is a noble one. It is a consistent one, and the country honors them for it They but acted upon their pre vious profession of a willingness to “do their duty, as God gave them to see their duty, and to accept, the result as the authoritative deci sion of that Providehco” to whom they ap pealed in (ho ( sincerity of. then; professions. But this is not the way iu which tho less intel ligent, the less sincere, and the less conscien tious of the party leaders ‘ ‘accepted the situa tion.” They accepted i^ it seems, with the mental reservation that, Providence having dealt very unjustly by them, the constitutional right of Secession and the other legitimate is sues growing out of tho heresies of I860, sim ply stand adjourned—not settled. They want the, Constitution as it teas, not os it is. In this State, the issue is presented iu a tan gible form. Those who really " accept the The article which we reproduce this morn ing from the Sun, coming, as it does, from an independent Democratic source, should com mand the attention of r miy Impmti il mau in Georgia. We especially commend it to the consideration of thn«* who can rise sufficiently above mere party wrangle and abase, to appre ciate the tnerits of tho proposition to place the State Road in a conditiou to do the busi ness anticipated this Fall and winter. There has not been an active business season at any time since tho surrender, when this Road was not the theater of “freight block ades,” occasioned by its inability to. do the bnsiuess accumulated at Chattanooga. This inability has proceeded from a wont of rolling stock, an inadequate supply of motive power, the indifferent condition of the road-bed, and the inferior (and often nnsafe) class of bridges and culverts improvised after the destruction of the Rood by Sherman's army. * The repairs of the Road mado under the Jenkins administration, were generally of a cheap and temporary nature. The object seems to have been to meet present emergen cies; to pay the Rood out Of debt, aud deposit snrpins in the State Treasury, leaving per manent repairs and the more costly outlays necessary to put the Road In first-class con dition, for another administration. Had this fiuc property belonged to a private corporation instead of to the State, aud therefore been exempt from that political influence which lias been the source ranch complaint, it is reasonable to pre sume that instead of paying its*net earnings into tho Treasury to bo appropriated iu the purchase of scholarships in the State Univer sity, or to be expended in maintaining suits of injunction against theUnited States authorities, it would have been expended in ballasting the road bed, iu building permanent and sub stantial bridges, in the purchase of new iron, additional rolling stock and motive power, in building machine shops, and in the other equipments necessary to enable its managers to prevent the annual recurrence of “freight Wo«kades.” It seems to have been the policy of the present Administration, to put the Road iu a condition to do the business required ot it, and thereby forego the evanescent plaudits of the multitude rather than ignore the highest interests of the Road in a business point o view. Accordingly, CoL Halbert paid less into the State Treasury, but more wards refitting* the road by substantial improvements. When, therefore, his succes sor, (Col. Blodgett,) assumed tho duties of Superintendent, in January lost, he found sundry large bills due and falling due, both for extraordinary and for current expenditures. To meet these demands, and at the same time make the customary monthly payments into the State Treasury, was of course impossible. In addition to this, he deemed it but right aud proper to continne the work thus began by his predecessor, and, if possible, push it to completion betorc the expiration of the car- rent year. Accordingly, he incurred additional obligations iu the purchase of iron, rolling stock, motive power and other necessary equipments, and in such repairs of the track and road-bed as had become an absolute necessity. Railroad men familiar with the full state of the case, of coarse, justified his conduct and that of the Administration to which he was immediately responsible. But tho politicians and partisan critics, saw in this au excellent opportunity to assail the Administration be fore the public, who were presumed to be less familiar with the real state of the case, this way complaints of mismanagement aud misappropriation of the net proceeds were raised, and which ultimately resulted in the appointment of the Joint Committee of In vestigation. This Committee was composed of members of. both political parties, and instructed to make their investigation thorough and search ing. The high personal character of the gen tlemen composing the Committee, was a guar antee that it would do its work honestly and well After a long and laborious session, iu which they examined all the charges and sjjeci- fications, and in which they overhauled all the Records and papers of tho several officers of the Road, and then completed their labors by a minute personal inspection of the condi tion cf the Rood itself, they not only acquitted tho Management of each and every charge brought against it, but united in the recom mendation of an appropriation by the lain re for the completion of tho repairs and improvements began by the Superintendent and his predecessor in office. We are informed by experienced Railroad men—parties living outride the State, and representing roads cen tering at Chattanooga—that the State Road is in better condition now than atony time since A Case of Thin Hypocrisy. In Louisiana, " Democracy ” means office- seeking within Republican enclosures. Having bitterly opposed the Reconstruction measures of Congress, “negro suffrage,” aud the XIVth aud XVth Amendments, the old Secession leaders hesitate to join the Republican organi zation outright They would preserve the old Democratic organization, because that recog nizes their divine right to political leadership. Bat they are willing to accept the Republican platform, and even to admit colored men to their nominating Conventions, for the purpose of strengthening their personal claims before tho People. At the same time, they labor to create the impression, upon the minds of their "Northern brethren,” that they are now, as heretofore, iu strict accord with 44 the princi ples of tho Democratic party of the Union ! It is always unpleasant to dispel a happy delusion. It is pleasant to believe that this action of tho Louisiana Democracy is just what it appears on its surface —a thiu strate gem of politicians for office. But then it evi dently means more than that, elso it means very little indeed. Let us look at tho facts. Here is a political organization in the South, originating in sectional animosity iu 1350, culminating in disintegration and war in I860, and dragged from a bloody grave and invested with vitality in 1868. Throughout all these successive stages, it bus stood squarely and mjoompronilaiugiy m>on tho dogma of the “reserved rights of tho States,” the "Constitu tional right of secession” and in uncompro mising hostility to Impartial Suffrage. And now, 1870, pledging itself to "the principles of the Democratic party of the Union,” it, per consequence, still stands pledged to relentless hostility to the Reconstruction Acts of Con gress, to the (amended) Constitution of the United States, and, consequently, to the policy of Impartial Suffrage. There is no escaping this conclusion, assuming that this "Democ racy” does, os it professes to, "stand upon the principles enunciated in tho National Democratic Platform.” The question now arises, Are these restless leaders sincere iu their professions oi adhesion to 44 the principles of the Democracy of the Union”? If they are, then how do they re concile that fact with their action in admitting to their nominating Convention a class of rotors who, according to tho "principles” aforesaid, are not legal voters? Is it not clear that it is simply a piece of bare-faced hypoc risy, looking to tho aid of negro votes for the purpose of disfranchising the negro race This is upon the assumption that tin y are sin cere in their professions of adhesion to the platform of 1868. Suppose, however, they are sincere in their professions to the colored men of a willingness to *<accept the situation, and to regard tho Constitutional Amendments aud Reconstruction Acts as verities and os ‘fixed facts. ” Is it not clear that, in such case, they are acting hypocritically and treacher ously toward tho "National Democracy,’ a party which plumes itself ou its uncom promising hostility to this "concession to Rad icalism ?” View the case os we may, it presents an ugly feature of hypocrisy and insincerity. For it is quite evident that even these reckless lead ers, cannot advocate and oppose negro suffrage and the validity of the Constitutional Amend ments, at one and the same time! What Our Exchanges say about It. THE MERIDIAN (MISS.) MXBCULT Says of our State Fair: Every arrangement is being perfected to make this one of the greatest affairs of the sort thAt ever come off in the South. THE NKWBEHN (N. C.) TIMES. Says that "tho Atlanta people evidently kno how to get up a Fair.” It promises to keep its readers posted on the subject. THE REFEREE, Published at Charleston, S. C., advises every one to attend the State Fair as it will be one of the grandest Exhibitions ever held iu tho South. THE INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL GAZETTE, Published at Louisville, Ky., gives our State Fair a lengthy and handsome notice. ing, lying and slandering; to keep myi.body in temperance, soberness and chastity ; net to covet nor desire other men's goods,, but to learn and labor truly to get my own living and to do my duty in that state of life unto which it shall please God to call me. If the "2rue Bamboozles■’* is willing to adopt this for his rule of life, and moke his humble confession for post sins and misdeeds, 1 will promise to write President Grant, - and if,pos sible obtain his absolution, and procure, a back seat for him in tho Democratic ranks. Republicans have no use for such material I have departed iu this communication some what from my usual style aud habit, and I trust I may be pardoned for doing so. . Virgil Hillyer, Representative Camden County. you how the family took it, what was in the will, how the funeral went off, and other par ticulars ' quite as interesting; the broker is ready to imprison the general conversation in stocks and bonds; but the literary man, with more mind than any of these, is the greatest ‘fool of all THE CUTHBERT APPEAL Says that the Fair "promises to bo a success in every particular, as the citizens of Atlanta seem folly determined to keop up their former prestige of never doing any thing on the halves. THE HOPKINSVILLE.(fir.) CONSERVATIVE Speaks in high terms of the energy and enter prise manifested in getting up the Fair, aud gives a synopsis of its principal features. Louis Napoleon and the Press. Napoleon le petit, as Hugo calls him, hated journalists as much as his great uncle did lawyers. After the coup <r etat he arrested and imprisoned a number of prominent journal ists; and down to the day of his fall, he waged perpetual warfare against tho Press. The most insignificant 4 ‘squib” provoked his re sentment and was followed by punishment too severe for an incendiary volume. This course produced its natural results. Sedan crushed Imperialism aud freed the Press from its fet ters. The journalists of Paris immediately assumed the offensive. They gave the last finishing blows to the expiring Empire and made themselves the protectors of the rising Republic. Several of them now occupy high positious under the new Government They are revenging the long years of persecution ip the past, and their living influence is far more powerful than a mere memory, or even the psesuge ot the BBnapartes. The voice of the outraged Press reaches the Imperial captive in his retirement and pronounces his doom. Rooms of the State Central Committee, ) Union Republican Party of Georgia, > Atlanta, September 16,1870.) At a meeting of the State Central Commit tee, held tho 15th day of September, the fol lowing resolutions were adopted: Resolved, That tho Republicans of the sev eral Congressional districts in this State are hereby requested to hold conventions in their respective districts, on tho 5th day of October next, at the following places: First District, Savannah, Chatham county. Second District, Albany, Dongherty county. Third District, Butler, Taylor county. Fourth District, Macou, Bibb county. Fifth District, Greensboro’, Greene county. Sixth District, Gainesville, Hall county. Seventh District, Kingston, Bartow county. Aud nominate candidates for Congress, and that said Conventions, iu tho several Congres sional districts, are hereby authorized and re- a nested to designate four persons to represent leir respective districts ou the State Central Committee. Resolved, That the persons thus designated by the Conventions of the Congressional dis tricts, shall constitute tho Republican State Central Committee, and are authorized and requested to meet in this city, on tho 18th day of October, and organize, by tho election of their Chairman and Secretary. Resolved, That our Republican friends throughout the State are hereby urged to pro ceed forthwith to organize our party, in their respective counties, and nut’forth suitable can didates for the General Assembly, aud for county officers, and to nominate suitable dele gates to the Congressional District Conven tions above provided for,each county being en titled to os many delegates as it has members in the House of Representatives. In accordance with tho above resolutions the Republicans of the several Congressional dis tricts are requested to call meetings and send delegates to the district Conventions at the above time and places, or at such other time and place as the county Conventions may agree upon. a. xl w. JOHS3it» N , . Secretary State Central Committee. Foster Blodoett, Chairman. Tlic Western and Atlantic Railroad. The question of primary importance that comes up with the discussion of tho conditiou .and proper disposition of the State Road is, shall the road bo prepared for the heavy fall and winter freight business? The matter of n few thousand paid monthly into tho State Treasury is unimportant, compared with the probable diminution of the supply of produce and provisions and consequent advanced prices. Tho tirades against tho mismanagement of tho road do not amount to a feather’s weight towards accomplishing the end that ought to bd kept in view. These "criminations and re criminations” amount to nothing substantial They gratify a little party spleen, but so far as affecting the solid interests of the road they are worth nothing at all On one hand we have charges of incapacity, corruption, mismanage ment, and all that kind of thing; while on the other, we have a defense set up in justification Of Jhe authorities, clearly proving, to all in tents and purposes, that the road is being handled as well as it could be by anybody. For example, there Is a continuous complaint that the road pays nothing into the State Treas ury, •an jl a dreadful clamor to know what lias become of the mdney. It has not been shown that the road does less business now than for merly; on the contrary, it is asserted that the business has increased! Hence the complaiuts aud dissatisfaction seem to be not without foundation, and the people feel that they have been greatly wronged by the authorities of the road. On the other baud comes Mr. Superintend ent Blodgett, who puts up tho defense that if he had not paid For iron spike* and ties $150,000 00 For cars.... 75.000 00 For engines 65,000 00 Making a total of $280,000 00 he could have paid $30,000 a month, daring the post nine mouths, into the State Treasury, which seems very probable. He claims that he could have run the road down and paid $300,000 into the treasury, bnt preferred to spend the money on the road. Tho "white washing committee,” as it was styled, report ed the road to be iu better condition now than when it passed into Mr. Blodgett’s hands. This Is a sample of what is said for and ugaiust the management of tho road; but, os we said before, all such avail nothing toward protecting the advantages which the people naturally expect to derive from this valuable naturally expect i piece of property. It is now claimed that the road stijl needs forty miles of new track, two hundred and fifty new freight, cars, and five first-class locomo- Elections In Georgia—Public Sentiment torgli _ it tbc Nortli, The New York Times of the 19th inst, con tains - the following special dispatch from Washington City: Washington, September 18.—Information from Atlanta, Go., is to the effect that the Re publican majority in the Legislature, co-oper ating with Attorney General Akerman and Governor Bullock, will provide for an election in that State before the 1st of January, 1871, which will be a literal compliance with tho generally understood interpretation of the act of Congress admitting Georgia to the Union; but sad experience has demonstrated that the election laws of Georgia, being those be queathed to the State by her Confederate rulers, are wholly insufficient to secure a fair and free expression of all the voters in the State. The violence, intimidation and murder which attended the campaign of 1868 are evi dence of the much needed reform in this re spect, and it is a good sign that Attorney Gen eral Akerman, who. is still in Georgia, has been colled upon to aid the Legislature in framing such laws as will, with the aid of the statutes passed at the last session of Congress, secure a fair election. This will necessitate a postponement of the election until the latter part of December, a time which will be more favorable for the colored voters, as at that period they are free from the restraint imposed by labor contracts. A Slander Nailed. House of Representatives, Atlanta, September 21, 1870. Editor of Era : Samuel Bard, in a publica tion dated August 20th, 1870, announces wliat he styles "a new and startling scheme by Governor Bullock.” For the statements there in made, there is no foundation whatever; in fact the whole article Is a malicious misrepre sentation. Gov. Bullock made no speech whatever to a caucus, and did not take jauy such position as is attributed to him. Iu fact there was uo "caucus of tho colored members of the Legislature.” One afternoon, I believe ou the 13th of August, (this is the date given by tho defamer of the Governor,) a few mem bers of the Legislature, white and colored, about fifteen in all, met in one of tho rooms in the Capitol to consider the subject of "back pay” aud other matters, in uxo way connected with that of the election. After a dessultory conversation for some time, a proposition was made to invite tho Governor in for consulta tion, without knowing whether he was in the Executive offico or not. A committee of three were accordingly appointed to wait upon the Governor and invite him into their infor- mol meeting. The committee returned and the Governor with them, and a general con versation ensued for half au hour or more. No "speech” was made by the Governor or any one else, and no conversation was had by the Governor that would even give color to the charge made against him by the individ ual who has had uo other political capital for two years post than personal abuse of Gov. Bollock. I have been away from tho city ou a leave of absence, to visit a sick son in Florida, for some time, or I would have sooner noticed this slan der; and I only do so now because I, os well as others, know the Governor will not consent to give public notice or denial to any thing emi- nating from the source of this last slander. Virgil Hillyer, Member of the House from Camden county. FIRST CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. Atlanta, Ga., September 20, 1870. At a meeting of Republicans from different parts of tho First Congressional District, it was agreed to carry out the recommendations of the State Central Committee, and hold a Convention at SAVANNAH, CHATHAM COUNTY, FIFTH DAY OF OCTOBER, to nominate a candidate for Congress, and to designate the four persons to serve the District ou tho State Central Committee. Virgil Hillyer, Chairman. Wm. C. Carson. Secretary. Death of a Lady Lawyer. In tho tribute paid by the St Louis hnr to the memory of Miss Lemma Barkaloo, re cently deceased, we note a most substantial and significant recognition of the innovation which admits women to the learned professios on on equal footing with. wan. The proceed ings were conducted in a dignified and deco rous manner, and several speakers passed cere and earnest encomiums upon the charac ter of the deceased os a lady and a lawyer. Singularly enough, it is the extreme West, but recently the border of civilization, that gives to woman the heartiest encouragement in her efforts to extend the sphere of her use fulness. . The Nevr Israelite Prayer Book. Tho Israetitesare re vising their Prayer Book. At the late Jewish Synod, held at Leipsic, the following was resolved: “No bitter or harsh expression shall bo contained iu any of the prayers under "revision or to be newly com posed ;'the contenfo shall embrace all human beings of the universe, and nothing shall be said therein with regard to tho chosen people which might in tho least offend onr brethren of another creed. On the other hand, the new prayers* or those under revision, shall lay stress upon the religious mission of Israel, We tho undersigned wore present at the little meeting referred to, and the statements made by Representative Hillyer are entirely correct James Porter, Rep. Chatham Co. Peter O'Neal, Rep. Baldwin Co. Romulus Moore, Rep. Columbia Co. Abram Smith, Rep. Muscogee Co. Wm. Guilford Rep. Upson Co. G. H. Clower, Rep, Monroe Co. Madison Davis, Rep. Clark Co. T. G. Campbell, Senator 2d District Jas. G. Maull, Rep. Muscogee Co. Sam’l Williams, Rep. Harris Co. Abram Colby, Rep. Green Co. John Warren, Rep. Burke Co. T. G. Campbell, Jr., Rep. McIntosh. Jacob P. Hutchings, Rep. Jones Co. Philip Joinob, Rep. Dougherty Co. Jas. A. Jackson, Rep. Randolph Co. S. Gardner, Rep. Warren Co. Editor Era: I have learned since writing the above that one of the members who was present at the meeting spoken of, called upon the "TVue Bamboozler” to correct the slander and ho refused, saying it was not at that meet ing but at another time and he could prove- it This reminds me of a certain dexterous an imal, a great favorite pet with me. In my youth, I used to take him by the four legs, hold him three feet from tho floor with his back down, and let him drop. He was always sure to light upon his foot—then two feet from the floor with the same result—thett one foot, with the same—finally, tho only way I conld get him on his back was to take him by the four legs and hold him there. I propose to take the “True Bamboozler* by all four— minus two—and place him where he belongs— a convicted libeler. Should he be inclined to deny this, I would affirm that tho above meeting, upon the testi mony of the colored Representatives, is the only one that the Governor has attended since Janaary last.* In my boyhood I was disciplined to lovo my neighbor as myself, and do to all men us I would they should do mi to roe ; to love, honor and succour my father and mother; to honor and obey the civil authority ; to submit my self to all my governors, teachers, spiritual pastors a id masters; to order myself lowly and reverently to all'iny betters; to hurt no body by word or deed; to be true and just in all my dealings; to bear no malice nor hatred in my heart; to keep my hands from picking and stealing, and my tongue from evil speak- THIRD CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. Atlanta, Ga., Sept 17, 1870. At a meeting of a number of prominent Re publicans from the Third Congressional Dis trict, it was unanimously agreed to carry out the'fccommeudatlmr of tlur State OnW E*. ecutive Committee, and hold a Convention at GENEVA, TALBOT COUNTY, ON THE SECOND SATURDAY, THE 8TH DAY OF OCTOBER, to nominate candidates for the 41st and 42d Congress, aud to designate the four men to represent them ou the State Central Executive Committee to- be recognized in Atlanta on the 18th day of October. On motion it was agreed to have a mass meeting of all tho citizens of the Third Con gressional District at Geneva, on the some day designated to nominate candidates for Con gress. Distinguished speakers will bo present and address the meeting. On motion it was farther agreed that the Atlanta New Era bo requested to publish the proceedings of this meeting, and other papers friendly to the cause please copy. Ou motion the meeting adjourned sine die. W. IL F. Hall, Chairman. J. C. Jones, Secretary. lives, withont which it is not at all clear that there will not be a succession of freight block ades at Chattanooga, continuing during tho rough weather of the winter. Should this oc cur, provisions will grow scarce in the mar kets, uud iu n, comparatively short space of time the people will pay out of their pockets more money, in consequence of the advanced prices of necessaries, than is asked for, as a loan, from the Treasury. The Legislature has been very prodigal of State aid to other railroads, hence there can bo uo lack of precedent to back up any disposi tion there may l>o to help this road out of a fix. Beiug the most important road in the State, and exclusively the property of the State, it ought to havo the first consideration at tho hands of tho . General Assembly, aud, os the Assembly has exclusive power to control it aud direct its management, we would sug gest that, if they are not satisfied with tho officials who are now handling it, it would bo a very easy matter to place it in other hands. We are emphatically opposed to selling tho road, and look with suspicion upon all propo sitions to lease it. If there is any set of men who cau run it aud pay twenty-fivo or filty thousand dollars as lessees, the Legislature cau fiiid men who cau do the same thing. How ever, that is not what we aro now considering. We are studying the interests of trade alone, so much of which is dependent upon this thoroughfare, and arc actuated solely by a de sire to see the people at large practically bene- fitted by the road. Hence we are still of the opinion that the Legislature ought to make tho repairs which aro declared to be necessary, and make them at once. If not, evil conse quences may certainly bo expected.—Atlanta Sun, Sept. 21. FOURTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. Atlanta, Ga., Sept. 20, 1870. At a meeting of Republicans from different parts of the Fourth Congressional District, held this day, the recommendations of tho State Central Committee was approved, to wit, that the Convention in the Fourth Congres sional District to nominate a candidate for Congress, be held in MACON ON THE 5TH DAY OF OCTOBER. John Harris, Chaimau. Jno. J. Newton, Secretary. SIXTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. Atlanta, Ga., Sept 10, 1870. At a meeting of Republicans from different parts of the Sixth Congressional District held this day, the recomniendatious of tho State Central Committee was approved, except as to tho time of holding the Convention for the Sixth District, and upon that point the fol lowing was adopted: Whereas, the day recommended by the Stale Central Committee for the Conventon of tho Sixth Congressional District will not give suffi cient time, therefore Resolved, That the Convention iu the Sixth Congressional District to nominate a candidate lor Congress be held at GAINESVILLE, ON THE 12X11 DAY OF OCTOBER. W. F. Bowers, . Chairman. John C. "Richardson, Secretary. SEVENTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. Atlanta,.Ga., Sept. 1G, 1870, At a meeting qt-a member of Republicans from various ports of .the. Seventh Congres sional District, it was agreed to carry out the recommendation of the State • Central Com mittee and hold a yoavoution foV the. Seventh District, at KINGSTON, BARTOW COUN TY, ON WEDNESDAY, THE 5TH DAY OF OCTOBER, to nominate a candidate for Con gress, and to designate tho four persons to servo the djstiict outjio Sfote Central Com mittee. Wm. IIesry, Chairman. J. R. W. Johnston, Secretary. Literary Men In Society. “Certainly,” say*XonLLyfctou, "of all peo ple who go into society, none appear to so lit tle advantage as meii of letters. U is aivold w hat will hbUrgeWfr, 1 very like- axiom, and one that .. J ly, to tho end of the World.. V4 cannot hit upon any other profeasroa tvhieU sufiere ip th.> same degree tins pam$j exclusion, A horse jockey may possibly have something interest ing to saV about riding, odd certainly cun man age to conduct himself with propriety, even thonghi few,, coat smell of sfobles; an under- A Bill To declare tho Poll Tax of this State for the years 18G8, 18G9 aud 1870,- yet uncollected, illegal, aud to prevent the collection of the same. Whereas, By the 29th paragraph of tho Bill of Rights, it is declared that “ No poll fox shall be levied except for educational purposes, and such fox shall not exceed one dollar an nually on each poll;” And Whereas, Article C, paragraph 1st, of the Constitution makes it the duty of the Leg islature, at its first session, to provide a system of education free to all children ; And Whereas, Paragraph 3d, of the same Article, solemnly devotes to the support of said system—to-wit: a system of Common Schools —the poll tax allowed by this Constitution ; And Whereas, Tho General Assembly did not at its first session, and has not yet, estab lished a system of Common Schools, and there is not in this State any system of Common Schools to be supported. Be it enacted by the Senate aud House of Representatives of the State of Georgia iu General Assembly met, That all poll tax assessed and imposed on the people of this State for the years 1868, 1869 and 1870 is ille gal, and not warranted by the Constitution of this State, and that Tax Collectors be instruct ed to desist from collecting the same, and that Tax Collectors be relieved from all such poll tax as appears unpaid iu their respective digests. A LITTLE ROMANCE. A Female CongrrM. Mrs. Julia Want Howe lias issued a sort of pronnneiomento against war. She stylet appeal to womanhood throughout : ” nxltd tfoit n. general Coatrri-s A corespondent of the Lynchburg (Va.) Re publican relates the following bit of romance about the Empress Eugenic: In 1851 the uncle of the writer resided as American Minister at Paris, with a large family around him. At this time appeared in society there Eugenio Marie de Guzman, Countess of Montijo, a lovely person and an aristocratic name securing her brilliant conquests iu that society, and constituting her one of tho most famous ladies in Paris. It was thought, aud indeed freely remarked, that her mother was more ambitious than herself; that the former dcsiguedfor hersomo great al liance, while Eugenie herself appeared a model of simplo sincerity, a girl who would choose to consult her heart in any matrimonial affair. Her sister had just married the Duke of Alba and Berwick, a lineal descendant of James H. of England; and the worthy mother. Dona Maria, uo doubt designed at least an equal matrimonial destiny for the more beautiful of her daughters. Bnt the heart is not always to bo controlled, even iu the most aristo cratic life, or to yield to its exactious «>r coiir veuieuce. Eugenie lost hers to a fine-looking blonde Virginian, young William C. Rives, sou o: the American Minister. They were engaged to be married ; but Aunt Judy Rives, a Virginia matron, very decided and angular iu her scruples, interfered and broke off the match; the Countess was too "last” for her old Virginia views of social sobriety. The woman for whom future had reserved so much escaped tho comparatively humble match that her heart had decided upon—-the destiny of a quiet Virginia housewife—to as cend the throne of Franco. Alas, what other contrasts may yet remain for her! If an event pad been ordered differently, if a prospective . mother-in-law had proved complacent, tho Empress, the woman who has adorned tho throne of Franco and displayed to the world the charms of another Cleopatra, might at this moment.bjo a quiet country matron, firing in a farm house near Cobham Depot, county of Al bemarle, aud State of Virginia! world, ,T aud asks that a general Congress of would) be rolled to promote tho .general afli- anoe of mdious and tho amicable arbitrament of difficulties.