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MlMr at VOL. If. 77 1 E CABINET fs published every Saturday b: }\ L UOBIjVSOJ\\ lVarrc.iton, Geo. at three dollars per annum, which nun/ be discharged by two dollars and fifty cents if paid within sixty days of t lie time of subscribing. Advertisements conspicuously inserted a seventy five cents per squave for the first insertion and fifty cents fur each subsequent insertion Monthly inser tions charged as new advertisements Advertisements not limited when hand ed in, will be inserted until forbid, and charged accordingly. I*l*ol*o SALS For publishing in Macon, Geo. a Re ligious Paper to be entitled the GEORGIA CHRISTIAN REPER TORY. The subscriber proposes to publish in MaCON, Ga. a weekly paper under the above, title, winch shall be dented prin cipally to the exposition and enforcement ot the essential Catholic doctrines ot Christianity, and subordinate y to the de fence of the doctrines and discipline of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Jn promoting the first object, he pro toses to ollei the colu ns of the lieper ory for the publication of all essays in tended to repel (hose insidious attacks which are so frequently made through political newspapers upon the vital prin ciples ofall Religion, by those who un der colour of liberal and enlightened views ot the benevolence ot God sep arete and distinguish between Religion and Morality, and exalt the first at the expense ot the last; thereby aiding the cause of that Infidel system, which un der tke mask of reason and morality often covers trie foulest deformities of vice. It is too notorious to need proof, that many E itors, indifferent to all system, readily publish those essays which are intruded by plausibly advocating mor al •v. and general toleration ot opinion, to sap the doctrines of justification by Faith; whilst they reject as bigoiled , all honest efforts to detect and expose such fatal errors. ‘subscriber proposes in the Re* piTiory to oft’er to his Brethren of the Methodist Episcopal Church, a Deposi tvry for all Fuels and Events, and an o. or!unity of commenting upon them/ Wi.cn relate to the local interests o Methodism.* many such occur, which re quire promptly to be aided orcounterac ted in the influence which they exert ‘I lie want of a paper answering this pur pose, he believes, is generally admitted amoi3°* us. Our excellent Periodical *i he°Christian Advocate and J urnal and Zion’s Herald, circulating through toe whole extent of our connexion and condensing information from every part it relation to mailers in which all are interested, and printed a thousand miles from us, cannot and was not intended to answer such a purpose/ ami whilst he wo’iid extend the circulation ot that pa per, if m his po.ver, until it had visited every family in the State, he does not think it supersedes such an one as that which he proposes to publish The ho peri cry v* ill contain the best selections which the Publisher can make fr., m the whole field t Religious Liter al arc within his leach, both ot Books a -h J’e< i >dica!:/ together wills 8 con tj,used summary f ail that is most m f ( ,.. n rm - in tii. I olitical and l>iteia.y wrn-id, “both iore.gn and Domestic. An rtion of its coiumna will be appropi*- at* dto Christian ’g-aplij, to the pub fiction of original Es>&d9 upon Esj er | Religion, illustrations of the j 8.',-,ptures and tie doctrines and c dentes of Christianity and with the**, h hopes it will often be enriched by tpio contributions of his b. *t-;ien the friends cd Religion goner. .iy.^ G. CAt'Liib. TERMS. The Georgia Christian will V printed weekly on a ueac Folio gShcei a. ‘i.'irte Do ..r-s *•*.! rmum payable in advance. Macon, m ay 1, I^3o. ‘CONGRESS. Lx Tim Senate op the U. 3. April, 1830. SPEECH OF MR. FORSYTH, OF Oti'iuui V, On the bill providing for an ex change of lands with the In dians, and for their removal west of the Mississi pi; the amendment proposed by Mr. Frelinghujsen being un der consideration. After an inquiry to the mover of the amendment, Mr. Frelingliuyscn, and an explanation of hie purpose, Mr. Forsyth said; I regret, Mr. President, that the amendment to the btl!, proposed by the Senator from Ne\? Jersey, is not more definite and prieisc. Ilis expla nation of its'purpose is not more satis factory than the amendment it self, and it is only by looking to his speech that vve arc relieved from em barrassment. His amendment and explanation leave us to conjecture whether he intends that the United States sliaii interfere with the Indians in the old States uorlh of the Roan oke or not. His speech whs plain enough. The Indians in New York, New England, Virginia, &i. &. ate to be left to tiih ;tendeu mercies of those States, while the arm of the General Government is to be exten ded to protect.the Choctaws, Chicka saws, Creeks, and especially the Cherokees, from the anticipated op pressions of Mississippi, Alabama, and Georgia. We thank the gentle- j man for his amiable discrimination in our favor. He. no doubt, hopes that; lis Zealand industry in the Indian cau->e will be crowned with success; that he will bo able tv pursuade the Senate, and his friends in the House of Representatives, to interfere, and compel the President to take new views of the relative power of the State anti General Governments, and that under to t.u t*su nfw the physical force of the country will be used, if NECESsAitr, to arrest the progress of Georgia. The expecta tion the gentleman has expressed, that Georgia will yield, in the event of this desirable change in the Execu tive course, is entirely vain. The gentleman must not indulge it, with a full ud fair examination of what is right arid proper, Georgia has taken her course and will pursue it. The alternative to whi* ii the Senator ooks, of coercion, must be the result. While 1 entertain no fears that the gentlemans hopes will be realized, l consider it a matter of conscience be lore entering upon the general discus sion of the subject of tiie bill, to re lieve the Senator from any apprehen sion that it may become necessary to <ut white throats in Georgia to pre serve inviolate the national faith, and io perform our treaty engagements to the Indians. It is true, the gen tleman displays no morbid sensibility at the idea of shedding the blood ol white men in this crusade in favor ot Indian rights- [Mr. Frelinghuysen explained; he diu riot say he lelt no morbid sensibility at the idea of shed ding b!oo in defence of the i dians.] Mr. Forsyth continued: 1 would noi misapprehend the gentleman for the world and no inducement could tempt ...c to misrepresent him: hut 1 cannot oe mistaken in the impression made u\ his rental ks. The gentleman eu iogized Mr* Jefferson f>r his letter to 1 General Euox, of the 101 b of August, WaiTem.on, .hitie 5, 1830. 179i He dwelt with peculiar empha sis on the spirit of that letter, and said Mr. J* Hers m had no morbid sensibil ity at the idea of shedding blood it b fence of tin* Indians against the whites. He wished ardently that th present Executive had spoken with the firmness and in the spirit of that letter to Ge Tgi*; he believed Geor gia would have yielded, and would now yield to such language f POt n the Executive; if she did not, the respon I sibihty of the blood shed would bi upon her hand. Now, Sir, although we dread no responsibility, I have so much kindness for the Senator as so wish to satisfy him, that there is no occasion for an assault upon us, not withstanding he displayed so littte sympathy for the whites—a circum stance rot wonderful, however—hav ing exhausted all his sympathy upon tl c red men, none for the whites could he reasonably looked for from him. I propose then Sir, for his relief to shew that, considering this as a trea ty question, arising under a fair ex cruse af the treaty making power with a, foreign government, entirely unconoscted with any disputes about the relative power of the U. States, that Georgia stands perfectly justified upon Ins own principles in the steps she has chosen to take with regard to these Cherokees who reside within her'territorial limits; The gentleman man asserts that, the Creeks and Cherokees are acknowledged to be independent nations, by treaties made, first with Georgia, and lastly, with the United States; that the indepen dence of those tribes is guaranteed by the United States; that treaties with tho United States are the supreme laws of the land, and must be execu ted, although in collision with State constitutions and State laws. The; independence of the tribes rests on this argument —that the formation of a treaty, is, between the parties, an acknowledgement of mutual iudepen. dence. I will not stop to shew **° numerous exceptions f ” t,,w * n ’ nisiingt how**'*" 1 * that the gentleman shall what I presume nobody will deny, that the two parties to a tr +**7f independent when it was made, may, by the terms of that in strument, change their characters and assume those of sovereign and depen dent. The gentleman: Iras thought proper to refer to the Creeks, why, 1 cannot tell,* they, at least, have now no business with Georgia. We are rid of them, and I hope the gentleman has no desire to bring them back upon us to aid the Cherokees. But, as he has referred to them, I will ask his attention to the first article of the Treaty of Galphioton, concluded on the 12th November, 1785, parts of which he has himself quoted. “Arf'cle 1. The said Indians, for themselves, and all the tribss or towns within their respective nations, within the limits of the State of Georgia, have been, ami wlio arc, inemhpp, nf the same, since the day and date of j the Constitution of the said State of Georgia.* Is not this article broad enough to sustain the claim of the State to the sovereignty over the Creeks? if they were members of the State, as they acknowledge themselves to have been, from the adoption of the Constitution of Georgia, what became of their separate and independent character as a nation or tribe? So much lor the Creeks. I will not, in tenderness to the lately defunct administration, say more ou this chapter of our. Indian history. Uow stands it with the Cherokee*? Their situation differed from that of the Creeks in this; All the Creeks who were within the u 1 States occupied; land within territori- al limit* of Georgia; the Cherokee® occupied territory in North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, the greater number bring in North Caro lina. The Treatyof De -Witt‘3 cor ner, formed May 16, 1777, with South Carolina anc Georgia, by tho Cherokees, settles the question with the CherokeeS. Tie first article of this treaty is in these w<rds* •‘Article I. The Cherokee nation I acknowledge that the troops; that dur ing the last summer reputedly de feated their forces, victoriously pene trated through their lower towns, un opposed, built, held and continue to occupy the fort at Esenneca, thereby did effect and maintain the conqucs of all the Cherokee lauds eastward of the Unicave mountain, and to and for their people* did acquire, possess, and yet continue to hold, in and over tho said lands, all and singular, the righto incidental to conquest; and the Cher okee nation, iu consequence thereof, do cede, the said lands to the said peo ple, the people of South Carolina.’* You see, Sir, the Cherokees admit that South Carolina had, by conquest, acquired a right to all the land in tho valleys below the Unicaye mountains. These mountains lie in Tennessee^ beyond the territorial claims of South Carolina and Georgia. South Caro* lina conquered the country from theitf neighbors: the right of conquest is admitted; the benefit of that conquest was, according to the well known rightsof Georgia and South Carolina with both of whom tbft treaty was formed, to be enjoyed respectively by those States. But this not all-no subsequent change irt the political condition of the United States can lid used as a pretext for denying to Geor gia thejclaim to sovereignty over the ’ Cherokees within her limits. We stand, impreguably fortified upon treaties to which the United State* are. parties. Every professional maa who remembers his BW.kstone* knows mat legislation ,is the highest act of Boverigoty. Now, Sir, by the 9th article of the treaty of Hopewell/ of the 28th Novemb r, 1785, a treaty which begins with these words, “the U. States give peace to all the Cher okees, and receive them into their fa. vor and protection’* strange words to be used to an unconquered and inde pendent nation; Cherokees surrender to Congress the power of legislating for them at discretion I pray the gen tleman to hear it. For the benefit and comfort of the Indians, and for the prevention or in juries or oppressions on the part of the citizens or Indians, the United States in Congrees assembled shall have the sole and exclusive right of regulating trade with the Indians, and managing all their affairs in such manner as they think proper.* Thip treaty with all its burdens and bene fits, fell to the new Goverumenf un der the Constitution, when it was es tablished, and the power of legislating at discretion, to prevent injuries or oppressions on the part of the citizens or Indians, was one of the benefits secured by it. So much for the in dependence of the Cherokee nation. It may be asked, however, what has this treaty to do with the question between Georgia and the Cherokee Government? It does aof follow, that because the United States have sov ereignty over the Cherokees, that tho State has it? The compact made by the United States, having acquired, by the 9th article of the treaty of Hopewell, the power of legislation over the Cherokees, had tho good ness to transfer it to tho State. Let us see, Sir, what this compact is. Bv the first article, Georgia ceded to the United States all her right# dsltt No. 50.