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VOL. 11. THE CABINET Is published every Saturday by )\ I, ROBINSON, fVarrenton, Geo. at three dollars per annum, which may be discharged by two dollars and fifty cents if paid within sixty days of the time of subscribing. Advertisements conspicuously inserted at seventy five cents per square for the first insertion and fifty cents fur each subsequent insertion JMonthly inser tions charged as new advertisements Advertisements not limited when hand ed in, will be inserted until forbid, and charged accordingly. CONGRESS. SUNDAY MAILS. The Committee on Post offices anil Post roads, to whom the memorials were referred for prohibiting the (rat importation of Mails, and the opening of Post Offices, on Sunday, report— Tiioi the memorialists regard the first day of the w eek as a day set a p ri by the Creator for religious exer cise, the transportation of the mail and the opening of Post offices on that day, tlo violation of a religious duty, and Cnh f-r the suppression of the practice. Others, by counter memorials, are k w*wrt to entertain a different senti ment, believing that no one dayjof the week is holier than another. Others, holding the universality and immuta bility of the Jew ish decalogue, believe in the. sanctity of the seventh day of the week as a day of religious devo tion; and by their memorials now be fore the committee, they also request that it maj be set apart for religious purposes.— Each has hitherto been left to the exercise of his own opinion; and it has been regarded as the proper busimss of Government to protect all, and determine for none. But the at tempt is now made to bring about a greater uniformity, at least, in prac tice; and, as argument has failed, the Government has been called upon to interpose its authority to settle the controversy. Congr ss acts under a constitution of delegated and limited powers. The committee look in vain to that instru men* for a delegation of power author izing this body to inquire and deter mine what part of time, or whether any, has been set apart by the Al mighty for religious exercises. On the countrary, among the few prohib tions w hich it contains, is one that pro hibits a religious test; and another, whi h declares that Congress shall pass no law respecting an establish ment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. The committee might here rest the argument, upon the ground that the question referred to them (lops not come within the cog nizance of Congress but the preserv anee and zeal with which the memori alists pursue their object, seem to r quire a further elucidation of the subject. And, as the opposers of Sun day mails declaim all intention to unite ! Church and State, the committee do i not feel disposed to impunge their tno- j tiveg; and whatever may be advanced in opposition to the measure, will arise from the fears entertained of its fatal tendency to the peace ar.d happiness of the nation; The catastrophe of other nations, furnished the framers of the Constitution a beacon of awful wattling, and they have evinced the greatest possible care in guarding a gnintit ihe same e\ il. The law, as it now exists, makes no distinction as to the days of the week, hut vi imperative that the Postmasters j ball attend at all seasonable hours, iti every d*y, to pet form the dutb-s of tjinr c flii t*s; and the Post master Grn- eral has given his instructions to all; Postmasters, that at Post offices where 1 the mail arrives on Sunday, the office! is to be kept open one hour, or more, j after the arrival and assorting the mail; but in cases that would interfere w ith hours of public worship, the of fice is to he kept open for one hour af ter the usual time of dissolving the meeting. This liberal construction of the law docs not satisfy (he tnemoi id ists. But the committee believe that there is no just ground of complaint, unless it bu conceded that they have a controling power over the consciences of others. If congress shall, by the authority ot law, sanction the measure recommended, it would constitute a legislative discussion of a religious controversy, in which even Christians themselves are at issue.—However suited such a decision may be to an ecclesiastical council, it is incompati ble with a republican legislature, which is purely for political, and uot religious purposes. In our individual character, we all entertain opinions, and pursue a cur responding practice, upon the subject of religion. However diversified these may be, we all harmonize as citizens, while each is willing, that the other shall enjoy the same liberty which he claims for himself. But in our repre sentative character, our individual character is lost. The individual, arts for himself—the representative for his constituents, lie is chosen to repre ; sent the ir political, and not their reli gious views—to guard tho rights ot man-, not to restrict the rights of con science. Despots may regard their subjects as their property, and usurp the Divine prerogative of prescribing I their religious faith. But the history Jof the world furnishes the melancholy demonstration, that the disposition of one man to coerce the religious hum age of another springs from an un chastened ambition, rather than a sincere devotion to any religion. The principals of our Government do not recognize in the majority, any author ity over the minoriry, except in mat ters which regard the conduct of man to his fellow rnan. A Jewish monarch by his grasping the holy censer, lost both his sceptre and his freedom; a destiny as little to be envied may he the lot of the American people who hold the sovereignty of power, if they in the person of their representatives, sliall attempt to unite, in the remotest degree, Church and State. From the earliest period of time, religious teachers have attained great ascendency over the minds of the peo ple & in every nation, ancient or mod ern, whether Pagan, Mahomcdan, or Christian, have succeeded in the in corporation of their religious tenets with the politic al institutions of their country. The Persian idols, the Ger man oracles, the Roman auguries and the modern priesthood of Europe, have all, in their turn, been the sub ject of popular adulation, and the a gents of political deception. If the measure recommended should be a doptrd, it would be difficult for human sagacity to foresee how rapid would be the sucecsssion, or how numerous the train of measures which might follow, involving the dearest rights of all—the rights of conscience. It is perhaps fortunate for our country, that the proposition should have been ! made at this early period, while thej spirit of the Revolution jet exists in; full vigor. Religious zeal enlists the! strongest prejudices of the human mind; and, when misdirected, excites the worst passions of our nature, un der the delusive pretext of doing God service. Nothing so infuriates the heart to deeds of rapine and blood; Warrenton, April 10, 1830. nothing is so incessant in its toils: so! persevering in its determination; so appalling in its course; or so danger ous in its consequences. The equal ity of rights secured by the constitu tion, may bid defiance to mere pul it. ical tyrants; but the robe of sanctity too often glitters to deceive; The constitution regards the conscience of thejew as sacred as that of the Chris tian, and gives no more authority to adopt a measure affecting the con science of a solitary individual, than that of’ a whole community. That representative who would violate this principle, would lose his delegated character, and forfeit the confidence of his constituents. If Congress shall declare the first day of the week holy, it will not convince the Jew nor the Sabbatarian. It will dissatisfy both; and, consequently convert neither. Human power may extort vain sac rifice; but Deity alone can command the affections of the heart. It must be recollected, that in the earliest settle ment of this country, the spirit of persecution which drove the pilgrims from their native home, was brought with them to their new habitations; and that some Christians were scourg ed, and others pot to death, for iv> other crime than dissenting from the dogmas of their rulers. With these facts before us, it must be a subject of deep regret, that a question should be brought before Congress, which involves the dear cut privileges of the Constitution, and even by those who enjoy its choicest blessings. We should all recollect that Cataliiic, a professed patriot, was a traitor to Rome; Arnold, a pro leased whig, was a traitor to America; and Judas, a professed disciple, was traitor to bis Divine master. With the exception of the U. States the wholo human race, consisting it is supposed, of eight hundred millions of rational human beings, is in reli gious bondage; and in reviewing the scenes of persecution which history every where presents, unless the com mittee could believe that the cries of the burning victim, and the flames by which lie is consumed near to heaven a greatful incense, the conclusion is inevitable, that the line cannot bo too strongly drawn between Church and State. If a solemn act of legislation shall, in one point, define the law of God, or point out to the citizen on* religious duty, it may with equal pro priety define every part of divine re velation, and enforce every religious obligation, even to the forma and cer emonics of worship, the endowments of the church, and the support of tin clergy. It was with a kiss that Judas be trayed his Divine Master, and we should all be admonished, no matter what our faith may be, that the rights of conscience cannot be so successfully assailed as under the pretext of holi ness. The Christian religion mad** its way into the world in opposition to all human governments. Banishment, tortures, and death, were inflicted in vain to stop its progress. But many of its professors, as soon as rlothed with political power, lost the inerk spirit which their creed inculcated, and began to inflict on other religions, and on dissenting sects of their own religion, persecutions more aggrava ted than those which their own apos ties had endured. The ten persecu tions of Pagan Emperors were exceed ed in atrocity by the measures and murders perpetrated by Christian bands; and in vain shall we examine the records of imperial tyranny for an engine of cruelty equal to the Hoi) Inquisition. Every religious sect, however weak its origin, commenced tho work of persecution as soon as it acquired political power. The framers of the constitution recognized tho eternal principle, that inan‘s relation with his God is above human legisla tion and his rights of conscience un alienable. Reasoning was necessary to.establish this truth; we are con scious of it in our own bosoms. It is this consciousness which, in defiance ofhuman laws, lias sustained so many martyrs in tortures and in flames. They felt that their duty to God was superior to human enactments, and that man couldexercj.se no authority over their consciences; it is an inborn principle which nothing can eradicate. The bigot, in the pride of his au thority, may lose sight of it—but strip him of his power; prescribe a faith to him which his conscience rejects; threaten him in turn with the dungeon and tho faggot; and the spirit which God has implanted in him, rises up in rebellion and defies you. Dml the primitive Christians ask that Govern ment should recognize and observe their religious institutions? All they asked was toleration , nil they com plain dos was persecution. What did the Protestants of Germany, or the Huguenots of France, ask of their Catholic superiors? Toleration. What do the persecuted Catholics of Ireland ask of their oppressors? Toleration. Do not all men in this country enjoy every religious right which martyrs and saints ever asked? Whence, then, the voice of complaint? Who is it, that in the lull enjoyment of every print i ple which human laws can secure, wishes to wrest a portion of these principles from tfis neighbor? Do the petitioners allege that they cannot conscientiously participate in the pro fits of the mail contracts and post of fices, because the mail is carried on Sunday? If this be their motive, then it i is worldly gain which stimulates to action, and not virtue or religion. Do they complain that men, less consci entious in relation to the Sabbath, obtain advantages over them, by re ceiving their letters and attending to rheir contents? Still their motive is selfish. But if their motive be to in duce Congress to sanction by law their religious opinions and observances , then their efforts are to be resisted, as in their tendency fatal both to religious and political freedom. Why have the petitioners confi icd their prayer to the mails? Why have they not re quested that the Government b * re quired to suspend all its Executive functions on that day? Why do they not require us to enact, that our ships shall not sail—that our armies shall not march—that our officers of justi e shall not seize the suspended, or guard the convicted? They seem to forget that government is necessary on Sunday as on any other day of the’ week. The spirit of evil uocs not rest on that day. It is the Government, ever active io its functions, which en ables us all, even the petitioners, to worship in our churches in peace. Our Government furnishes very few blessings like our mails They bear,* from the centre of our Republic to its distant extremes, the acts of our legis lative bodies, the decisions of the Ju diciary, and the orders of the execu tive. Their Speed is often essential to the defence of the country the suppres sion of crime, and dearest.interests of tho people. Were they suppressed one day of the week, their absence must be often supplied by public ex presses, and, besides, whilo the mail bags might rest the mail coaches might pursue their journey with the passen gers,—The mail bears, from one ex reme of the Union to the other, letters >f relatives and friends, preserving & No. 42.