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A (JRE IT LIFE. iio.v. nonEirr rooxuv of oeobgia. The Earlv Toomtwr nml (heir Origin— On hi* Hiiilliiko—Ni>ll To fongrvnH— In tin- No*sln Whlrl>\iril<MNi Mr. UiulvUli) flip Soatli r.tllt't]. Etc. ■' IT. B. CJ." in Thiladelyhia Timet. Atlanta, G a.. July I.—The recent speech made by General *' Bub ’’Tooiulw in the eisc of the Suite against ex-Treaa urer Jack Jones disclosed an alarming condition of physical weakness on the part of the old man eloquent, and gave too plain evidence that his race has been nearly run. Three or four times he had to totter to his chair and sit down ami rest. His mind is still powerful, and his frame is massiVe and erect, but it is quite clear that he is not equal to many sustained efforts. The people of Geor gia never loved anv man better than they love General Toombs, and the signs of his breaking down have awakened a tender interest in him uud nil that to him pertains. He is the most remarka ble man in many respects that the South ever produeed, and it is doubtful if the records of a lordlier life than his can he found in the history of our Republic. He has never moved* as other men, nor worked by ordinal v methods, lie has been lavi.-h in his opinions, kingly in all bis ways: disdaining all expedients, or deliberations, and moving to his ambi tions with a princely assumption that has never been gainsayed by the people, and seldom by circumstances. Senator Beck, of Kentucky, once said to me: “ I have known most of the great nieu of this country, but I have yet to see the man, that’s in mv opinion the equal of Gen eral Toombs.” The life of General Toombs reads like a romance, llis anee.-tors were English royalists, and followed the for tunes of Charles 11. They owned, it is said, the retreat sought by that luckless king at Boscabel, after the battle ot Worcester. They left England shortly after this event and settled in Virginia. During the Revolutionary war a regi ment of Virginia troops was sent tS Georgia, after the losses at Savannah and Dry Creek, at the request of the Georgia authorities. The father of Gen. Toombs, then a mere boy, was a major in the regiment. At the close of tin war, the State gave to each officer and private of this regiment a fine estate. Major Toombs selected a tract in what is nmv Wilkes county, and settled down. As he was the younger son, and the law primogeniture, then of to ce in Virginia, would have given him but little ol his father’s estate In this way also came the Terrell’s, Whitfield's, and many other distinguished families to Georgia. Robert Toombs was born in 1810, and is no vO9 years of age. lie was sent to the university of Georgia, where he was distinguished for his ability, and from which lie was expelled for fighting, lie then went to the university of Vir ginia and read law. ll*' returned to his home and began the practice of bis pro fession. He was very su -eessful. Be fore lie was 3J years of age, having made $150,000 in fees and profits, his income being 20,000 per annum at least for two or three years. When he was 27 years of age he was elected to the lower house of the Legislature. Then commenced a political caroer unequall ed in Georgia for brilliancy. \\ bile Stephens, Cobb and Crawford were fight in ' s’u iho cult' a\ l wi !i varying lu.-k, and Ben Hill, then a brilliant young- ster, was being beaten at the polls, after sweeping the hustings, Toombs took his honors without a struggle, and as if hv divine right. He won distim tion in the Legislature bv breaking down an omni bus bill granting State aid to rail muds for all reotton.s of the State, assm.lting first the sc heme to build a road to his own toWtt. lie followed this work hv taking the finances of the State out of the hands of the old managers, and pre paring a bill that at once sent State bank notes from about 40 up to 100 per cent. While in the Legislature lie was nominated for Congress and made the rave. Although there was a majority of 1,500 against, and the great McDuffie was imported to meet the young irre pressible, he carried his district by a rousing majority. The bitterness of Georgia politics'at this period can not he expressed, The State was split int" personal factions led by Clark and Crawford, and the feeling was intensely bitter. The two leaders met twit e oil the - field honor, and it was charged iiiat Clark sent a gallant young fellow named Van Allen, to kill Crawford; who, however, fought a duel with him. The Toombses, as did all the imported Virginians, espoused the cause of Craw j The elder Toombs had a person al encounter' wi,h P lrtrk >. * hil ® Uo !.’ cr ‘ led the younger wing ot the Crawford party through at the turbulent cam paigns. Toombs r ntaiued in Congn et eight vears, and was elected to the Sen ate wfiile in the House, succeeding Hon, J McPherson Berrien, he enteiedthe Senate in 1855 and was re-elected in 1857. On both occasions his e.ection was virtually unanimous and was '.von without a struggle. He was never beat en in a popular election and was in ac tive public life from 1837, when he en tered the Legislature, until in 18b-i, wheu be escaped from New Orleans. \U the time he was a leading actor in stirring *enes with which he was sur rounded, and his reminiscences and spec ulations as to his colleagues and their actions are exceedingly interesting, in a long talk with our correspondent he talked freely of the events that led up to secession—the organization of the secession government —the causes of the failure of the Confederacy ; of his fight after the collapse; of his opinions of re- The Hartwell Sun. By BENSON & McCrILL. VOL. Ill —NO. 4G. construction: and throw much light on these interesting topii s. I shall let him tell these things in his own words: TOOMBS A UNION MAN FOP. YEARS. “ I have always believed in this sov orei'ntyof the state, but I have been very much misunderstood on the subject of secession. I have never believed the Constitution of the United States was a good one, and as an original question I would never have voted for it —hut I was not the blatant secessionist that I have been represented, that is, up to the time that I thought there was n** peace or se curity for inv people in the Union. Then I determined to lead them out of a com pact that was protected by nothing but good faith ; was shown to have no good fa t’i back of it. Mv first vote was for Andrew Jackson, but I fell out with him about the nulifiratmn troubles. In 1850 I supported the Clav compromise very strongly. Many of my constituents were hot-headed then, but I thought the Union could be saved, and I stood by Mr. Cla v. It lias never been my custom to consult my constituents on public mat ters. When, therefore, they became an gered at mv adherence to the compro mise that promised to save the Union, I only stuck to it the closer. I saw in it a fair, liberal, statesmanlike concession to the fanaticism of the North, and as such I favored i*. My position was made an issue in Georgia, and a conven tion of the people was*ailed rf-niiie home to defend it. I united with How ell Co’ b, w ho was conspicuous just then rfbr having refused to sign the “ South ern address,” and with Alee Stephens, who stood upon about the same ground I did. Mr. Cobb ran for Goveriw, Mr. Stephens for Congress, and I fought for my record. We whipped the fire-eaters out and carried the State handsomely. I stood hv these views of compromise iu the Union suhstantiallv, until after the fail ure of the Crittenden compromise. In the compioinise of 1860, I supported Breckenridge in that campaign. Mr. Stephens supported Douglass, and Ben Hill supported Bell. We led the three elements in Georgia at that time. After Lincoln’s election I saw that trouble was brewing, but 1 was still unwilling to commit myself to secession. And then, too, I was not certain that Georgia could he carried on that hsue. Stephens and Hill were both for Union. I telegraph ed Breckenridge aski ig him to nppoiir a representative committee that would offer some compromise to meet the press ing exigency. He appointed on this committee, among others, Crittenden to represent Bell and Everett, or rather the men that supported them : Jeff Davis and myself for his friends: Seward for Line In, and Douglass for himself. The Crittenden compromise was offered. I supported it heartily and sincerely, al though the sullen obstinacy of Seward had made it almost impossible to do any thing. For supporting this compromise I was denounced in Georgia bv Ben Hil as having betrayed mv section and un people. I didn’t mind this at : 1 ! , as Ben is alwuvs denouncing somebody or something. At length I saw the com promise measure must fail. With a per sistent ob-tinacy that I have never vet seen surpassed, Seward and bis backers refused every overture. I then tele graphed to Atlanta, ‘ All is at an end. North determined. Seward will not lunlge an inch. Am in favor of seces sion.’ Then the fight was fairly opened. I still felt doubtful about carrying the State. The people were determined against the unjust encroachments of the North, but there were many who favor ed some sort of compromise measure: and others w ho wanted to wait fbr co-op eration, and still others who feared to take so desperate a step. And let me sav right here that I never doubted the gravity of the situation. The statement that I said that I would drink all the blood that was spilt is one of tlie stereo typed lies that they have circulated about me* When I left the Senate, I knew it meant war, and I said in mv farewell speech that the next time I looked upon Washington I thought I would heat the head of Southern troops. You will see later how serious I thought the war would lie. After a heated cam paign the secession convention met. I was doubtful about the result, even after I had looked over the roll. I felt that the current must lie turned before the voting came. I went to work with the , delegates, therefore. Alec Stephens thought he had me. lie said the con vention would never vote to secede* I told him I thought it would. He said : ‘ Well, if you will put a fair* square res olution of secession and carry it, I will go with you* I only insist tlgit it shall not be equivocal like the Alabama ordi nance.’ I replied : ‘I do not see Alec, how we make secession more definite I than by repealing the act of accession. But to satisfy you that I am sincere, vou write the resolution yourself, and 1 will then put it as you offer it.’ And he did so. I have often laughed at him nlmut having written the res olution of secession for Georgia When it was put we carried it by thirty odd votes. Even after this I was not satis fied that the people of Georgia were for Msccssiop or wqoW staud hy it, aud I HARTWELL, GA.. WEDNESDAY JULY 16. 1879. went to work to reconcile nil the elements. To show that the movement did not mean the elevation of the Breckenridge wing, I agreed to give the opposition fur nut of nine delegates to the provisional Congress called in Montgomery. This we did in good faith, and this had very much to do with solidifying the State. Hill and Stephens and their followers came in and the people were soon united. now MR. DAVIS WAS MADE PRESIDENT. “ What about the meeting at Mont gomery?’’ “ The secret history of that meeting has never been given. The majority of the deb-gates were opposed to the elec tion of Mr. Davis. His own State (Mis sissippi) was opposed to him, and if the vote had been east by delegates rather than bv states, he could never have been eleeted. Carolina was for Davis all the time. He suited the extreme views of that State, and Mr. Uhett held the dele gates well in hand. Florida had only three votes. One of these, Anderson, was an old school-fellow of Davis, and Owens was n Carolinian and under the nfluenee of llliett, they out-voted the third delegate and gave him the State. With these two states, each counting as much as Georgia, he secured the Ala bama delegation by one vote, by means of which I will not discuss. Georgia, Missi-sippi and L-misi.- nt, would have preferred either Mr. Cobb or myself, but neither of us were candidates, and neith er would consent to have a struggle. So thev agreed with the three states that hail sjo .en. Texas, informally represented, a*-quiesced, and Mr. Davis was elected. I was not on good tiros with Mr. Davis. He appointed me Secretary of Suite and 1 deci’ne 1 to accept it, preferring to go at once to the field. I was urged to recon sider, and at length I did so, fearing that m r re iisal might be considered as signifi cant of a lack of harmony. I was never satisfied with my position in the cabinet. The trouble was that too many of our leaders sought places, when they were needed in the field. I secured our nego tiations as beligerents, established re lations with the unseceded Southern states, and then insisted on retiring. By this time other states had joined us, and I felt that the cabinet should be reorganized. I suggested to Mr. Davis that he ask for the resignation of all the portfolios, that all the latter states might be represented. lie sni Ihe dis liked to do so, and I then said I would lo it for him. He acquiesced in this, and T informed the cabinet of what I bai thou g'lt of doing an and what I thought they shoal 1 do. It was a bombshell in in the ranks. The}’ asked me if Mr. Davis had sent me lo them. I then told them exactly what had happened. But they declined to give up tlui places. I then resigned and w’ent to the field.” WIIY THE CONFEDERACY FAILED. “What, in your opinion, was the cause of the failure of the Confeder acy?” “If I had to give one act that was most fatal, I should snv the conscript act. That demoralized the troops and country. There was no necessity for it. and it spring from Mr. Davis’ de sire to have the appointment of officers, lie was crazy oVer his West Point mar tinets, and when he could not appoint the officers of the volunteers, he went to Congress and demanded the con script law and got it. I said at the time, “The cause is lost, and t! should be its epitaph : * Killed by West Point..’ ” In general terms the abso lute inefficiency at Richmon 1 was the cause orf our failure. Davis is a re markable character. He is a good writer, and that is all. He was a slow man and always acted rashly at last. His delay was not caused by delibera tion, but was a combination of variety and a refusal to think. He is a very small military man. His idea of war was based on the experience in the Breckenridge campaign. I told him that 90 per cent, of war was business that we must organize victory rather than trust to fighting entirely. I urged him to send to England to buy all the arrris there. He ordered 8,000 rifles. Joe Brown had more arms for a long time than the Confederacy had. Under pretence of giving Unionists time to leave the South, I kept our ports open for sixty days. No new government ever started with such unlimited credit as we had. We had any amount of cotton offered us, and urged Mr. Davis to send this to England as fast as it could be carried and buy ships and arms with it. We could have iwrrow eu rny amount we wanted. The first loan was $50,000, when it should have been $5,000,000. But it seemed to be impossible to get the government to look at the matter in a serious light. I advanced s n me $15,000 myself for office rent, etc. Sernmes was there begging for cotton and pledging himseif to bring back ships and arms for every bale be took. He finally got, I think, 300 bales. The financial records of the Confed eracy was a failure that would have been ludicrous, had it not been so seri ous. With unlimited credit, backed by a rich and patriotic people, and con- Devoted to Hart County. trolling the leading staple of the world, our bills were soon so low down that it was said the government run the presses nil day, and the niggers run them all night. Had the first CO days of the Confederate government been properly Improved, we would have so organized tliat defeat would have boon impossible. At one time it was an nounced that there was an error of $300,000,000 in the amount of bills out and the amount on the liooks of the government. There w’as never a mo ment during the war when Davis actu ally appreciated the situation. Why, after tiie march of the Confederates from Rappahannock to Shnrpsburg and back again, when tliev had swept every thing before them, Davis thought the war over, and actually began to quarrel about who had whipped it. lie was as jealous as a Barbary hen, and once started to have me arrested for ridicul ing him. I am thoroughly satisfied that the establishment of a government under Mr. Davis was an impossibility. Indeed, the fight was haphazard from beginning to end, without metbolor statesmanship, and sustained only by miraculous valor, as long ns it was. The constitution was a good one, but there praise of the Confederate govern ment, as to its works, must end.” TIIK ROMANCE OF TOOMB’S ESCAPE. “ Did you see much of Mr. Davis during the war !’’ “ Not much after I left his cabinet. Our relationship to that time had been pieasant enough. The confederate gov ernment went to pieces in the little town in which I live. Mi. Breckenridge, Mr. Reagan and others, came to my house. Mr. Davis stayed at a neigh bor's house. From tliat pointeach man went to save himself. 1 saddled my mare, Gray Alice, and put out of my back gate for the mountains. I was disguised in the most effectual manner. I had my whiskers painted red, and was dressed in journey-up jeans clothes. 1 was known as Major Morton. I bought a clipper that was to sail with u.e from near Columbus. I hail work ed my way down to the river when the Yankees captured my little ship. 1 wsyt back to the mountains, and next struck out for Mobile, where I was sheltered by Miss Evans, the authoress of “ Beulah,” “ St. Elmo,” etc. From Mobile I went to New Orleans, and was taken out by a British ship. I went to Havana, and thence to France. After 1 returned to America I heard that Badeau wanted me and I went through to Canada, and stayed there awhile then I came home.” TIIE LAST OATH TOOMBS EVER TOOK. “ Have you ever taken the oath of allegiance to the United States govern ment ?” “ No, sir. The last oath I took was to the confederate states, and I shall never take another. Ido not like the general government and I would not consent to serve it in any capacity. It is a temporary concern at best. The constitution has no power within itself to enforce itself. It depends solely on the good faith of the people, and that guarantee alone cannot continue to bind together a great country of di verse interests. 1 have never really believed since 1850 that this union was a perpetuity. The terrible experience of the late war will probably deter any faction from making a row for the next few years. Ha lit not been for this ;he west might have precipitated a col lision during the election muddle o*' 1876. I have no faith iri the Puritan New Englander—the fellows that Mn cauley said were opposed to bear-bait ing, not because it hurt the bear, but because it pleased the people. As to the talk about the northern people for giving rue, I have nothing to say. As I haven't forgiven them, and don't ex pect to, I am indifferent as to the state of their feelings.” THE GREATEST AMERICAN. " Who was the greatest man witli whom you wi re thrown in public life ?" “All in all. Mr. Webster was the greatest man I ever knew. Not the most eloquent, but the greatest. Asa regulator of men, Clay, was his superior and on occasions Clay was as elo jnent ns mull could well be. Calhoun was the greatest logician I ever knew. It may seem strange, but the two most eloquent men I ever heard were Yan kees, Choate and Prentiss. They were incomparable. Prentiss was the most eloquent, probably, but Choate was the best debater. I saw Choate and Web ster pitted once and to Webster's dis comfiture. In those days our states men were much better scholars than they are now. There was less general education, but higher special education. The greatest southerner I ever knew, and probably the greatest man ever produced by the south, was McDuffie, the most eloquent southerner, and W C. Preston.” “ Both Carolinans ?” “ No, sir, McDuffie, was a Georgian and Preston a Virginian. Randolph was r-. remarkable man, but depended more upon Ids executive unique manner, than upon liis real greatness. Tazewell was one of the most finished orators I ever beard, and W. L. Yancey was eraphat- 81.50 Per Annum. WHOLE NO. 150 i ’ally a first-class talker." “ What is your opinion of the presi dents with wh>7in yon were thrown ?" “ I know every president personally, except Washington, Jefferson and the elder Adams. I saw Jackson inaugu rated. and sat by Quincy Adams when lie died. I was not intimate, perhaps, with Pierce, the best gentleman of them all. He did not have any especial force, but was clever and correct. Mr. Fillmore was a fine scholar, an 1 an honest man. lie asked me to join bis cabinet, and offered me the secretary ship of the treasury. I declined to ac cept it, and suggested Governor Jen kins. of Georgia, as a proper man. lie then offered Jenkins the navy, which was declined. Mr. Taylor had already offered me the secretaryship of war, which I declined, suggesting Geo. W. Crawford, who wa3 appointed. Taylor was the most ignorant president of them all. It was amazing how little lie knew. lie was a soldier, and nothing else. Van Buren was probably the most accomplished statesman—but lie was not a broad man. lie was shrewd, rather than sagacious or wise. Tyler was great at a female seminary com mencement or a cow show, lie was a pretty speaker, yon know. When lie was selecte 1 to go and deliver the ad dress of welcome to Lafayette, Web ster said to me that he never knew a man who could make a pretty sjieecli that was fit for much else, and this truth. I think, go-’s without exception. Tvier was very elopient and finished, however, old Buck was a good presi dent, a fine statesman in a small way, and an unequalled leader of small bod ies of tnen.” Mr. Toombs says he never said that he would live to call the roll of his slaves at the foot of Bunker Hill mon ument, but savs “ that was a fancy lie, started by Jack Hales, of New Hamp shire.” (Jtice when Mr. Toombs de clined to taken place in the confederate states senate, which was said to be open for him. a friend said, “ There are few men who have the chance to get such a place.” “ Yes,” he replied. “ and ad- —d sight fewer who can re fuse them.” Gen. Toombs was a fine soldier and a brilliant fighter. Gen. Longstreet once said to me : “ I have seen him in battle often, and I never saw a braver man lead a brigade.” lie is quite wealthy, his estate being val ued at probably 8500.090. lie bought 100,000 acres of Texas lamia in flic in fancy o’ that state, at 12 or 15 cents an acre. It is now worth from $1 to $lO per acre, but lie has sold 30,000 or 10.000 acres. His income from his practice has reached $40,000 per an num. lie is a princely liver, but a most careful financier. Beneath all liis apparent recklessness there is a current of shrewd business sense that leads him to drive a sharp trails And knit a bargain. Indeed, the feckless manner of Mr. Toombs is not an index of his character. In action he is really con* 9:*rvative and prudent,, ami is usually a safe adviser. There are few men who ever so fully enjoyed the confidence of liis people as Mr. Toombs. At the close of the war lie could have had any thing within the gift of the people, and lie is still immensely popular. He is even now being pressed to take the field for governor, but has most posi tively declined to do so. Ills only public service since the war, beyond work on the hustings, was to take a s at in the constitutional convention that put aside the old constitution of 1867 and mad ■ a Uew one. In this body General Toombs was distinguish ed for a very determined fight on the railroad monopolies. He advanced the money out of liis private prteket to pay the expenses of the convention and the state reimbursed him at a later period. Much of his bitterness against tlm gen eral government is thought to be feign ed. His hopes rtf political prd'ermen* died with the confederacy; and he felt no ambition to go back to the senate and retrace his old-time footsteps* In place of a purely personal reason fbr remaining out of politics, he assigns hostility to the government. With all liis recklessness he has been remarka bly metholical and successful in the material affairs of life* and there is no innn living who, when he wore the liar ness, enjoyed more thoroughly the con fidence of his people, or carried into liis retirement more of their love and reverence. Recipes, To beat the whites of eggs quickly, put In a pinch of salt. The cooler the eggs the quicker they will froth. Salt cools and also freshens them. To clean flat irons: Tie a lump of beeswax in a rag and keep it for the purpose. When tiie irons are hot rub them first with the wax rag, then scour tiiern witli a paper or cloth dipped with salt. A strengthening drink: Beat the ye’k of a I‘reMi egg with a little sugar, add a very little brandy, beat the white into a strong froth, and stir into the velk, fill it up with milk and odd lit tle nutmeg. An lows editor, who attended a party, was smitten with the charms ot a fair dam sel who wore a rose on her forebaad, an*l thus gushed about it: Alhit*- her nose Thera is rose i Below that roue Thole Is a nine. Jhwi*, auoa, No***. riMto, Kwrtl nw. Dear utwe. Jh-low her chia There Is a pin i Ahoeo that pin There I* a chin. Pin. chin, Chin, pin, Sweet pin, Dear cnln. Whereupon a rival editor thus apostro phises the lowa chap: Above the stool There Is * fool; Below the fool There Is a stool. Stool, foot. Fool, stool, DM stool, Danin f.iol. Below his seat There are two feet j A hove these feet There Is a seal. Seat, feet, Fi-et seat. Soft sent, Rill feet. A Tough Witness. Prosecuting attorney: “Mr. Parks, state if you please, whether you have ever known the defendant to follow any profession.” “lie's been a professor ever since I’ve known him.'’ “ Professor of what ?” “ Of religion." "You don’t understand me, Mr. Parks. What does lie do ?" “ Generally what he pleases.” "Tell the jury, Mr. Parks, what the lefcndaiit follows,” “ Gentlemen of the jury, the defend ant follows the crowd when they go in to get drinks.” “*\lr. Parks, this kind of prevarica tion will not do here. Now state how the defendant supports himself.” “ I saw him last night support him self against a lamp post.” “May it please your honor, this wit ness lias shown a disposition to trifle with the court.” Julge: "Mr. Parks, state if you know anything about it, what the de fendant’s occupation is.” Occupation, did you say?” Counsel: “Yes, what Is his occupa tion ?’’ “If I ain't mistaken, he occupies a garret somewhere in town.” "That’s all, Mr. Parks.” Cross-examined : “ Mr. Parks, I un derstand you to sav that the defendant is a professor of religion. Does his practice correspond with his profes sion ?” j “ I never heard of any correspond | cnee or letters passing between them.” “ You said something about his pro pensity fbr drinking:- l>oes -4i drink hard •' No, I think he drinks as easy as any man I ever saw/' “One more question, Mr. Parks. You have known the defendant a long time; what are his habits—loose or otherwise ?” “ The one he’s got On now, I think is rather tight under the arms, and too short Waisted for the fashion.” “ You can take your seat, Mr. Parks.” Tin nlnpr a Jest into a Fact. When the invention of the telephone waA first announced, it was humorously suggested that eventually people would not need to go to church, but through '. heir private telephones could lieaf their favorite preacher's sermon while re clining at their ease in their lioitdoirs ail l drawing-rooms. The jest lias already been In part turned into a fact —not for the benefit of the lazy* but for the crippled* who are unable to go to church. Dr. Moses D. liogc, the pastor of the second Presbyterian church of Richmond, Vn., is said a few Sundays ago to have had a telephonic communication established between liis pulpit and fdie room of liis daughter, who has been confined to bet room for ten years. She was able to hear per fectly, and to join in the whole service of the church, for the first time In ten veers. What objection there can be to 'xtending tlnls* I lie privilege of the Lord’s house to such as cannot other wise Avail themselves of them, we can not see. ” 1 1 Ths " Spirit of IteYrthdldb,” New York Star Special. Washington, July 3.— A member of Congress in disposing of his unadmin* istered assets at tile end of the extra session* before leaving this city, seht two bottles of Old Bourbon whisky to a member of the Cabinet, accompanied by the following note: “ BIMt Uovjp, June SO, 1879.—H0n. l 4 Nir—Please accept the accompanying ‘twin relics’of a * Bourbon dynasty.’ If you find in these ‘ chosen vessels ’ any spirit of rev olution, put it down. Very truly yours, ——J* “ Docs that hurt ?” kindly asked the lentist, holding the young man’s head back and jobbing a steel probe, with back set teeth, clear down through liis aching tooth and into tht-gmn. “Does that hurt ?” he asked, with evident feeling. “ Oh, no," replied the young •nan, in a voice suffused with emotion and sentiment; “ oh, no,” he said ten* lerly, rising from the chair and hold ing the dentist’s head in the stove, while he dragged Ins lungs out of his ears with a corkscrew. “ Oh, no,” he *aid, “ not at all; does that ?” But the dentist had the better of the young man, for he charged him fifty cents and lidn’t pull the tooth then. But by that time the astonished tooth had forgot its aching.