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HILL TO FELTON. Senator Hill Makes Reply to the Recent Strictures of Hon. Wm. H. Felton. Washington, D. C., January 14. Editors Constitution : In your issue of the 10th inst. I have read the letter of the Hon. W. 11. Felton. This letter is certainly the roost bitter and venomous summary of charges against my public and private character I have ever seen. The vilest production of carpet-bag slum could not say more to defame me. I am pictured as having been all my life— “before the war, during the war ant since the war”—a “corrupt,” “hypocrit ical,” “malevolent,” “mendacious” man whose counsels have “blighted the state of my birth,” and “destroyed the democratic party,” and as one who, “under professions of friendship,” has always been treacherous and vindictive! All public men are liable to abuse. I thought I had enjoyed mj' fall share and would have some exemption from such in the future. But this letter gathers up nearly all the worst calum- nies of the past, colors them with new odium and then adds new ones inven ted by the author for the occasion. This fierce flood of vituperation comes, too, from a man of whom I never in all my life spoke or wrote one unkind word, but in whose behalf I have spoken and written more kind words than I ever did for any other man, and because of my friendship for whom for seven years I have almost imper illed my own standing in the demo cratic party. My self-respect will not allow me to retaliate in kind, and my respect for the people of Georgia will not allow me to descend to a contest of deity epithets. The explosion is personally harmless from overcharge, but this letter from Dr. Felton has a signifi cance and meaning of public impor tance at this moment, and to show this meaning and significance is the purpose of this writing. First, does I)r. Felton really believe the charges lie has rehearsed and in vented with such sudden virulence ? During the rugged voyage of the stormy periods in which my social and po litical life have been passed, I have sometimes heard pleasant voices. Many kind and partial things have been said and written about me, and it has been my ambition to deserve them. No man has been more earnest, or more frequent., or more fulsome in his praises of me for forty years than Dr. Felton. No man has repelled with more indig nation all slanders upon my public and private life, and especially some of the very slanders he has now rehearsed to defame me. During four consecutive canvasses for congress in the 7th district he has warmly eulogised me as ever a model public man, and has made conspicuous my indorsement of his personal and political integrity as proud evidence to the people of his fitness to be their representative. All the people of the district will bear testimony in support of this statement. Does any man or child believe that when Dr. Felton was indulging in these liigliwrought eulogies upon me, he reallv believed 1 was, and all my life had been, a “corrupt,” “menda cious,” “hypocritical” and bad man ? If he did not believe so while pro nouncing such eulogise he has certainly shown himself to be the most expert hypocrite ever yet known. To act the part of such a h}’pocrite for a long series of years without ever exciting the slightest suspicion of his sincerity, is a success in hypocrisy never before attained, and would entitle its author to the distinction of being the hero of hypocrites. Up to the writing of this letter I do not believe Dr. Felton ever uttered an unkind word of me either in public or private. lam sure I never did of him. It is impossible to conclude that Dr. Felton believes the charges he has now made, because it is impossible for any man to attain to such perfection in hypocrisy. On the other hand, if Dr. Felton did not believe the charges to be true, and yet made them, and made them, too, with such furious mendacity, then he has shown himself to be the most perfidious and ungrateful slanderer that the purlieus of a degraded form of politics ever produced. Without provocation, without explanation and without the slightest previous notice he has slandered an admitted friend of forty years, and a friend who, for seven years, exposed himself to the reproach es and criticisms of his party in order to maintain this one man in his polit- The H artwell Sun. By E. B. BENSON. VOL. VI.. NO. 21. ical aspirations. And he has slandered me, too, with a reckless violence and an abandoned untruthfulness never equaled by my worst euemy, even of the carpet-bag regime! As there could be no possible reason for this conduct the next question is, What is the excuse for it ? Dr. Felton uses for his excuse an Interview with me rejxjrtcd by Mr. Grady, in which interview he says I abuse him and made against him an implied charge of dishonesty. The reader will see the utter weakness of this excuse at once, for that an interview reported in the language of another should author ize such a flood of calumny against a friend of forty years of unbroken con fidence is too absurd. I am not now explaining or denying the interview. There is not a word in the interview which is or which can be justly con- strued to be personally unkind, and Mr. Grady, or the Constitution, has so distinctly stated. But even if there was one word which might possibly bear'such a construction, even an en emy would have asked for an explana tion before letting loose such a deluge of billingsgate and calumny. But, aside from all this, there is one fact which it is my painful duty to state here, which will make this pre tence of unkindness more damaging, if possible, to Dr. Felton’s good name than the slanderous letter. For years Dr. Felton and myself have been in the habit of writing frank and confidential letters to each other. One of the first things I did alter reading his interview published in a Chicago paper and emliodying his new platform, I wrote Dr. Felton just such a letter. In the unreserve of our long friendship, and feeling that his political course would somewhat involve me, as 1 had alwavs maintained his political honesty, and believing I might be better posted as to the meaning of recent political movements than himself, I expressed the pain I felt on reading this interview. I also said that if it was true I apprehended it would make him a republican and stalwart repub lican at that. I warned him of the dangers ahead, and expressed the earn est hope that he would not allow him self to be ensnared at this late day into the republican party. But in this letter I also said that I could never speak of him otherwise than kindly. This letter he must have had before him when he made unkindness by con struction his excuse for abusing me as no political enemy bad ever done! The letter was private, but I do not object to its publication. Either Dr. Felton believed the charges made and invented in his let ter, or did not believe them, and on this subject these propositions are now established; 1. If he believes the charge he con victs himself of being the worst hy pocrite on record. 2. If he does not believe the charges, he convicts himself of being the worst slanderer on record. 3. The excuse he offers for making the charges was not only unfounded, but was known to be false when offered ! I will not announce the terrible con clusion as to what the letter and the pretense together convict him of being. I leave him with facts, and the simple statement that a man who will be false to a friend will be true to nothing. But every effect must have a cause, and this letter of Dr. Felton being an extraordinary effect must have an ex traordinary cause, and that cause is not and cannot possibly be in anything I have said or done, nor is the cause in Dr. Felton’s belief or unbelief of the charges he has made. To say he believes the charges is to discredit him as a hypocrite. To say he does not believe them is to discredit him as a slanderer. And to say he made the charges for the excuses rendered is to discredit him both as a hypocrite and a slanderer. The truth is the only cause of this unprecedented letter exists, and exists only, in Dr. Felton himself. After a hard struggle with the bitterness of defeat, and the wooings of ambition Dr. Felton has formed anew purpose, and is to have new friends and allies. Devoted to Hart Cointy. He has not changed any of his political convictions, but he has changed his political purposes and affiliations, and he is himself ashamed of the change. He hopes to deceive others who have stood by him in all his struggles, and he hopes by deceiving them to ( carry them to his new allies. But h* has no hope of deceiving me ! lie feds and knows I.understand him, and that I will lose respect for him. He can not stand in my presence, and remem ber the assurances he has so often given me when begging me to Jdand by him, and that he could de- ceive or disappoint me, aiwi not lose respect for himself! Tluve was but one desperate resource lefk and that was to get rid of me. He lathered all his energies for the blow. ’He called ( to his assistance all the dirty scandals of years which lie had s,o often do. nouneed, but which it now, sects' he had preserved in his scrap book, and he adds to these such as the advantages O of a long confidential friendship en abled him to invent, and discharged the aggregate mass at my unsuspecting head! If my poor sadly fallen friend j can survive the blow, I can. I never wrote anything more in sorrow and less in anger. Ido not envy the man who can witness the perfidy or feel the in gratitude of a life-long friend and not be sad. There is a manly way to change opinions and affiliations which every man must respect. Such changes great and good men have often made in the past and will often make again. There is an unmanly and foul way of forming mongrel coalitions of incon gruous elements for the common pur pose of winning spoils, which no man can respect. These changes only per fidious men ever have made or ever can make. We hiive now nrrivej tvt tlio where we can fully understand the meaning an 1 significance of Dr. Felton’s letter and his “ new movement.” Bui before showing this I fed I ought to make a brief explanation to the democ- racy of the state, and of the seventh district especially. I did not approve of Dr. Felton’s so-called independent ism, but for four elections I refused to go into the district to oppose him, and for every election I gave him anew cer tificate of good character, personal and political, which I was often told by both parties and by himself he used with great effect. I often spoke well of him in private and in public, and twice, at his earnest request, introduced him in most complimentary terms to large au diences in my own city of Atlanta. It is due to my self-respect to say that all I said of Dr. Felton I believed was true at the time, and yet believe was true when said. In addition to the fact we had long been friends, and that both the ladies lie married were the daughters of highly esteemed friends, both of whom are still living, venerable in years and good works. I say, in addition to these facts, I had undoubted confidence in Dr. Felton's democracy, and never once suspected he would disappoint me. His personal assurances on this subject were very numerous and of the most earnest character, and I would have be lieved his assurances alone. But his actions were entirely confirmatory of these assurances. I will state two facts on this point. 1. In Washington Dr. Felton attend ed the democratic caucus and respected its decisions as faithfully as any demo crat in congress. We sat aide by side during the 44th congress, and his votes were on the extreme democratic line. In contested elections for seats in the house he voted fordemocratic claimants, even where democrats of the most pro nounced type doubted their election, and I can even now recall one case in which he voted for the democratic claimant against the majority report of the dem ocratic committee on elections, who re ported that the republican was elected. These were certainly severe tests of party fealty. 2. In 1876, I went to Georgia in ad vance of the adjournment of congress in order to be in Cartersville on the day the executive committee of the demo cratic party was called to meet there to issue the call for a convention. I made this visit at the special request of Dr. Felton, and for the special purpose of HARTWELL. GA.. JANUARY 28, 1882. ascertdning, if I could, whether I)r. Feltoi could probably get the nomina tion il he would submit his name to the convention. He was anxious to avoid the r-petition of the struggle of a*tl 1 was anxious for him to avoid it, and he was then not only willing Imt anxious to ho reconciled to his party and get the nomination. The result of my inquiries were not encouraging and 1 so I advised him. So again in 1878 I wrote a letter urging the Ringgold convention to tender Dr. Felton the nomination, and said in the letter that if they would tender it and he rejected it, I would can j vass the district against him. 1 knew he w'ould not reject it, and I was anx ious to see the reconciliation. I regret i > yet that the nomination was not tender ed him. So again in 1880 I made, will) others, and at Dr. Felton’s request, an effort to discourage any iioiuimi- him. He was anxious to be brdpkht into accord with his party, but tl the overture should come, or see*“ to come, from the party. Id '''ply regret our efforts were not succcv 11 1. If they had been successful I xVo#' d not now be writing this very unplea sni| t letter, and the republican manipdutors of the new co ilitiou to capture the south would have to find an other ’eader for Georgia. I personally knew that. Dr. Fel ton w.'S not only a democrat, but a party di ucK-rnt, and that his apparent hatred of ca jCU9OB was only apparent, for he att'-uJcd the caucus in Washington, and was l? u 11V anxious to hnve a voluntary cuuc ß nomination in the seventh dis trict and Georgia. I thought his desires were sincere and honorable, and I earn estly labored to gratify them. I ,/ver saw defeat afFect any man ns it di l^ r - Felton. It seemed to arouse all evil of his human nature. I rqxllv Ym.l serious apprehensions about him in more respects than one, but I never suspected that lie would ac tually abandon all his convictions and pledges and aid in a coalition to secure radical domination in Georgia, and I firmly denied intimations of that char acter here up to the very appearance of j his new platform. I knew sadly what that meant. But 1 did not suspect even i then that he would fly into a mad rage with me and become nil at once my j worst calumniator. I now sue he is a fallen and a changed man, and is a sad illustration of the dangers of a reckless ambition for political place. During the last six years the democrats of Georgia have frequently complained of what they called my encouragement of the independents. I did not encourage them and I did not abuse them. While the republican party in Georgia was dormant, and there was practically l> t one party in the state, it was natural that discussions would spring up, and the opposing democrats under various names would contend for the offices. I was anxious that this should not breed bitterness and permanent divisions in the party. I was opposed to denouncing all independents as radicals because I thought the denunciation was neither true nor wise. There arc no truer dem ocrats in their convictions than the great body of the independents. I did not doubt that the time would come when the dormant republican party would wake up and make another effort to radicalize the state. I believed in that event the independents would all come home, and be as true and gallant as any against the common enemy. I believe the time has come when they will justi fy my confidence. I believe no inde pendents in Georgia will go into the new coalition except a few who have lost themselves in the bitterness of dis appointment, or who are hungry for office “ and tired of waiting.” 1 know I have no better friends than the great body of the independents, and I do not and can not believe they will be led blindly into the republican party. Every intelligent and patriotic citizen of the United States must see the great importance of eliminating from our po litics all war issues and race issues. No man has been more open aud undis guised io the expression of the opinion than myself. But the truth is we cau j never get rid of either the war issues or race issues until we get rid of the re publican party, and especially of the stalwart wing of that party. This Terms, SI.OO in Advance. piuty live* by these issues mid would |hm* away forever without them. Less than ouo year ngfl there was some hope—more than a mere sugges tion—that a great and elevated move ment was possible which would lift the country out of the mire of sectional ha treds, and form our political parties on living issues adapted to every section alike. Hut this hope has been rudely brushed away, and the lowest and most infamous coalition for mere corrupt party ascendancy has been formed in its stead. This coalition has already hu miliated the noblest old commonwcuth of the union by combining ignorance and venality against intelligence, prop erty, and honor. This coalition em braces four distinct propositions: 1. The reopening of the race issues by pandering to the ignorance and pre judices of the black race. 2. By encouraging local divisions among the democrats of the south on any and all questions that arc available for that purpose. 3. By promising the federal offices to such democrats as will agree to aid the work, and this is called “cementing the coalition." 4. By blatant pretenses of reform, and still more blatant outcries against that mystical monster—the bourbon de mocracy of the south. And it is boldly proclaimed by the most dangerous and efficient man in the republican party “ that anything which will build up this coalition in the south is justifiable in morals and law." This is the foul coalition into which the independent democrats of tlie south are now so wooingly invited. Of all men on earth, the real, true, independ ent democrat ought to feel the most in- sulted bv the oiler. It assumes that be will betray bis party either as the victim of bis local spite or tvs the corrupt sub jeet of a debaucfied civil service. It is understood that the selected leader in each state mav write out his own platform that will suit him and his state, and he is not to lo embarrassed by any inconsistency in ltis platform with that of the national party, or that of any other state. Anwtliing that will entice or buy democrats into the coali tion is to be considered “justifiable in morals and in law,” provided, always, that the result shall enure to the benefit of the repubiuan party and break down the bourbon democrat*! This is the w hole scheme briefly stated. It is not new. It is precisely the scheme on which Catiline formed his conspiracy, and it is covered already with nineteen centuries of infamy ! I have an abiding faith that even t ie colored people will discard it, for to them it portends the greatest mischief. I be lieve the better class of republicans will repudiate the coalition and adhere to their party integrity; and the demoern s who allow themselves to le eiftnared in to it will find no life long enough to re pent sufficiently their folly. Can anything he irtore utterly dis gusting than the proposition to reform Georgia by such a movement as this? In our state more than in any other the people are recovering from the ef fects of war and reconstruction. The race issue has completely disappeared from our politics in Georgia. Nearly one hundred thousand of the colored children are being educated by the taxes of the white race. The state has en dowed a colored college. Colored peo ple own six hundred thousand acres of land in their own right. Everybody votes as lie pleases and his vote is count ed. Factories are springing up in all directions. Our industries are being multipled as never before. Thousands of the best men of the north have gone home from the exposition enthused with the brightuing prospect oi all business in the state. Our taxes were scarcely ever so low. Our credit was never so high. Capital and machinery, are flow ing in and everybody is brushing away the tears of war, and is laughing with a new hope in § new era! All this —al) this —lias been accomplished under the rule of the men who are denounced by trading politicians as narrow-minded, intolerant bourbons, and this is the con dition of things which must be reformer by a coalition of ignorance, disappoint ment and venality cemented by the pub- WHOLE NO. 281. He offices, anti nil shaped, directed and controlled by a lot of audacious machine republicans, who owe all their promi nence to corrupt methods in the politics of their own states. If any man can not see and understand the real mean ing and significance of the new move- ment in Georgia, he is one who “ hav ing eyes see not, and having ears hear not." Must our peace be destroyed, race collisions again provoked, and our budding prosperity arrested merely to gratify a few men who ure willing to run with all parties and be true to none? For several years wo have had divis ions in the democratic party in Georgia, because having no*common enemy to tight, we have fought each other. I have studiously labored to keep out of those jmrty wrangles. I have not hesi tated to condemn what I believed was wrong even in my own party. But now that anew movement is made of a most insidious character to take advantage of divisions and utilize them for tho repub lican party, they will prove themselves the best democrats und truest Georgians, who soonest forget their individual grievances and labor most earnestly to heal all party wounds. The new enemy is already organized, und are opening tho cumpuigu before the snows of win ter have melted. Let us not make tho mistake of assuming that they will be weak because their coalition is incon gruous and their purposes are iniquit ous. They must not only be defeated but overwhelmed, and then no like co alition will rise to fret this generation. Let regulars and independents now for get their and when we seo a common enemy before us, lot us unite and organize, and meet that enemy with united strength. If we w ill do this now and vigorously, and show that we can not be enticed by prejudices nor bought w ith promises of federal patronage, the coalition will die before any damage can be done. Hknj. 11. Hill. llWiimtism Neurulj;lu, Sprains, Pain in Ihe Flack and Side. Them is nothing more painful than those diseases; hut thr pain can be removed and the disease cured by use of Perry D avis’ Pain Killer. ""—b •. not lfensliM or I ctroloinn product that must be Hep nw ay from tiro or heal to avoid <lau K <- of vxpluNion, nor Is It an untried expert in.nl Iliat may do more harm than good Pain Killer has been In constant us lor forty years, sod the universal testiuionj from all purls of the world is, it novoi falls. Jt not only efTeefs a permanent rum hut It relieves pain almost Instuntuneousi, Being a purely vegetable remedy, It Is sate In the hunds of the most Inexperienced. The record of cures by tho use of Pair Kiu.sk would nil volumes. The following extracts from letters received show what those who hare tried It think: Edgar Cady, Owatonna, Minn., says: Alsiiit * year hiiiuo my wife lieeame subject to severs suffering from rheumatism. Our re-Kort whs to the I’AIN Killkii, which speedily relieved her. Charles Powell writes from the Bailors’ Home, London: 1 bud Isixi n diluted three yean with neuralgia ami vloientstiftsmsof the stomach. The doctors at Westminster Hospital nave tip my case In despair, I tried your Pain Killer, and It gave me Immediate relief. I have regained my strength, and am now able to follow iny usual oocufittiii m. G. H. Walworth. Saco, Me., writes: 1 exix riem-ed Immediate relief from pain In the side by thu use ut your Pais Killeu. E. York says: I have used ynnr Pair Killer for rheumatism, and have received great bene tit. Barton Beaman says: Have used l’Atw Kll.tXtt for thirty veers, and have found it a nrrrr/uiUng remedy for rheumatism and lameness. Mr. Burditt writes : It n-r-r/ViO. to give relief In cases of rheumatism. Phil. Gilbert, Somerset, Pa., writes: From actual use, I know your Taim Kim.nu Is the liest medicine I can get All dragglMa keep Paim killer. Its price Is so low that M, Is within the reach of ail, and It will s:tvo many times Its cost In doctors’ bills, title., aOc. and Si.oo a bottle. PERRY DAVIS & SON, Proprietor!, Providence, R. I. HARTWELL high school. Hartwell, Ga. MORGAN X.. PARKER, A. 8., PwxcirAL. Miss V. C. PARK, Ashistant. Tbo Spring SfKoion of this School will open on Monday the 9th of January, and close on Friday, tht:2T>tli of Jane, 1882* RATES OF TUITION, per Session of C Mouths: 4th Class—Spelling, Reading, Writing $ 9 00 Jd —English Grammar, Geography, and Arithmetic (commenced) 12 00 2d “ —English Grammar. Geography (ad vanced), Algebra, Chemistry, Natural Philosophy 18 00 Ist “ Rhetoric. Logic, Mental and Moral Philosophy, Classics, Higher Mathematic* . 24 00 Music (extra), per mouth.., 4 00 Board, per month, from s*.oo to SIO.OO. The pro ntfa of the Public School Fund will bo deducted from the above rates. One half the Tuit ion required in advance, unless tpecial urrunyrtnrut* be made to the contrary. The remainder may be paid in November. In con sequence of the “ hardness of the times,” tlu* rates or Tuition have been reduced one-fourth. To those wlio'wish to pay all in advance, a liberal discount will be allowed. No deduction will be made for absence, except in cam** of sickness protracted for a week or more. Trigonometry and Surveying will be taught with use of instrument, on Saturdays, without extra charge. Every pupil who enters this School will bo re quired‘to submit to the rulca. The Principal and Assistant have been associated in school for the past throe years, and guarantee entm satisfaction to every pupil w hoso only desire is to advance in hi* studies. Another competent Assistant will be employed when needed. Special attention will bo given to the Primary DErAKTMK.Yr. m KR> Hartwell, Ga., Nov. 15,1881. 2.1 Anßivook in your own town. Terms ami $5 r 00 outfit freo. -Address 11. HaLLKTT A; Cos., Portland, Jlaiao.