Newspaper Page Text
VOLUME IV.
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ATLANTA, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 12, 1870.
NUMBER 31
Tii<- vm t o
1 District.
ued the name of
Somotime mbcc, wc is
Fanjjiu of Morgan as a proper person for
tlii' Ki pnlilicn nomination to Congress from
the Vth District. This suggestion, made sev
eral weeks since, was of course made subject
to the legitimate action of a Convention of the
entire District.
Proto chat wo have since learned, we are
- satisfied that a very large majority of the Bo-
publieans of that District are opposed to the
nomination of Col. Fannin, and we now Jcam
tbntthoat‘-enpt to pack a Convention in his
interests on tho 5th inst., through the aid of
Flateral Tax Collectors in the several counties,
has been very hurtful, and if persisted in will
certainly cause s serious breach in the party.
This unfortunate and irregular nomination,
originating perhaps in a great measure by an
irregular and packed convention of the county
of Richmond, will do the party infinite harm
unless the blander can be retrieved before it
is too late. Wo shall therefore hope that
the members of the State Central Committee
from tho Vth District,will take the amnw Ws
con-,1.!. ration with a view to assembling a
Convention of tho representatives of tho Re
publican voters of tho District, and that tie
may do this without unnecessary delay,
nomination by such a convention of Candidates
(or the 41st and 42<1 Congresses, who are
mot solely dependent open a packed
ition of Richmond county delegates, or upon a
dear Federal Tax Collectors in each county,
will, if promptly mode, forestall tho evils that
win otherwise result from this stupid blonder.
The Republican party should certainly con
tain the Vth District; but if the wishes of tho
vonots are to be wholly ignored, or contempt
uously disregarded, we shall certainly be de
feated, and what is more, we shall deserve to
be. The source of the trouble in that Dis
trict is unmistakable. It comes from tho same
source that bus heretofore promoted discord,
'and the real blame attaches to the skirts of a
man who was only very recently the Democratic
candidate for Speaker of the House of Repre
sentatives, and tho mq/UUnte and boon com
panion of a leading Democrat in that Distaict.
We therefore advise the Republican vorss
throughout tho fivo counties comprising the
strength of Uio District, to regard the past as
though it had never been; not to allow this
miserable blonder and lackless abortion to
forestall or prejudice the action of their regular
nominating convention composed of all the
counties; bat to go to work at once, through
tho regular channel, nud ascertain the sense
of the Republicans of the District, and Urns
pot some man or men in nomination who can
combine the entire strength of the party In
the District.
The pleasant delusion of some of onr Be
publican friouds North, that Secession is no
longer a living issue with the Southern Democ
racy, is being rapidly dispelled. In the face
of their assumption that the dogma af Seces
sion, and “ultimate allegiance" to tho Stats
government, is dead, Mr. Stephens writes
three letters wherein be boldly asserts that tho
issue is not dead; bat that it is only in sbey-
anco. Those letters of the two Stephenses, and
tho elaborate work ol the Vice President of
tho late Confederacy recently published, to-
getker with the ominous .silence of the late
Democratic Convention of tho State, have
awakened a renewed interest in Georgia poli-
iUea; and the Republican journals North are
devoting some time .nd space to tbs rectifica
tion of their mistakes touching tho animus of
these Democratic leaders.
The Cincinnati Commercial, one of tho most
“modcrato" and “liberal" of tho Northern Re
publican journals, and from which some of oar
Democratic contemporaries in this State have
been in the habit of making liberal extracts,
says of the Democmtio leaders of this State:
The activity they display la this business Is notice*
Me. Mr. Linton Stephens poors out so lnexhtniUble
«*re»m of letters, and Mr. Alexander H. Stephens, like
a sleeping volcano, ssrskens to redoubled violence. A
single null brings us no less tlun throe letters from
the tetter, addressed to dUhrant gentlemen In CcorsU.
one of teem to the Attorney General of tho United
State. who recently made a strong Emoo speech at At-
tents. In tho Orat of thoas tetters Mr. Stephens do-
dsns that, while ho belloves •■the right of secession'
cut He thought'so In 1800; h# thluks so now. Coe-
pled with this is e curious statement of his Unionism.
Ho says: "A men ardent dsrotss to a pnyutesl Union
of the States, under the Osnatltetlan, teas I anu nsest
bred ;** and geos cal to explain that the sorest guaran
tee of thin Union is "the tell recognition of the aorer-
olgn right of licit member to ijult It when, in ki, de
liberate iudfnenl, Ute compact liaa been broken. 1
Noticing the extraordinary attitude of these
Democratic leaden In the present campaign
the Commercial says:
What men oonld Ute nhldeot secessionist claim t
It concede* everything, ante up the Judgment of tho
Individual State aa tho aepremo arbiter of tho deaths
tea of Ute Union, and empower* her to act upon her
own Judgment without consulting tho other members
of the compact, whose Interest* sre to be so seriously
affected by the dissolution so arbitrarily determined.
Bat Mr. Stephens thinks tho surest guarantee Uist tho
right could not be exercised would bo Its "ten recog.
nltiou." Now we suppose there never was a time in
tho history of the country when a teller and more
complete recognition of tho doctrine was ever tel
than under the test Democratic administration. There
wii not a member of the Cabinet, General Cass per.
haps excepted, who did not raeognlsa It. and probably
at that tlmo a majority of the members of the Su
preme Court wen disposed to raoogntso It. But did
■bat chock the oeoesotonlst tendency of the Sonthern
States! They dldut walt to see what the Incoming
administration would do. They exercised tho right
precipitately, and set up a government of their
whose corner stone, according to Mr. Stephens, was to
be human slavery. Mr. Stephens himself knew thst
th* HuUini noohderaey riimgnloia It aatollyai be
could wish ; but did that prevent Georgia from mani
festing a strong disposition during the war and to the
face of tho enemy, to withdraw from too Montgomery
compact! But for the pressure brought to bear upon
them by tho Federal Government the Confederated
States would have pr, seoted a series of dissolving
vtswa before ten y. era bad cteptcd.
Tho Democracy ol Georgia will find that
this kind of unionism won't go down with the
people, either North or South. It ia simply a
repetition of tho heresy of 1800, and which
enlmlnatod in tho financial min of onr people.
Tho Commercial concludes that
Mr. Akerrain wss right In pwwndng tbs H
trines of this political perjurer -'pernicious," and
One of the organs of the revolutionary Do-
! moerncy in this State, claims that£ta authority
! for the announcement that Chief Justice
; Brown “opposed the Election Bill" is the
j Chief Justice himself! This is a slight modi
fication of the charge as originally made. It
was first charged that -the Chief Justice ex
pressed the opinion that the bill as passed is
“ unconstitutional.” Thero is a marked dif
ference between opposing tho passage of a bill
upon general principles of policy, and oppos
ing it for its supposed conflict with the Con
stitution. There ia also a difference between
opposing the passage of a bill from tho lobbies,
pending its discussion, and opposing its execu
tion after it becomes a law.
The bill in question was submitted to the
Attorney General of tho United States before
its final endorsement by the Executive Com
mittee of the State; and it was alter his nn-
qnalified endorsement of the bill tbat it
unanimously endorsed by tho Committee, and
then introduced in the Senate. Tho discussion
over it in the Senate and House assumed a
wide range, and lasted several days; and ac-
coediug to this same Democratic authority,
Chief Justice Brown was inconstant attend
ance upon the Senate and Honse daring the
whole time. And yet it would appear from
tho same authority, that Chief Justice Brown
did not discover tho measure to be unconsti
tutional nnlil after it beeame a law ! Nor did
the announcement that ho opposed the bill,
appear nnlil after final action was had upon it
in the Senate, and perhaps not until otter its
approval by the Governor 1
This, we oonceiva, does Judge Brown great
injustice: In the first place, it places him in
open conflict not only with his party in this
State, bat with both tho Federal and State
administrations, and perhaps also with hit oten
previously txpressal opinion* on this very print.
It also places the personal inflncnco of the
Chief Justice with the members ol the Honso
and Senate at a fearful diaeoont; for it is
claimed that he wss “opposed" to the bill and
thst be was in constant attendance during the
discussion; and yet both Houses pass the bill
liy good majorities, his opposition notwith
standing! It also places the Chief Justice in
conflict with Associate Justice McCay, no less
than with the Attorney General of the United
States, sines the same Democratic anthority
claims that Judge McCay was one of the
authors of the bill and thst it went to tho Sen
ate with his unqualified approval.
Wo protest, therefore, against this latitndin-
is use of the name of the Chief Justice. Ho
is too sound s Republican to oppose the meas
ure npon general principles of policy; too con
sistent n Republican to thus place himself at
right angles with bis party, anil with tho ad
ministration at Washington; and he has too
detieate a sense of the dignity of his high ju
dicial office, to enter into the arena of politics
as a common lobbicst, or to pronounce a ver
dict on the streets respecting tho constitution
ality of a law before tho qoestion lias been ad-
jndioati d before that legal tribunal of which ho
is himself chief. It ia evidently part of a pro
gramme to bedittle and obscure the personal
influence of prominent Republicans, by mak
ing it appear first, that the Chief Justice had
little or no influenoo with the members of tho
Senate and Honse; second, that he is in con
flict with both the National and State adminis
trations and with the Republican party in tbe
State; anil third that ho seeks to ]owar »V
>f me Supreme Judiciary of tho S tate
'crnltlou* Doctrine* of the Stephen*
„ llook. and Letters.
Mr. Stephens has written a book in two vol-
amos, which ho calls “The War between the
States,” the objects of which sotrn to be, from
claim tbo right of a State to secede, which
right is deduced directly from the doctrine of
State Soverignty, anil cannot be claimed upon
any other hypothesis. Tbo doctrine is perni
cious, because it led Mr. Stephens into thi3
error, and caused him to do what he really be
lieved was wrong. The doctrine is pernicious,
becaose it led a majority of Sonthern politi
cians into an attempt to pnt into practice tbe
right of secession, and convulsed tho whole
country in a fratricidal war. The docrine is
pernicious, because tho first attempt to reduce
it to praetico produced war, and any future at
tempt to giro it a practical application mnst
inevitably produce a like result. The doctrine
is pernicious, because it teaches men that they
prvvrsi a right that a majority of tho people
of the United States will not let them enjoy.
Tbe doctrine is pernicious, because in teaching
men they bare rights they cannot enjoy, it
makes them discontented and unhappy; and,
being discontented and unhappy in the belief
that their rights are denied them, they are dis
posed to regard the government as
tyrannical. Tho doctrine is pernicious,
because Mr. Stephens, in following ont his
doctrines from it, has coma to the oondnsion
thst the acts of the people, through their rep
resentation in Congress, to restore harmony
iu the gssMsswst sal tnag bsclt sooeedod
States to their proper place in tho Union,
are acts of usurpation. The doctrine is perni
cious, because any and every deduotion
drawn from it, if attempted to be pnt into
practical operation, leads directly to strife,
contention, and iU-feeting, which if persisted
in, bring on all the devastations of war.
These pernicious consequences growing ont
of the doctrine of “State Sovereignty” led Mr.
Jefferson and his associates to abandon the ex
periment of a confederated Union, after trying
it for eight years under the Articles of Confed
eration, and to adopt onr present Constitution.
And it is doubtless true, that many of the say
ings and writings of Mr. Jefferson and others,
that are now quoted in support of the doctrine
of State Sovereignty, were spoken or .written
in reference to the government of tho United
States as it existed under those Articles. It is
not now denied that the States were sovereign
under those article*; and the feet that they
were so, and hod no central controlling power
to regulate the machinery of the Union, so to
speak, is tbe very reason why the experiment
proved a failure. After trying State Sover
eignty nnder the Articles of Confederation for
eight years, and finding it would not work
well, and that the eonseqneneee of its workings
too pernicious to form “a more perfect
anion," tie People of tho United States,
under tbe lead of Washington, Jefferson,
Madison, Hamilton, Ac., ordained onr pres
ent Constitution, which may be justly styled
the sheet-anchor of onr liberties and the regu
lator of oar whole machinery of government.
The States were sovereign before the Consti
tution was adopted, and “in order to form a
more perfect Union,” it was necessary that
each State should assign its sovereignty to the
National Government for the benefit of the
whole. This was done by each Stats as it rat
ified that instrument Each State, by tiro act
of ratification, transferred its absolute sover
eignty to the national government and that
gave as tho complete and admirable system of
government we have enjoyed ever since. Onr
System now consists of each State government
revolving in its subordinate sphere, and the
National government ns tho great balaneo wheel
iJ c. '!i i rr.il jlugnintor of the whbln
Tlio source of all power nnder onr System is
1’fopie. Tho peoplo of each State, through
their State organization, regulate their domes
tic matters as they please, and tho whole poo
plo, through their Repr, sentatives in Con
gress, regulate all their national matters. So
long as each State, or the people of eaeh
its tone and tenor, 1st. A defense of his course Ktnk . confine their stale actionTS^^
th regard to secessmn and the war; -2d. To honu.ls.au J exercise their legitimate rightsand
re-offinn the doctrine of State sovereignty and , . .. ... , ...
f • j l^wer* properly, all things work smoothly
1 c anil harmoniously throughout tho whole sys-
■I'topatAm
, a* wm clone in 1861. and as it wm*
attempted to do in South Carolina thirty years Wore,
ought to he treated as Andrew Jackson regret*
We think the Commercial is unnecessarily
sevens upon Mr. Stephens, and we only repro
duce the above because the Commercial has
been in very high favor with our revolutionary
Democratic journals for mouths post, os show
ing what a reaction must legitimately follow
the teachings of- the late epistles of tho two
apostlos of Democracy in Georgia. Personally
Mr. Stephens is a gentleman for whom we en
tertain tbo greatest esteem. We can but ad
mire his learning and talents, no less than the
purity of his personal character; and we only
regret that he should thns in his mature ago
sock to revive a controversy that can result in
nothing but evil to his State and section.
the consequent indisputable
to secede.
Now, it was believed by a good many, tbat
the war was between the government at Wash
ington, called "tho government of the United
States,** of which one Abraham Lincoln was
presiding officer, and the government first set
np at Montgomery, and thenco moved to Rich
mond, called “the government of the Con
federate States,** of which one Jeffer
son Davis was presiding officer. If it was
a “war bet ween the (States,** will Mr. Stephens
be kind enough to inform us on which side
of the contest the States of Missouri, Kentucky,
Virginia, Maryland and Delaware were found?
These were all slave States, so-called, before
tho war commenced, and it is generally be
lieved that most of the fighting men In those
States joined in the fight—some on one side,
somo on the other. Neither of these States,
(except Virginia) seceded ; and Virginia did
not secede only a* a part of a State. Tliat
part now called West. Virginia, refused to
cede, and split off from the part that did se
cede. Bat Mr. Stephens is wrong in calling
it a “war between the States.** It was a war
beiwoen antagonistic sentiments aud theories;
between those who adhered to the doctrine
of State Sovereignty and the right of
sion on the one ride, and those who de
nied that doctrine and disputed that right
on tho other. One ride claimed the
right to secede, and attempted to
enforce that right by withdrawing from
the Union—the other ride denied that any such
right existed, claimed that the Union was the
common property of the people of all the
States, and that it should not be severed by
.secession. The party that disputed the theory
ot Stato sovereignty, from which the right of
secession was deduced, proved victorious; and
it is a rale of law that a question divided by
wager of battle is settled irreversibly. From
• decision made by force of arms, there is no
appeal. Tho battlo-field is the highest Court
known in any law. It can dethrone kings and
emperors—overturn constitutions and govern
ments—much less refute a fallacious theory.
Tho doctrine of State sovereignty and other
ideas deduced from it, vrero tho direct canso of
tho war; and as that doctrine was put iu issue
by tho war, and the rosult was a clear and un
mistakable decision against it, tbe question is
decided by *tho highest tribunal to which an
appeal could havo been made.
But Mr. Stephens appears considerably irri
tated because the doctrines of his book have
been characterized as “pernicious.** If ho
cannot understand how his doctrines are per
nicious, wo will try to inform him. Tho lead
ing doctrine of his book is tbat of “ State Sov
ereignty." All others promulgated by tbe
book are deduced from it. Mr. Stephens’ ac
tion in regard to secession and the war was in
duced by his ideas of StAte sovereignty. He
was opposed to secession from policy—made
speeches against it, and was regarded by Union
men us their standard bearer. But when tho
secession element was found to control the
convention of 1861, and the ordinance of se
cession was adopted, his regard for the doc
trine of State Sovereignty imlaced him to for
feit his allegiance to the National Government
and “go with his State." And his regard for
tho same doctrine induces him now to pro-
But whenever any State or the people
of any State, undertake to do an act which, i
ill affect the rights or interests of any
other State or the people of any other State,
then the people of all the States, through their
representatives in Congress,call into requisition
the powers of tho National Government, and
by its power restrain and regulate the error
thus attempted to be committed by such re
fractory State. Every government must have
a sovereign controlling power somewhere in
its organization, or it will soon go to pieces.
That controlling power, nnder our System, is
lodged in the whole People, and they act
through the powers of the National Govern
ment Some who wish to control in their
own way, and wish to enfbroe their judgment
against everybody rise, may cry out that it
will never do to trust all power in Congress!
It will act tyrannically and we ritall all lose onr
liberties! What! Are tbe people going to
tyranize over themselves? Congress is nothing
but tLe assembled Representatives of tho whole
People—its action is the action of the whole
people—and any one who is afraid to trust
Congress is afraid to trust the people. If he
fears tyranny, he wishes to do wrong and is
afraid of restraint; and this is indeed the true
thesis of the Georgia “Democracy.**
‘Democracy”
In no two States of the Union is Democracy
the same as respects its external professions.
It is one thing in New York and another thing
in Ohio; one thing in Louisiana and quite
another in Georgia. And the same is true as
respects each of the thirty-seven States of the
Union. It is nowhere harmonious or homo-
genious. Representing nothing of progress,
nothing of interest in common with the mas
ses; bound together by no recognized Nation-
platform, representing no vital issues or
living principles, it stilts itself upon the preju
dices and memories of a past decade, and
has ceased to be anything more considerable
than an organized Conspiracy against fair
elections.
This is its external appearance, os it is pre
sented to the consideration of all intelligent
minds through tho medium of its press and
its stump orators. It may havo an 4 *inner
life," a proprium, corresponding to tho spirit
ual essence of individual hypocrisy, but which
is so obscured by its gross externals as to make
its inner life an unexplored mystery, even to
itself. Ask ton of tho first “Democrats” yon
meet upon the thoroughfare to explain to you
what they understood by “the principles of
the Democracy of the Union," and onr word
for it, no two will give you the same answer.
One conceives its principles to bo onetliinj
and another a different thing. For in-
stance, one will toil you that Democracy
means “opposition to Radicalism;” and
when pressed for a definition of his concep
tion of Radicalism, ho will naively tell you,
“nigger suffrage and Reconstruction!” One
will tell yon that it means opposition to “Cen
tralism;” and when pressed for a definition of
centralism, he will make confused and contra
dictory quotations from Calhoun and Jeffer-
But press each one in turn for a disclo
sure of the essence of his party synonyme
aud you will find—especially among the more
! intelligent and better informed of the party—
that the spirit of tho whole organization
derived primarially or secondariallv from the
Resolutions of 1793 or from Mr. Calhoun’s the
sis of 1832.
The first was conceived in opposition to the
Federal Constitution, and in antagonism to
the Republic as administered by the Federal
party whereof Washington and Adams and
Hamilton and the Fathers of the Constitution,
were recognized leaders. The last was con
ceived in a spirit of hostility to the Govern
ment as administered by President Jackson.
Both have a common origin, and trace their
paternity to the brain of restless and ambitions
men, who either opposed the Constitution of
“a more perfect Union” in 1787, or who
sought to break np tliat Union and remand
the country to anarchy in pore revenge for
fancied neglect, or as a means of manufactur
ing a sectional popularity and power.
This is the trne origin of tho party; and al
though its distinctive features have been ob
scured by time, it nevertheless, liko the Tory
party of England, retains the unmistakable
traces of its paternity. One is the spawn of
Jacobinism and of the Concernero the other,
the fungus excrescence of that organized Sys
tem of Tyranny that produoed tho Cromwellian
Protectorate and the first French Revolution.
One represents tho effete dogmas of the old
world, tho other the heresies of the anti-Con-
stitution party of 1787.
It thence follows that Mr. Stephens, with
his pet dogmas of ultimate local allegiance,
‘State Sovereignty,” and “the right of Se
cession," is the true type and exponent of the
*101617101 life” of the Democratic or
ganization of 1870. No Domocrat, North or
South, has even dared to assail his position.
They may indeed depricate his honesty in
thns throwing off the mask and boldly advo
cating “principle,” at the cost of party ex
pediency; bat all agree that he is eminently
orthodox, and that os respects “principle”
his position is unassailable! They.only
quarrel with him because he will not be hypo
critical ! For we believe all Democrats hold
with tho Stephens brothers, that the right
of Secession still exists—that the issne of 1860
simply stands adjourned, not settled; bat in
viow of the recent disastrons failure to pnt the
theory into practice, they think it inexpedient
to proclaim it before regaining power.
This is therefore, beyond all question, the
real basis of life with the Democratic organiza
tion; that is, provided it be granted, (as they
claim,) that the party has anything in its com
position more worthy tho name of fautt than
presented in its external life which is so in
congruous and contradictory.
The Secret Allies of tlie Democracy.
When President Grant advised tho Re
publicans of Missouri to support the regular
ticket and organization of the party, and
avoid lending their aid to tho Democracy by
affiliating with the bolters, he doubtless antici
pated just such utterances os the following,
which we find in a Democratic paper:
Hlnonri Democrats aro becoming alive to the
situation in that State. The canvass there is now
fnDj opened, and the proecriptioolsts arc making a
effort to retain control of tho State. Tho
liberal Republicans, beaded by Brown, havo bat a
poor ahow without Democratic help; and it ia pleasing
that a practical combination ia likely, to bo
effected which will throw McClurg and his Illiberal
factions In the shade.
The St Louis Republican, the mod **»£«*-
enual Democratic paper in that State, advo
cates an alliance with the bolters at the only
hopt of securing a Democratic triumph. That
paper says:
‘It win require every Democratic vote in the Stato to
elect Mr. Brown; but we believe that if all the oppo
nents of Radicaliam take np his name cheerfully and
pash zealously into the canvass, an ohl-fashioned polit
ical revival will take place, and Mr. Brown be elected
by a triumphant majority. From this time on till the
8th of November we shall arge the people to do this.
Accepting the present position of Mr. Brown and bis
colleagues on the liberal Republican ticket as aincere,
and giving them onr warmest sympathies in their sep
aration from the majority of their party, we shall la
bor as faithfully for their elevation to office aa wo once
posed every man of them.**
Thus it will be seen how truly Gen. Grant
understood tbe situation, when he said that,
to support tho Brown scceilers from tho regular
Republican organization, would but aid the
Democracy. The remark is as true when ap
plied to Georgia as to Missouri.
The Election Bill.
We publish this morning, from a corrected
copy, tbe Election Bill as it finallv passed tbe
House, and— concurred In by tho Senate and
approved by the Governor. It will be seen
that the bill, os it became a law, is not that
bugbear which some of our unsophisticated
Democratic friends have been led to believe.
Tbe House amendment wboreby the Ordinary
of each county is authorized to appoint two of
tho five commissioners, ought to mollify the
opposition of thoso who objected to tbe feature
providing for the appointment of the Board
of managers. The bill seeks only to protect
each elector in the State in the fall and free
exercise of his rights. This is all that Repub
licans have ever asked ; and it is certainly all
that any reasonable and fair-minded man, of
any party, who is not afraid of the peoplo,
should ask.
The tin lira Jade Winces.
'Parson” Caldwell, who fills the two-fold
position of legislator and editor of an obscore
little apology for a nowspapor, is ont in a long,
abusive, aud disgustingly vulgar article, court
ing a notice from the Hon. Virgil Hillyer.
Mr. Hillyer having convicted the Parson’s
groom of malicious misrepresentation, can
very well afford to let the verdict rest where
an intelligent public sentiment has placed it,
and consequently where it is wholly beyond
reversal by means of mere scurrility.
oh:
The merciful Democracy of Cobb have struck
a rich lead in tho way of cultivating “friendly
relations” with the colored Republicans, in
the adoption of the following resolution:
Resolved, That while wo differ with the
mass of onr colored men politically, we rec
ognize them as citizens entitled to equal rights
and protection under the Constitution andlaws
of the land, and we, therefore, denounce the
recent arrest of a colored citizen of our county
and hanging him np by the thumbs, which
was perpetrated by certain ef the Rodin*! rev
enue officers of the United States, as an
mitigated outrage.
Prussia's War Policy.
It is intimated that tho siege of Paris is to
rest for the present, the Germans contenting
themselves with isolating the city, and leaving
it to its own dissensions and to starvation.
Meantime, doubtless, other dctachod forces
will operate in all parts of France, carrying
desolation into every department, and prevent
ing the organization of new armies by the
French people’
Some of onr editors get so excited over the
“Woman question, the Roman question, tho
Chinese question and tho Labor question,
that they work themselves into a very ques
tionable state of mind. In feet they resemble
animated interrogation points more than any
thiug else.
THE LATEST NEWS.
By Mail
The fid5 1 under which Admiral Farrngut
fought his fettles is wrapped around his coffin.
The yellow fever is making frightful ravages
among thyjjijgiiiarjl' in Cuba.
Of the Sor them Presbyterian congregations
450 have no .ministers.
The Cinci inr.ti paper? speak of tbe Indus
trial Exposition as a grand success.
New Jersey protests against tho importation
of Coolies. ’ *
Tho Pope f-Tfcaid to be on very friendly terms
with Victor Emmanuel.
It-is stated that Russia is massing 400,000
troops on thy frontier.
Jnles Fawn declares that France will not
consent to a shameful peace.
Spotted Tail aud Swift Bear now propose to
cultivate thy soil:
Spain has lost 23,000 soldiers in tho Cuban
war and has only 20,000 left on tho Island.
Russia is turning her muskets into breech
loaders. Ole arsenal turns out 500 per day.
Italian aun Spanish volunteers are organ
izing in dti«nsh of the French Republic.
Jim accompanies his new purchase
Momtil >nj. on her shopping expeditious.
Concert* are* to be given in New York for
the benefit of the French Republic.
EAST TENNESSEE NEWS.
KNOXVILLE.
Mr. David Richardson was found in his barn
shot through, the.head, Monday morning. Not
expected to recover. Probably an attempt at
suicide.
County Court in session.
Excursion down tbo river Tuesday evening
last. ; :•*
The Fair has openod brilliantly.
New bridge to be built over the 3 [ Aston.
CHATTANOOGA. -
D. B. Carlin, wounded in there c
affray, is likely to recover.
More Kn Klux outrages on the A. and C.
Railroad.
New brick block going up on Market street.
oting
Newspaper reporters have l
•ess Eugenio. She refuses
The Qncen of Prussia decl
fevor of peace!
Ireland wants Napoleon to, make tliat conn
try his home.
It is estimated that 120,0
ers have been taken since tin
Tho Pope has visited the camp of bis con
queror and was enthusiastically received.
Tho National Intelligencer has made its ap
pearance in New York.
Gen. McClellan has been offered the com
mand of the New York Seventh Regiment.
Sir .Henry Bulwer, a noted English diplo
matist, fears “that England has adopted a
cowardly policy."
The Rev. Moses Hall of Cincinnati luu&chol-
lenged the entire clergy of that city to distress
the question of spiritualism with him.
The citizens of Strasbourg wept for jo;
the city surrendered. They were gla<
capo tho horrors of the bombardment
The Vomito is malting fearful rav
Spain. Whole districts have been hhtft
by the frightened inhabitants.
The South German States do *uot fi?
idea of German unity since they found
it means imperial unity.
The Republicans of Germany protest against
tho unnecessary humiliation of Fre
quent arrests have been made. *
General Uhlrich, tho heroic defender—of
Strasbourg, was treated by bis Congueo with
remarkable delicacy and rare magnanimity.^
Perfect order is said to prevail in Paris, and
tho peoplo feel much encouraged over tlieir re
ported successes around the city.
The Bonk of England is full of gold. As
there is ua foreign demand it accumulates
rapidly.
The Czar of Russia treats T2u«n
individual and refuses to listen to
matic talk.
The milkmen of New York have had a strike,
and raised the price of milk from ten to twelve
cents per quart Great excitement, of course.
Kentucky has a colored prophet who pro
claims his special mission to bo the regenera
tion of his race.
Tho German Aid Societies of Illinois protest
against Minister Washburn e’s flirtation with
the French Republic.
Louis Napoleon continues his daily rides,
and is treated with respect by the people of
Wilhclmshohe.
A tremendous lliuudcr storm, Friday night,
shook Louisville “from center to Circumfer
ence."
Some bruto in Cincinnati lias made a das
tardly attack upon Base Ball players. Ho Is
in retirement with a black eye.
Tbe Census of Now York aiinihilatos some
60,000 voters who never had an existence save
as Democratic repeaters. It is thought that
this will kill the party in that city.
Tho rain poured down in torrents at the
Farragnt funeral. But all the arrangements
were carried out and tho procession was per
fectly gorgeous.
The Prussians ore beginning to woke np.
They are now said to exhibit as much enthu
siasm as the French did at tho beginning of
the war.
Wilhelmshoho is crowded with distinguished
visitors who aro friendly to Napoleon. The
Emperor enjoys excellent health and rides or
walls every day.
The citizens of Harlem, N., Y. complain of
the fet melters as nuisances. The nuisanc e
are still attending to their business, much to
the annoyanco of the public.
Tho Spaniards in Cuba caught a sick Cuban
officer the other day and cut off his hands and
feet, while he was still olive. This was done
in the presence of the victim’s family.
Thaddeus Miller, of Poinesville, Ohio, sold
his wife to Jim Gregory the other day for a
silver watch, and then gave him the contents
of a double-barreled shot-gun because Gregory
demanded his new purchase.
A Herald correspondent tried to interview
Napoleon, the other day. The illustrious pris
oner informed him, by letter, that he appre
ciated his sympathy but under tbo circum
stances could not see him.
The New York Standard ridicules the ex-
Confederate Ripley, now in Paris. The Stand
ard calls him a “huge, puffed np swaggering
fellow," who made a huge mess of Fort Moul
trie, and was popular with the chivalry be
cause of his family connections.
Vallandigham and Schenckaro having a po
litical controversy. It all arises ont of a
speech made in 1861, in which Vallandigham
declared that if any troops from his district
went South for the purpose of subjugating
that section, they would have to march over
his dead body,
Point*.
When Victor Emmanuel goes to roam he
“ goes for” Rome!
Without a chango of diet tho Parisians will
soon be tho “salt of the earth.”
Poor Italy has a violent attack of tho PUhia-
citiiui.
“First Steps in English Literature” is tho
name of a new book. It is singular, but these
•‘first stops,” with somo people, aro generally
the last they take in that direction.
Cupid, Venus and Bacchus will bo among
tho statutes in Woodliull and Claflin’s now
palace for strong-minded women. What high
old times, those girls will ha
Republican Meeting in Houston.
Feeby, October 1, 1870.
A Largo number of the Republicans of Hous
ton county, assembled at tho Court House to
day, for tho purpose of appointing delegates
to tho Congressional District Convention to
bo held at Genova on the 8th inst.
On motion. Major Samuel Hunt was elected
Chairman, aud George Ormond requested to
act as Secretary.
The following preamble and resolutions
wero adopted - . - *
Where The s Central Comm;;: h.-.
issued a call to the Republicans of tho Third
mgressioual District to meet iu Convention
o nominate candidates tor tho list and 42d
: terms in Dongress^ and to' sole
| ol the State Central Committ
being appointed to asser
on the 8th fnstaiit:. ■
Resolved,-L That Col. Joel Iv. Griffin is tho
unanimous choice of tho Republicans of Hons
hu! unity,'for Congress, and that tho dele-
I gates appointed from Houston, aro hereby in-
1 ‘ sit noted to cast their votes accordingly.
2. That the Chairman appoint a committee
orfive to report to this meeting the names of
three suitable persons, as delegates, .to attend
members
e, said Conveu-
ible at Geneva,
, Arby Sim-
;e and Beu-
nel Yoake
tho Convention at Goneva.
Tho Chair appointed A.
mons, J. C. McCoy,
jomin Cobb, who,
tbo following:
Delegates—J. C. M<
II. Fairfax.
Alternates—J. A. Holizclaw,
Samuel Hunt
The Chair was authorized to fill vacancies
in the delegation.
Tho following preamble and ieaoinUon vrero
unanimously adopted:
Whereas, At a meeting of a number of prom
inent Republicans of this county, held on tho
24th of September, Major Samuel Hunt, Col.
J. It Griffin, J. C. McCoy, George Ormond
aud Randall Harris were appointed as the Ex
ecutive Committee of tho county for *tho pur
pose of the better oiganizatioqjaKjie; Repub
lican party of Houston county, v H';-*;
Resolved, That wo fully apprqM&of tho ap
pointment of said committee, a nil -they are
hereby requested, at as early a day as practi
cable, to perfect the organization of tho party
iu the different districts of the count
j Tho folio wiug resolution was, altct some
discussion, unanimously adopted: vrV/
That, in the judgment of this meeting, the
nominations for the General Assembly and
county officers should bo postponed to some
future day, to bo indicated by the Executive
Committee of the county.
On motion, the Secretary was instructed to
furnish copies of the proceedings of this meet
ing to thb Atlanta New Era, for publication.
After* several spirited addresses from per-
iFeSbnE; the nibbling adjourned. ;/ ^
Samuel Hunt, Cii’n.
Geoeoe Osmond, Sec’y.
Fifth District—David Sneed, Friday Mann,
Daniel Williams.
Sixth District—Harry White, Bristu Green,
John Sneed.
Seventh District—Sawney Gordon, Cato
Keaton, Jackson Joseph.
Eighth District—Robert Simmons, Cosh
er Johnson, William Wallace.
On motion of Major C. T. Watson tho chair
man appointed tho following committee of
eight, (ono from each Militia District) to nom
inate delegates to tho Congressional Conven
tion, viz: C. T. Watson, Peter Houston, Sea
born Hays, James Hays, James Johnson, Fri
day Mann, John Sneed, Sawney Gordon, Wil
liam Wallace.
Tho committee retired for consultation, in a
few- minutes made a unanimous report, recom
mending tho following named gentlemen as
delegates to represent Chatham county in the
Congressional Convention, viz:
Delegates—John H. Deveaux, Wm. Cantwell,
Peter Houston. Alternates—James Hines,
Lonis B. Toorner, King S. Thomas.
Which report was unanimously adopted by
the Convention, each of the delegates thank
ed the Convention for the honor conferred,
and pledged themselves to act in tho Conven
tion with the viow of harmony ami success of
the party.
Mr. 'Cantwell offered tho following^
tion, which was unanimously adopl
Resolved, That this Convention, re -,
tho regularity of the County Comm!
which Hon. T. 1 ’. l Robb is chairman, and
Richard W. Wlluc? Esq., secretary, as fully
representing the interests of tho Republican
party of Chatham county, consider any change
in the same at this time impracticable.
Major C. T. WatsQn offered tho following
resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:
Resolved, That we believe Economy, Jus
tice and Wisdom characterize our national ad
ministration, and that it is the solemn duty of
every true Republican to maintain and defend
the same by presenting a harmonious and
united front against its enemies during the
coming campaigns.
Resolved, That we recognize in Rufus B.
Bullock an able, conscientious aud upright
Executive—tho unflinching and uncompro-
ising advocate of Equal Rights and human
progress.
It was also resolved that the proceedings of
this Convention bo forwarded to tho Atlanta
Eba, and tho American Union, for publication.
Richabd W. White; Cliairinau.
Wm. Cantwell, Secretary.
Itciiublican Meeting In Whitfield County.
©Alton, Ga., October 4, 1870.
According to previous notice, the Republi
cans of Whitfield county met in Dalton this
a. m. at 11 o’clock, aud on motion of Colonel
S. IL Baker, Dr. L. F. Gudger was elected
Chairman, and J. IL Trontwine, Esq., Secre
tary.
On motion, the Chairman appointed p com
mittee to draft suitable resolutions.
The committee, consisting of Col. S. H.
Baker, Col. Jesso A. Glenn, and Chelsea Mc
Cauley, retired, aud after an absence of some
minutes, returned and-submitted the following
resolutions which were unanimously adapted.
On motion of Col. S. II. Baker, the meeting
now proceeded to tho elcction.of Delegate to
Kingston Convention.
Col. Jesso A. Glenn was nominated*
on motion, ho was unanimously elected by ac
clamation.
kepobt of the committee.
Resolved, 1. That we endorso tho national
and State administrations of the Republican
party.
2. That in Rufus B. Bullock we recognize a
true Republican and an unswerving patriot.
3. That wc heartily endorso tho suggestions
of the Hon. Foster Blodgett, Superintendent
W. and A. R. IL, to tho Finance Committee
with reference to tho W. and A. R. R. believing
if they aro carried out they, will redound to
tho benefit of the State.
4. That we regard the administration of the
Hon. Foster Blodgett, Superintendent W. and
A. IL It., eminently successful, taking into
consideration all snrrotmding circumstances.
Signed.
S. H. Bakes,
Chairman.
C. McCauley.
J. A. Glenn.
hairmau, introduced
which was unani-
To Provide for nn Election, ami to Alter
nml Amend ihe Laws in ltclntion to
tlic Holding of Elections.
Section 1. The General Assembly of Geor
gia hereby enacts, That an election shall be
held in this State, beginning on tho 20th day
of December, 1870, and ending on the 22d of
said month of December, 1870, for mem
bers of Congress to serve daring thfiunexpired
term of tho Forty-first Congress of the United
States, and for members of the Forty-second
Congress; for Senators in the State Senate from
each district numbered in tho Constitution
with an odd number; for members of the
House of Representatives of tho General As
sembly; for Sheriffs, Clerks of the Superior
Court, Tax Receivers and Tax Collectors, Coun
ty Treasurers, Coroners, and County Surveyors,
of the several counties of this State.
Sec. 2. That the said election shall com
mence on the said 20th day of December, and
continue between the hours nbtr fixed by law,
for three separate days.
Sec. 3. That said election shall bo managed
and superintended at the several court houses
at the county seat, and ot any election . pre
cinct that may exist or bo established in any
incorporated and organized city or town, by
managers chosen as follow.;:
Sec. 4. It shall be the duty of the Gover
nor of the State, by and with the advice .and
consent of tho Senate, as soon after tiio
passage of this act as possible, to appbint
three, and tho Ordinary of each county two,
fit and proper persons, of intelligence and
moral worth, for each election precinct estab
lished at the county court house, or in any
city or incorporated town in this State; and
said five persons, or any three or more of
thcru, may and shall hold the election at
said court nonse and precincts in such city or
town.
Sec. 6. It shall bo tho duty of the Governor
to cause the said appointees to be duly notified
of their several appointments as aforesaid;
and it shall be the duty of said appointees to
appear at the said court-house, and at said pre
cincts in said city or town, on the days fixed
by this Act, for the said election, within the
hours heretofore prescribed by law, and hold
said election.
Sec. 6. It shall bo the duty of the Governor
to furnish each of the Judges of the Superior
Courts v<ith .list of said appointees in tho
several counties the respective circuits,
and at the next term of said courts in
each county, after the .said election, it shall be
the duty of the judge fo u^gzip himself if said
appointees have appeared a* required by this
Act and held the said election, and if any such
appointees have failed to appear, jind the ab
sence of his signature to the returns required,
by law. to be made to the Clerk of add court,
shall tie prirna facie evidence of such Jflilnre,
it «bqll bo the duty oif said judge forthwith to
fine any such appointee one hundred dollars;
Provided, That said fine may be remitted on
said appointee satisfying said judge that his;
failure so to attend was caused by severe sick
ness or other unavoidable cause, or. that he'
was legally disqualified from serving: And
provided further, That said appointees shall
each of them be citizens of the county for
which they are appointed and voters of the
the polling place as to examine the tickets, or
to handle any ticket, and they shall have tho
same power to enforce this as other duties
herein cast upon them.
Sec. 14. The said managers may select throo
competent persons to act as clerks in keeping
the Sat of voters and tally sheets, but said
clerks shall not bo permitted to handle any
ballot or examine the same.
Sec. 15. One of said managers shall receive
the ballots from tho voters, and hand them to
a second, who shall deposit tho same in tho
box, and at no time shall any vote bo received
iftleat there bo at least three of said managers
present
Sec. 16. Said managers, clerks and officers,
except police officers actually on dntjv shall
receive from the County Treasurer three dol
lars for each day’s duty at said election.
Sec. 17. It shall be in tho powor of said
managers, or any three of them, to fine any
sheriff, deputy sheriff marshal, or police offi
cer not more than one hundred dollars, as for
contempt, if he fail to obey any lawful order
of said managers, or either of them, for the
enforcement of the laws, for keeping the
peace preserving order, and protecting the
freedom of election on the day of the election.
■ Sec. 18. Said managers sbMl each of them
take the following oath; “Ido swear that l
will faithfully, fully and impartially hold tho
present election; I will prevent no person
from voting who is of apparent age, a resident
of the county, and who has not previously
voted at this election ; I will not open any
closed ticket until the polls have been dosed,
nor will I divulge for whom any person has
voted, unless called upon to do so by some
legal tribunal. I will permit no one to chal-
“ ;nge, delay or hinder any voter from the free
'y costing of liis ballot; l will, in
o i, to tho best of my ability, endeavor
to carry into effect tho provisions of this Act,
and the other laws for holding elections ; I
will make a fair, correct and honest and im
partial return of the result of tho election.—
So help me God.” (Any manager may ad
minister this oath to tho others.)
Sec. 19. Nothing ia this act prohibiting
challenges at the polls shall be construed to
authorize any one to vote who is not under
tho Constitution a qualified Wfor in th©
county of the election; but all persons
duly qualified to vote are, and shall continue
to be subject to all the pains and penalties
fixed by law in case they vote illegally.
Sec. 20. Each of the said clerks shall be
sworn fairly, impartially and truthfully fo
keep tho list of voters, and feirty and honestly
to keep the tally-sheet at said election.
Sec. 21. It shall bo tho duty of tho Or
dinaries of tho several counties of this State
to furnish stationery for the purposes of said
election, and also to have ready, and fur
nish for each of tho sets of managers provi
ded for by this act, a ballot-box sufficiently
large to hold the ballots likely to be cast
at said polling place—said ballot-box _ to be
made so that it cannot be opened without
serious damage to the box on all sides except
one, and on that side to have a movable lid
with the opening therein sufficiently largo
to admit tbn pushing in of tho ballots ono by
one—said lid to be so constructed as that it
slide into grooves in the box.
and have a lock thereon; and it
shall be tho duty of tho managers
to open and examine said box at the opening
of the polls, and then to lock the same; and at
tho close of the polls on each day it shall be
the duty of each manager to put upon said lid
a strip of paper wiib Jns name thereon, and
affix the same by adhesion to the lid and box,
so that the box cannot he opened without the
rupture of said paper; and fclfi3 being done,
the box shall, for the night, U imfrnst^ to
the keeping of one of tho managers, and mfe
other of the managers shall take the key; and
it shall be the duty of such managers entrusted
with Baid box or key, to permit no one to tam
per in any way with tfie same; and if such
tamperin'- bo done, tbe manager entrusted
witiithe somo shall bo deemed prim fame
Knilty of having done the same, and, on con
viction, shall be punished as provided in sec
tion 4008 of tho Boviscd Code for Uio pnrnsh-
iucnt of misdemeanors. H -*
Sec. 22. An election manager or clerk, or
other officer on duty in the bolding Of any
election, who shall bo guilty of any fraudulent
practice in changing any ballot, or m using
any trick or device by which any folso return
is "infle, or any ballot-box is tampered with,
or who shall, in any way, be guilty of any
false or fraudulent practice or act by winch
any vote actually cast is not fairly counted and
re&rned, shall be guilty of misdemeanor, and,
on conviction, shall be punished as provided
in section 4,608 of the Bovised Code.'
Sect 23. All laws militating against, or m-
with this Act aro hereby repealed,
but all other Jaws not militating or inconsist
ent therewith,, are hereby declared of force,
and to be obeyed by said managers,
Approved Oct. 3, 1870.
TIIE REPUBLICANS OF LON HO.V.
Dr. L. P. Gin
the following ra
moody adopted:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed,
consisting of one from each district and three
from Dalton district,'-torraHRRTOOei of in
timidation, white or black, which is punisha
ble by United States laws. ■
On. motion of Coh Glenn the proceedings of
this meeting be forwarded to the Atlanta New
Eea for publication.
A motion to adjourn prevailed, subject to
tho call of the Chairman.
J. IL Tuautwine, Secretary.
L. P. Gixdoeb. Chairman.
Chuthum County Conversion.
At a meeting of Delegates to the .County
Convention, for the purpose of eeleetuag three
delegates to represent Chatham County d».the
First Congressional District Convention, ’to
meet in Savannah on the 5th instant; *the
Convention was called to order by Hon.
T. P. Robb, Chairman of the County Commit
tee,. who stated the object of the Convention
in a forcible speech, urging the necessity of
harmony in the councils of the party, when
Richard W. While, Esq., (Clerk of the Supo-
rioa Court,) was elected Chairman of the Con
vention, and \Ym. Cantwell, Secretary.
The Chairman appointed a Committee on
Credentials, who examined the some and re
ported tho following as delegates, being a full
representation from every Militia District in
tbe county:
First District—Samuel Young, L. B.
Toomer, C. L. DcLamotta, C. T. Watson, C.
H- l\iice.
Second District—Richard Footman, Samuel
Forty, Peter Houston, John A. Lawrence,
Joseph Edwards.
Third District—Wm. Cantwell, T. D. Sim
mons, Seaborn Hays, Henry Z. Burckmyer,
E. T. Pillsburry.
Fourth District—James Johnson, David
Moses, Richard W. l>. W. .Smith,
Robert Boling.
same.
Sec. 7. In addition to the duties now pre
scribed by law for the managers of elections,
it shall be the duty of said managers to pre
serve order at and near the polls, but they
shall have no power to refuse ballots of any
male person of apparent full age, a resident of
the county, who has not previously voted at
the said election.
Sec. 8. They Rfevll not permit any person to
challenge any vote, or hinder, or delay, or in
terfere with any other person in tho free and
speedy casting of his billot
Sec. 9. It Bhall l>o the duty of said mana
gers to prevent all rioting, disturbances, aud
crowding at or near the polls, and, to secure
this end, it shall be their duty to prevent
more than one person, and ho only while
voting, approaching or remaining within fif
teen feet of the place of receiving ballots; and
the said managers may, if tlioy see fit, require
that persons desiring to vote shall form them-
aehn* into a line, and when a line is thus
formed, said managers shall prevent any per
son not in the line from approaching the poll
ing place nearer than fifty feet, but m no case
shall more than one voter at any timo be per
mitted to approach tbe polls nearer than fif
teen feet
Sec. 10. It shall be tho duty of the sheriffs,
deputy sheriffs, bailiffs, town marshals, and
police officers, the whole to be under the
orders of the sheriff ox his deputy, .to attend
at one or other of said places of voting during
the election, and obey all lawful orders of said
managers, or either of them, and to 1H&> .OS
conservators of the peace, and for the protec
tion of voters against violence, intimidation
and all unlawful attempts to. influence v voters
or to interfere with the perfect freedom of
each voter to cost his ballot according to hjs
own wishes.
Sec. 11. Tho said managers, or any two of
them, shall have power, by^parol, to order the
arrest and confinement during the day of any
person disturbing tho peace at or near the
polls, or disobeying any reasonable orders for
tho enforcement of these provisions for tho pre
servation of order and the protection of voters;
and the sheriff or his deputy shall also have
power, without warrant, to arrest or order tiie
arrest of any person for the causes aforesaid.
Sec. 12. It shall bo the duty of said man
agers to receivo each ballot and deposit the
same in a ballot-box, and it shall not be lawful
for either of them, or for any clerk, to open
any closed ballot until the polls are closed and
tho counting of tho votes is commenced.
Sec. 13. It shall be tho duty of said man
agers to prevent any person, except themselves
and tho three clerks, by them to bo appointed
and sworn, to remain in the room when the
ballots aro received, so near the ballot box or
A dispatch from London, on Sunday, to the
New York World says:
To-day a third grand Democratic meeting
was held in tho open air in Hyde Park. A
huge procession was formed in Trafalgar
Square, which got into motion about[3 o’clock.
It stretched in an unbroken line, with flags
and bands of music, from Trafalgar Square
through ‘ Cockspur street to Waterloo‘Place,
and thenco by Piccadilly to the gates of Hyde
Park, at Apaley House. The bulk of the
enormous manifestation was made up of organ
ized societies of. the lower and middle classes,
most respectable in their appearance.
An ^wtnnatn and wf sm of this ex
traordinary demonstration was the entire ab
sence of the English flag from the procession,
i 3tyw not one carriod along the entire line,
but hundreds of white banners with the
liberty £fip, and the words **Tho Republic” in
golden letters, and many American and
French .In the park tho assem
blage numbered many, many thousands. Six
separate ^nds were erected, oyer each of
which floated the white flag and tho Stars and
Stripes, twined with the tri-c<Acj.. At one of
them tho Italian standard also was raised.
Around each stand a separate meeting was
held, and most enthusiastic speeches were
made, bitterly denouncing, in the language of
one orator, “tho sham of the British
monarchy, which was chloroforming the
British nation.” The feeling manifested
against the present course of Prussia was in
tense.
Tho police wore ont in considerable numbers,
but there wns little disorder and no rioting.
Tlio npper classes arc now for tho most port
ont of town, and tho park was consequently
filled with masses of peoplo who sympathized
•with tho manifestation. Bot, though tho dis
position of tho higher orders is to hold aloof
trom these displays, as it is of tho press sysr
tematically to belittlo them, it is not to ho
denied that a considerable and increasing sec
tion of tho educated class aro rapidly drifting
towards a similar feeling. When the proces
sion moved ont of Trafalgar Square a knot of
gentlemen came out of tho Union Club, and,
standing on tbo pavement, cheered for Franco
and the United States. At tho windows of
the St. James, on Piccadilly, similar manifes
tations were made. It is becoming clear tbat
trouble is anticipated on. this qnestion, and
from these increasing and openly llepnblican
organizations at tho assemb&goflf Parliament.
Slavery* and the Liverpool DoclcSi
For the African anti West Indian trade, says
tbe London Athemoum, were built those splen-
did docks which are now used for nobler and
lucrative purposes. As iu Sussex
there arc still quaint old houses in picturesque
but secluded positions, where local tradition
says that large fortunes were made by smug
gling and a chivalr<Su.s disregard for life, so, in
Liverpool, report used to ring tho changes up
on names whose owners built up colossi!
wealth by unscrupulous perseverance in the
slave trade. The virtuous George Frederick
Cook, when too drunk to articulate intelligibly
on tho stage at Liverpool, was met with cries
of “Apology! apology!” the tipsy representa
tive of Richard gravely walked down to tho
foot-lights, looked the Liverpool merchants
and their ladies in the face, and said, with a
haughty seem and a halting logic, ‘ ‘Apology!
from me to yon.? Why, thero isn’t a brick in
your town that is not cemented with tho blood
of a slave !**
*h——m
Dr. Livingstone, the African explorer, has a
greater talent for getting lost than any man in
existence. Such mishaps would mako other
men ridiculous, but, in this instance, half of
Livingstone’s feme springs from his folly.