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GOVERNOR ALFRED H.COfJjt' ITT
Ilia Innnitnral A(Wr'*t. II?*,
fore- ile liencral Aaaambly * rllaj .
January 12ti>. 1577.
Q em fi,m<>n of the Senate and House of
i J Jtepresentatiues; a
Ip accordance with tho a '*H
laws of the State, I appear before you to
take the oath of office *s Goferuor of
Georgia fo tho next four year*. No edict
of an autocrat convenes us in this hall to
day ; no coercion—whether it comes from
alnastor, or the oi a factum, or
, the peril of tho State— bn* to**® to *■
(4emme for this ceremony. Hut, self-mar
shalled. we are here to witness the peace
ful change of. public administration j the
dutiful lid dignified,■surrender of power by
one nuhlip servant and the assumption ot
official responsibility b£ amitlvar. w
The custom of my predecessors, as well
as my deep sense ot gratitude to the people,
deaifird from. me a lew wyrds ,exprgssjvt;
of that erltitmfe aiM indicating, m general
terms, the policy which the tunes seem to
uemunn. .
The unprecedented majority which called
me here overwhelms me with thankfulness,
rLanguage fails mo in the attempt to give it
adequate expression. It shall bo my ellort
to prove the depth of my gratitude by a
complete devotion to tive public interests
committed to me, and by an unremitting
cage that neither the honor nor the welfare
or this beloved Commonwealth shall suffer
by the confidence you have reposed in me
asithe servant of the State?. 'lnc Kxeciitive
Goverimieut of a free, great and prosper
ous Commonwealth like Georgia, with its
million and a-unarter of intelligent inhabi
tants, tlxo exercise />f pairjbtic
statesmanship a sphere of honorable pub
lic! servjte as e f \aTfe<l and comprehensive
as the ambition of any man could desire.
Diffident of my ability, and distrusting
|iu y own capacity for this high and holy
service ? whilst 1 solicit your counsels and
Cooperation, I shall reverently invoke the
aid of Divine Providence to enable me to
fulfill the solemn obligations which 1 am
now to assume.
■’he allusion to the large majority by
which I was elected—the largest ever before
gif on in the State on a similar occasion—
has been made, not in any vain spirit of
personal triumph, but to deduce from the
magnitude of that majority two important
public lessons. It exhibited the. iutense
ami universal interest felt by the masses of
our people in this State, in securing at the
ballot box the victory of those who are
(Intending for the liberty ami rights of the
iti/.en and the limitations of the Constitu
tion. Never before in Georgia has there
been a more profound conception of the
true principles of Constitutional Govern
ment, a more wide-spread sensibility to the
dangers threatening our fr.ee institutions,
ora more ardent and conscientious sympa
thy with the friends of the Constitutional
Union. This noble devotion of our people
to a true Republic of liberty and law, has
Servaded all sections of uV'**ate ainl aui
latfcd all classes of our population. It
Ims given such an expressiou of sincere
confidence in the legitimate methods of
lawful election, a® leaves no doubt of our
fidelity to our constitutional convictions
and the constitutional modes of giving
them utterance and effect.
In the grand popular majority of the
recent Gubernatorial election, is to be read
the overwhelming interest that Georgians
feel-in tiie great issues now convulsing the
country, and their determined purpose to
keep in alignment with the patriotic millions
of our Northern friends who are seeking
the peaceful instrumentality of lawful
suffrage to re-establish good government
under the undisputed supremacy of the
Constitution.
1 but speak my own deep-felt sentiment
and echo the public voice of Georgia, when
I kay that in all the complications of Na
tional politics, now so replete with fevered
interest, we stand in immovable sympathy
with the elected exponent of constitutional
liberty", retrenchment and reform. We
will adhere to him and his co-laborers with
the fidelity due to the champion of a right
eous cause, in every patriotic endeavor
they may make to secure the honest and
unmistakable will of a large majority of
the American people, constitutionally ex
pressed at the pulls.
J I refer with especial pleasure to the second
lesson of our gratifying and unprecedented
majority in the Gubernatorial contest, re
peated no less decisively" in the Presidential
election in our State.
As the benefits of local self-government
have been experienced, and- the baleful
influence of malicious interference has been
withdrawn, the colored people have recog
, nized that our home-folks are their true
friends, and hence they have fraternized
alia acted with us politically. Large" num
bers voted with us and swelled the Guber
natorial and Presidential majorities beyond
all precedent. They have witnessed in all
their material interests the effects of a good
home government, administered by people
wedded with them to the same soil, and
whose interests are all interwoven with
their own. Of no right lias the humblest
of them been deprived. The advancement
of the race in knowledge and in civilization
has been, and shall continue to be, a special
trust and solemn duty. Hence, cordial
relations, so natural and so necessary botli
to them and to the whites, are being rap
idly and permanently established, and quiet
and peace and sympathy between the races
pervade the entire State.
The people of this entire country have
but to look, and they cannot fail to see how
the more powerful race, when left to its
own sense of right and policy, will treat
' the colored citizen; and now, when thus
free to act, the races feel for each other a
mutual interest, pursue a common course,
and enjoy a reciprocal prosperity. How
wise were the fathers when they rested the
Constitution upon the solid fnllafs of local
self-goverment in the States !
Georgia, gentlemen, is the home of all
Georgians, of every race, color and condi
tion ; her local government is the goiem
inent of us all; her future for weal or woe
awaits us aad our families, and the nobler
11.50 A YEAR.
feeling of our nature, ax well ns the hard
common souse of the self-interest of all.
demand the united political notion of nil.
Hut to pass to other matters of domestic
policy wherein all Georgians have n com
mon and vital intbrest. Not only were
constitutional and political liberty talis
manic words of power in the late great
contest, hut retrenchment and reform
shorn* conspicuously on the banners that
heralded the victory of the friends ot con
stitutional liberty at the polls. The eyes
of all Americans look with confidence to
the great reformer just elected President,
to reform the National Administration.
Let us, gentlemen, look at home, and
whilst ntv own immediate predecessor and
your individual predecessors, have not been
unmindful of their duty, let us remember
that times have changed, and values oi all
kinds have sunk and are sinking. N\ e
must further retrench—we must reform
yet more. It is our imperative duty to
lighten the public burdens. Twenty" years
ago the taxable property m Georgia was
over five hundred millions of dollars. To
day it is only two hundred and fifty mil
lions. Then the taxation was only half a
million—to-day it isa million and nqtrarter.
With less than half the property, we have
nearly three times the taxation. W ith
property thus depreciated and continuing
to depreciate as it has done for the last two
or three years, it is clear that our revenues
will diminish in the same proportion, and
our income will not meet our obligations.
These obligations, gentlemen, are saved.
The interest on our debt, now about eleven
millions, must and will be paid, and our
credit at any and every sacrifice must be
maintained. 'The current expenses of the
State government must he promptly met.
Our charitable institutions must be kept
up. In this exigency, we are driven to the
alternatives—retrenchment or increaMl
taxation. The latter must be avoided, if
possible. I invite your earnest attention
to the former, and now engage , that in all
methods which your experience and wis
dom may devise for saving the people from
increased burdens, I will most cordially co
operate with you. Let us not wait for
grand occasions or for prodigious waste in
which to begin our reforming economy. If
we cannot save large sums, let us s>ee t<> it
that the smallest leaks, which are wasting
the public treasure, if there are such, shall
be* . in iqjcia ao
andy.i'iancinl pres Si re as we are now expe
! riencing, a system embracing small ccono
; mies. is not to be despised or neglected.
! Rigidly honest expenditure in the public
! administration, State policy demands. Hut.
besides this, a moral effort will be secured
| by it which will be of incalculable benefit.
'While we give the whole financial world
the fullest guarantee of our solvency by
such a policy, we at the same time, place
before every household in the State an ex
ample worthy of all imitation. We rebuke,
by this example a wasteful and ostenta
tious expenditure among our people, which
as surely wrecks the substance and pros
perity of the home as it destroys the’ more
imposing structure called the public credit.
The counties and municipalities of the
j State will catch the inspiration, and we
I will again see the day when official probity
will be the universal rule, and taxation
never draw another dollar from the produ
cer's pocket to be wasted or misappro
priated.
Our work is before us, gentlemen, and a
| grand achievment is within onr grasp.
I That work is the restoration of a vast, heri-
I tagW which a sad fortune has sorely wasted
and damaged, ft is to evoke a thousand
splendid resources now unutilized. It is
to maintain the proudest and noblest tra
ditions —an honor unsullied—the status of
as worthy and respectable constituency as
exists, and its position by the side of the
most advanced of Commonwealths. This
labor, vast as it is, exacts no impossible
thing at our hands. With the blessing of
heaven and the agencies of clear heads and
pure hearts, it may be accomplished.
Again solemnly invoking the Divine aid
upon our efforts to save our beloved Statu,
I now take the oath of office.
A Pair of Texas Traces.
A Texan, visiting this point, says the
I Greencastle (Indiana) Star, gathered around
him some of our citizens Monday, and en
tertained them with some of his experi
ences in the Lone Star State. One incident
told by him is worthy a place in our col
umns, and is as follows :
“You’d hardly believe now what I"m
going to tell. In Texas we use rawhide
straps or thongs, for traces, and in wet
weather they do stretch most amazingly.
Why, often in damp weather at home I’ve
hitched up two horses and drove down the
hill from my house into the creek bottom
for a sled load of wood. I have loaded the
wood and many times driven back home
and unhitched the horses, and the sled
would not be in sight.”
“ How did you get your wood home
then asked an inquisitive bystander.
“Oh, 1 just tied the ends of the traces
together and threw them over a post, went
knocking about my work, and waited till
the sun shined out. Sometimes it would
be more than two hours before that sled
load of wood would get home, but } T ou’d
see her crawling up the hill at last, gradu
ally approaching as the rawhide traces
shrunk up into their proper lengths. Yes,
Texas is a great country, you bet 1”
The crowd concluded that their enter
tainer was posted, but that he was laboring
under a stretch of the imagination.
HARTWELL, GA., WEDNESDAY]UANTAUY t*+, 1877.
The Power of Mtnic.
From the I’hilliuUlj‘hi* Ilmictiii.
Chubb has not much of an qar for music,
hilt ho spent a considerable in having
his daughter taught how to hnatmer a piano,
and he is proud of her accomplishments.
He was talking with us over Su fence the
other day, when a series of dMadfirl sounds
came from his piano through Ilie open par
lor window. Presently Chun remarked :
*• D'you hear tliat? .Jufct ifyen to that,
will you? That's what I callnm-ir !"
There were a few additionnibangs on the
instrument, n flourish or tisk and then
more discordant thumping. j|
“Splendid, isn't it !" said lAihb, “ Mary
Jane's bustin' the music righiiiiit of that
machine, you observe. Theirfs, the Strauss
waltzes, 1 believe, she's rsisliti’ with now.
dust listen."
We remarked that from tlfg energy dis
played, Mary -Jane, at least, ■femed to be
really in earnest. Hut whefter she was
treating Mr, Strauss exactly wight was an
open question.
“ l don't know nothin' nbfcuit music.’'
observed Chubb, “ but 1 kin.tell the real
thing when L hear it, and &it and hear
Mary dane play waltzes and file Maiden's
Prayer until it makes me cry like a child."
We asserted that if she played those
compositions as she was doinjriiow it would
make anybody cry. -V dcalfcnuto would
shed tears.
“Listen to that now. win you?’’ ex
claimed Chubb, as a wild tunfhlt of sound
came from the parlor. “ IsnSt that splen
did ! If 1 didn't know it wa# Mary Jane
a-tearin* round among thcinfwaltzcN. I'd
think it was one of the felleratwho play at
the concerts. Let's go over a£d hear her."
We entered the house. Mj Jane was
nowhere to he seen. but. to Dte infinite dis
gust of Chubb, there was J red-haired
man. with a fist as big as a lfltaf of bread,
tuning the piano. Chubb nskisd us not to
toll anybody, and we won't. It is related
here in confidence, and it must go no
farther.
A Very Sharp Son.
Some weeks ago a scape-goat in tjiis city,
says the Virginia (Nevada) Cyanide, wfio
hud left his parental roof in New York,
under a cloud, in 1805, concluded to put up
■Am UIL
raise. lie accordingly telegraphed to his
father in New York :
"Mlt. : Your son Walter was
killed in the Con. Virginia this morning by
a falling cage. What shall we do with the
remains? M. L. Hahkkk.”
Almost immediately a telegraphic order
came for $l5O, and the laconic reply :
“ Hury them.”
The fictitious M. L. Uarker froze to the
$l5O and went on a royal spree, and a few
weeks afterward wrote his father over his
real name as follows :
" Dear Father : I have just learned
that an infamous scoudrel named Barker
sent you a fictitious account of my death,
and swindled you out of $l5O. lie also
borrowed SBS from me and left the country.
! write to inform 3"ou that 1 am yet alive,
and long to see the parental roof again. J
am in somewhat reduced circumstances,
the accumulation of the last five years
having been lost—a disastrous stock oper
ation —and if you would spare S2OO I will
be ever thankful for your favor. Give my
love to all. Your affectionate son.
Walter.”
A few days later the young man received
the following :
“My Dear Son: T have buried you
once, and that’s an end of it. I decline
having aii} r more transactions with a corpse.
Yours in the fiesh. Father.”
The old man evidently knew whereof he
spoke.
A Good Boy.
lie was standing at the corner of Cam
pau and Jefferson avenues, observes the
Detroit Free I’rcxs, when a policeman came
along, and, pointing to a box at his feet,
this good boy said :
“ The farmer who lost that off his sleigh
will feel awful bad. I s'pose you'll take it
to the station, won’t you?”
“ You are an honest boy,” replied the
officer. “ Some boys would have lugged
that box off home. Yes, I'll take it to the
station.”
It was a stout box, weighing over eighty
pounds, and when the officer sat it down
in the station house all his bones ached.
Some said it was butter, some said cheese,
and so it was opened. The contents were
cobble stones. The officer ran all the way
back, and he spent hours looking for the
good boy. but without any luck. The g.
b. knew his business.
A Ghastly Souvenir.
From the ImiianapiAw Jlerald.
A gentleman of this city, formerly con
nected with the regular array, has in his
possession a pair of gloves made from the
tanned hide of an Indian whom he killed in
a desperate hand-to-hand encounter in the
Black Hills country. The leather has a
fine grain, and is soil and pliable, but the
gloves will not compare with Alexandre’s
or Jouvin’s having been rudely made by a
trapper. The leather was tanned by the
Indian process. The gentleman is a little
ashamed of his trophy, but excuses himself
on the ground that he had no hand in the '
skinning or tanning of the redskin, but
that the entire job was done by the trap
per who accompanied him on the expeui
tion. had he knew nothing about it until
the gloves were ready fbr delivery. r
Table Etiquette,
1. Do not keep others waiting for von.
Rush in and get a seat at the table ahead
of everybody in the house.
2. hi si piling the soup be particular and
do not swatlmv the spoon.
J. Keen vonr plate clean. No matter
how much may be heaped upon it, clean it.
4. In passing your plate to lie re heaped,
put the Knife and fork in your pocket.
.1. Look around carefully while th inking
water to see that nobody puts brandy in it.
U. Do not eat with your knife. Let your
knife eat before or after you—ue\eg eat
with it.
7. Hreak your bread into small pieces,
even though you have to take a sledge
hammer to the table to do it.
8. If you find auytiling unpleasant in
your food, call thy attention of the table to
it, furnishing diagrams and specifications,
if necessary.
9. Whistle some lively tune while chew
ing—any tune you chews.
10. Do not touch the head while at the
table—not even the head waiter.
11. Do not rest the elbow on the table,
rest it on your neighbor.
12. He thoughtful ami attentive to the
wants of those around you. If flu* party
next to P6u wnnts choking off, attend to
him. 'i 1
In Love With His Sister.
St. ./.suit (ituhe Dtwurrat.
Down iii Bloomfield, Davis county, lives
a widow Hagan, who mourns the loss of
two husbands. Hv one she bore a son
whose name is Charles Abbott, by the
other she bore a daughter named Klla lla
gan. She is an inestimable woman, and
with motherly teuderiierfs she raised her
children. Together they lived, and were
w armly attached—indeed, uncommonly so.
Charles seemingly worshiping his Klla. and
finally resolved she would he his wile. She,
like a true-hearted girl, scorned the propo
sition. lie then became jealous of he rand
would allow uo young men to visit her.
tli*.branle dissolute and depraved, which
added more sorrow and trouble to his sis
ter. Du Tuesday last, bearing that his
sister was to he married to -Sir. J., N.
Paine, he at once became frantic and rush
ed into the house, revolver m hand, declar
ing he would shoot them. He attempted
to break into Paine's room but was frus
trated. lie then attempted to enter his
sister's room by the transom over the door.
When he came in a policeman was sent for,
who arrived while Abbott was crawling
through the transom, revolver in hand.
Abbott in some w ay escaped, and that was
the last heard of him.
Who are the Blessed?
Blessed is the man who minds his own
business.
Blessed is tho woman who never says to
her husband, " J told you so/’
Blessed is the man who can sew on his
buttous when the baby is crying.
Blessed is the mother-in-law who never
reminds you that you married above your
station.
Blessed is the ricli relation who never
looks down on you.
Blessed is the poor relation who never
looks up to you—for money.
Blessed are the married people that don't
eternally growl.
Blessed is the woman that don't scold
when the stove-pipe falls down on the din
ner-table—and blessed is the man who can
fix it up without swearing.
Blessed is the man who can be dignified
without being a bloated fool.
Blessed is the neighbor who is so busy
w ith his own affairs that he has no time to
pry into yours.
Sharpening Tools by a Bath.
A razor recovers its edge if left for half
an hour in water which contains sulphuric
or muriatic acid in the proportion of one
part by weight of acid to nineteen of water.
The razor is carefully wiped on being taken
out of the acidulated bath, and passed over
an oil-stone. The add bath is said not to
hurt the blade ; on the contrary, the qual
ity of the metal in some cases improves by
the immersion. So with scythes and
sickles. The time lost in the harvest-field
in the early morning in sharpening scythes
would be spared by laying the blades for
half an hour in a bath prepared as above
described. As soon as taken out of the
bath they should be wiped, and a soft
sandstone hone passed along would leave a
good and uniform edge behind it.
Removing Freckles.
When “ freckle-time ” comes again, re
member that some horse-radish grated into
a cup of sour milk—let it stand twelve
hours, then strain and apply two or three
times a day—will remove frecklqs from
hands or face in a short time. Or one
ounce lemon juice mixed with a quarter of
a drachm pulverized borax awl half a
drachm of sugar, will also remove freckles, j
Keep the lotion in a glass bottle corked
tightly a few days before using, and apply
to the freckles occasionally, and it will i
soon remove thorn-
EX-GOVERNOR JAM If M. 'SJJtTH.
Interestimu Kttrnrin Iruiii Ills .Hessage
to tile (General Assembly.
We give hehnv the closing of Gowrqoi*
Smith's last Message, which will be found
to be interesting reading :
CONDITIO* OK TilK STATE. '*
The public credit, ns indicated by lUa
daily quotations at the centres of trade ami
commerce, is equal to that of any Statu iu
the Union. Our public securities, rated at
the time 1 entered the Kxccutivo office at
thirty per cent, discount, are now above
par. 1 found a recognized floating debt of
more than one and a quarter millions of
dollars. The whole of this, amounting in
exact figures to $1,277,788.23, or to an aver
age sum of over $2.30,000 per annum, has
been entirely paid. The State has beeiqro
lieVed of a fraudulently contracted debt of
$(>,300,000, while there has been no addition
to the amount of the bonded debt of tho
State contracted on her own account. Any
apparent increase of our public debt is tho
resultof liabilities created by railroad liuot
ters granted under former admmistratioiui.
These results have been accomplished w ith-,
out material addition to the public burdens.
Throughout file State the stream of jus
tice has moved with a smooth and steady
How. The law has been impartially admin-*
istered. and not a breath of suspicion has
soiled the ermine. Life, liberty and prop
erty have b‘cn faithfully guarded, and not
a single human being, of any color of con
dition, can justly complain of oppression.
The great and manifest improvement of our
condition—social, educational anti industri
al—is due to tho home-bred common sense,
the desire for progress and love of justice,
which characterize the people of Georgia.
I allude to it in no spirit of personal boast
ing. and claim no greater credit than should
he accorded to the humblest citizen wfaf>
discharges his duty in his appropriate voca
tion. I gratefully acknoweuge that the re
forms referred to iu this communication,
could not have been effected without the
active <snpport of patriotic citizens and the
cordial suport of the representatives of tho
people.
NUMBER M.
FEDKRAI. RELATION'S.
llofore closing this, my last annual com
munication to the General Assembly, I
cannot forbear a brief reference to the grave
circumstances which now surround us, anti
seem to threaten the existence of the liber
ties of the people.
On a given day, over eight millions of
freemen, representing nearly forty-five iutV*
lions of people, came forth from their abid
ing nlaees and quietly proceeded to the
haibit-box, lor the purpose of choosing their
ruler.* for the next four years. This prate
proceeding was characterized by the utmost
good order, notwithstanding the presence,
in many places of the military forces of the
government, sent thither to overawe tho
weak and ignorant, and to secure the elec
tion of particular candidates. The law
pointed out the mode of selecting the Pres
ident and Vice-President of the Tinted
States. The question as to who shotdd fill
those high offices hail heon referred to the
ballot-box. The true result of that refer
ence bo candid mind can doubt. The elec
tion was held in pursuance of tlw laws of
the United States and of the several States.
It was peaceable ami orderly, and free from
intimidation and violence. And yet. inirne
diately after the election, we find a few ad
venturers, acting under the direction of
ambitions leaders at the Federal capital,
and backed by tho military forces of tho
government, attempting, by fraud and chi
cane, to set aside the eminent statesmen
chosen by the people, after a fair trial, had
refused to elect. ' ~
The question arises here: Shall the can
didates faMy and legally elected by the
people be placed in office, or shall persons
rejected at tlu* ballot-box be elevated to
power? Shall law and order prevail, br
shall fraud and violence have the mastery?
Shall the people of the In i tod States choose
their own rulers, or shall political cheats
and swindlers he permitted to perform that
vital office for them ? We baye appealed
to the ballot-box; shall the result of this
appeal stand, or shall it he set Aside by
force and fraud? If the latter, then onr
frep institutions are already at an end, and
constitutional liberty on the American con
tinent has received its final blow.
The right of the people to choose their
own rulers is the corner-stone of a free
Democratic republic; and when they volun
tarily abdicate this invaluable privilege, or
allow it to be wrenched from them, they
have already obtained their own consent to
become slaves. No more sacred cause can
engage the patriotic efforts of a nation, than
the firm maintenance of the fundamental
right in all free governments to say who
shall rule over it. This right the people of
Georgia, and, 1 trust, of every other State
in our Federal I’nion. will never willingly
abandon. No division of the dirty spoils of
office, no promise of personal advancement,
no engagement to withhold the iron-hand
of power, can ever compensate the people
for the surrender of a right at once so dear
to themselves, and so vital to the very ex
istence of constitutional liberty.
The people of the United .States are thua
brought face to face with a most momentous
responsibility. What shall be done? What
shall we do? The motto of our noble State
furnishes the safe guide for our own action
in this solemn emergency : “ Wisdom, Jus
tice, Moderation.” It is not for us to lead,
or even to suggest, but to follow. It is the
plain duty of Congress, by adhering to law
and established precedent, to give effect to
the clearly and legally expressed will of
people. But if Congress should, unhappi
ly, fail to do this, then it is believed that
the proper determination of the grave ques
tions now confronting us can, in the last re
sort, be safely hft to the sober judgment
of the right-minded people of the Northern
States. If it cannot, then we are powerlestl,
awl they, as well as ourselves, will have
lost the inestimable right of freemen—the
right of self-government. When they shall
have decided what is proper to be done for
the preservation of this right, it is assuir'ng
but little to say that the people of Georgia
will be found ready to co-operate with
them, and to do their whole duty, under
anv and all circumstances.