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1 LOSS OF LIFE BY WAR. Only a small part of the victims in war perish hy the cannon and the sword. In France, the mortality among soldiers, generally in youth or middle life, was found to be even in peace nearly twice as great as among galley slaves! In a time of war they live on an average, ahout three years; and even in peace their life is shortened fifteen or twenty years. Their exposures, hardships and diseases often sweep them away like dew befor« the sun—in some cases one half, iu others three fourths, in another still, nearly nine-tenths! How it destroys even peaceful inhabitants! In tlic war of 1756, there were, in one instance, no less than twenty contiguous villages left without man or beast. An eye-witness to the French but cheries in Portugal says, “the ditches along the line of their march were often literally filled with clotted and coagulated blood as with mire; the dead bodies of peasants, put to death like ’dogs, were lying there horribly mangled: little naked infants of a year or'less, were found besmeared in the mud of the road, transfixed with bayonet wounds; and in one instance I saw' a child, not more than a month old, with the bayonet still sticking in its neck! Look at the havoc of single battles—at Auster litz, 20,000; at Dresden 30,000; at Waterloo 40,000; at Eylau, 50,000; at Borodino, 80,00. i?till worse in ancient times—at Issus 110,000; at Arbela 300,000 ; in one battle of Osar 305,000 ; and in another 400,000 of the enemy alone ; in the seige of Jerusalem more than a million, and in that of ancient Troy not less than two millions ! In the Russian campaign there perished in six months more than half a million, and during 12 years of the recent wars in Europe, noteless than 5,800,000! The army of Xerxes, probably more than 5,000,000, was reduced, in less than two years to a few thousands. Jenghi/.khan butcher ed in the district of Herat 1,600,000, and in two cities, with their dependencies, 1,760,000; and the Chinese historians assure us that during the last twenty-seven years of his reign, he massacred aq average of half a million every year, an 1 in the first fourteen years, no less than 18 millions ; 31,- 500,000 iu forty-one years, by a single hand!! — Grecian wars sacrificed 15,000,000; those of the t'vrlvo 40,000,000; those of the Saracens and the Turks 60.000.000, each : those of the Tartars, 80,000,- 000. Dr. Dick reckons the sum total of its vic tims. since Cain, at no less than fourteen thousand millions, eighteen times as many as all the popu lation now on the globe; and Burke conjectures the number to have been thirty-five thousand mil lions ! ! The incidental losses of war are from three to live times as great as its direct expenses; and vet its ships, and fortifications and arms, and other en gines of death and devastation, cost an incredible amount of money. The expenses of a single war ship in actual ser vice are more than one thousand dollars a day; anj there are in Christendom between two and three thousand such ships. England lavished up on Lord Wellington, for only six years* sendees, nearly #3,000,000. Iu twenty years from 1727, she expended an average of 81,143,441 every clay: more fan a mill son <fdollars a day for war alone! ami in one hundred and twenty years, her war debt grew lroin less than five millions to more than four thousand, millions of dollars! She spent in ■ >ur revolutionary war about $600,000,000; and the wars of Christendom, during only twenty-one years from 1793, cost, barely for their support, lie sides many times more incidental losses, nearly fifteen thousand millions of dollars! six nr ciglit times as much as all the coin in the world!! Just think how much good might he done w ith such a sum, To keep every family on earth sup plied with a Bible at one dollar a piece, would not take $10,008,000a year; the expenses of a com mon education for all the children on the globe, would not exceed .>250,000,000 a year, nor those for the higher branches. $150,000,000; ministers of the Gospel, with an average salary of SSOO each could be furnished one to every thousand souls for sloo,ooo,ooo—in all $810,000,000; while the bare interest at 6 per cent on the war expenses of Chrispyplorn for only 22 years, would brine nn annual Income of $900,000,000; ninety mil lions more than w ould be requisite to support the intsitutions of learning and the Christian religion for the whole world! Did you ever inquire how’ much ice had spent lor War? In eighteen years from 1816, a period of peace, we paid for war purposes neArly $400,- and less than one sixth of that sum for tb» peaceful operations of Government. In forty* oye years fro in 1791, our entire expenses amount ed to more than $812,000,000, of which only a little more than $37,000,000, one twenty-third part of the whole were for civil offices. The war sys tem cost us, in one way and another, not less than >50,000,000 a vear even in peace; an average of more than $137,000 every day! All the expenses and losses of war to our nation since the begin ning of our Revolutionary struggle must be more than two thousand millions of dollars! the very in terest upon which, amounting, at G per cent, to $120,000,000 a year, would more than defray all our necessary expenses of education, religion and Government, without the tear system ! Who pay all this/ Who endure all the other evds of war? Who can, if they will, put an end to this fell destroyer? The people. And will ■they not do it ? Let them all resolve to have it cease, and it will Cease.—.V, It. Observer. Coroner's office.—Singular Case,— The Coroner yesterday, held an inquest on the body of George hong, aged about six years, who died at the resi lience of his mother, corner of 2d street and aven ue A. It appeared that the deceased went to the Public School No. 14, in Houston street, and was in the department under the charge of Miss Willis as principal, who had in the school an assistant, a young girl of 14 years, named Elizabeth Jaycox, residing in the 17th street. Miss Willis having been indisposed during the past week, left her as sistant in partial charge of the school and children, and on Monday week tho deceased came home lrom school, complaining that he had been se verely whipped by Miss Jaycox. He was, how ever sent to school on Tuesday and Wednesday ot the same week, and oft Wednesday he came home with three of his teeth loose, and bleeding much at the mouth. When questioned as to how 41ns occurred, he said that Miss Jaycox had whip ped him with a rattan, and had then pushed the end down his throat. • J ? a , V ' ies was at once sent for, who exam ined the child, and found his teeth loose, and his rZ 3 Z e 7 much ln jured, at least in appearance. Ihe bleeding at the mouth was stopped with verv great difficulty, and on Tuesday last, after link ing in much pain, the child died, and Miss Jaycox was arrested on the charge of having caused his 1 death. The Coroner was summoned, and from the tes timony adduced belore him, it was clearly made out that Miss Jaycox was in no manner implicated in causing the death of the boy. The only evi dence to support the charge against Miss J. was that of Mrs. Robinson, the aunt of the deceased, to whom the boy had spoken of the manner iu which he had been treated by Miss Jaycox. To refute this a number of witnesses were call ed, who stated that there were two schools on the same floor, as that iu which Miss J. was employ ed, and that on the day, when the alledged assault was committed, no noise or crying had been heard. Several persons of the first respectability, gave Miss J. a most excellent character for mildness and moderation of temper. Drs. Gilliuan and McDonald made a post mor tem examination of the body of the deceased, Ipit found nothing to warrant the belief that his death had been other than natural. The throat was ve ry much inflamed and swollen, and the palate was covered with a mucous substance. There were some bruises about the body in different parts, but none which could by any possibility have caused death. Drs. Davies and Ccx also examined the body, and found all parts healthy, except such portions of the throat as appear to have been injured. The Jury returned a verdict that the deceased came to his death from inflammation of the throat, and thev saw no reason to suppose that he came to his eeath otherwise than by natural causes. Mis Jaycox was, of course, at onee discharged. A. Y. Cou. ,y Ifinij. Elopement Extraordinary. —On Wednesday morning, at an early hour, a post-chaise, with four bay horses, was seen by some men going to work, oil the road to Elthaui, Kent. They (the men) had proceeded but a very short distance before they met a young lady, beautiful in person, and elegantly attired, who inquired anxiously if they had passed a post-chaise, and on being answered in flie affirmative, she pulled out her purse and gave him a sovereign. In a few seconds she was met by a well-dressed man, and both having entered the chaise, the postboy went off at railway speed. The young lady is the only daughter of a rich widow, living not a hundred miles from the Regent’s park (she was on a visit at a gentleman’s house in the neighbourhood of Elthani); gnd the lucky husband (that is to he) is the butler to the gentleman above alluded to. The young ludv who was of age in September is in possession of 5,000/ a year left her by her grandfather. Tim sur prise of the gentleman and liis family, on finding his visitor and butler had gone, may be easily imagined. Several young gentlemen of consid erable property have been for some time past paying their addresses to her.— Londorn paper. COM M KRCIAL CONVENTION. REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE. The Committee of 31, who were instructed “to consider and report on the measures proper to he adopted by this Convention,” beg leave respect fully to report: That they have bestowed upon the subject refin ed to them, the attention which its importance de mands. Time does not permit, nor does the oc casion perhaps require, an elaborate examination of the subject in all its bearings; ami this is the less neeessary, as the able documents recently pub lished by the Convention, have exhibited in the clearest light, and demonstrated in the most con clusive manner, every point which it could be im portant for us to establish. Indeed the whole ques tion is embraced iu the single proposition, that is the interest and duty of the Slave-holding States of this Union, to improve their natural advantages, by securing to themselves that portion of the com merce of the country which rightfully belongs to them; a proposition which, if it be not self-evi dent, cannot derive much support from argument or illustration. We rest our whole case upon the fact, which is beyond all dispute, that the Southern and South-western States furnish three-fourths of the entire domestic exports of the whole Union, while they import but little more than one-tenth of tlic productions received from abroad in exchange for these exports. It has been shown in the doc uments published by the Convention, that when the imports of the United States amounted to $190,000,000, those of all the Atlantic States South of the Potomac and the States on the Gulf of Mexico, amounted to only $20,000,000, and while the domestic exports of tho Union amounted to >107,000,000, the States of the South and South west exported $75,009,000. South Carolina and Georgia, while furnishing exports to the extent of $24,000,000, actually imported .'"ss than three millions and a half. The amounts have varied in different years, but this may be taken as an exem plification of the condition of Southern trade. The mere statement of these facts must surely convince any unprejudiced mind, that this unnatu ral state of affairs could only have been brought about, by the most powerful and extraordinary causes, and that from the very nature of things the effect must have been highly injurious to the Southern States Without attempting to trace all tlic causes which have had an agency in producing this result, we will merely advert to oue of the most obvious, ami which is perhaps sufficient of itself to account for it, — we allude to the unequ- AT. ACTION OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, espe cially in the mode of levying and Disbursing the PUBLIC revenues. If, instead of throwing nearly the whole of the public burdens, in the shape of duties upon those foreign goods which are received almost exclusively in exchange for Ihe great staples of the South, the revenues had been levied in a direct tax, (however Largely excee ding the wants of the government,) the' burden would have fallen, at least equally, upon the dif ferent portions of the Union. lint by the system which was adopted, while the labor and canitalof the South was borne down by a weight of taxa tion, which in many instances amounted to one liall of the whole cost of the articles received in exchange for their productions, the labor and cap ital of their portions of the Union, were substan tially exempt from taxation, and even stimulated by enormous bounties. Nor did the evil stop here. Under the pretext of encouraging “domes tic industry,” duties on foreign goods were impo sed to an amount greatly exceeding the wants of the government. The amounts thus brought into the Treasury, were accumulated in the Northern cities, and especially in New York, from whence they were drawn only to be distributed among the military and naval establishments at the North the surplus being finally divided among Pension ers, and Internal Improvements in the same quar ter and in the West. Hundreds of millions of dollars was thus drawn from tiie South and THE GEORGIA MlltßOlt. expended North of the Potomac ; and our wealth was conveyed from us by a steady stream, constant ly flowing Northward, in a current as undeviating and irresistible as the Gulf Stream itself, which “knows no reflux.” With this system, other in fluences Rere combined, all haviug the same ob ject in view, and tending to produce the same gen eral result. On these, time does not permit us to dwell. It is sufficient for us merely so mention the long credits, the auction system, the centrali zation of the Exchanges, and the concentration of the whole patronage, power and influence of the government in favor of the North, and espe cially of the city of New York; causes of themsel ves abundantly sufficient, to secure them those advantages, against which we so long struggled in vain. The calamities under which the South la bored, under the operation of this system, belong to.that class which one of thg ablest writers on political economy has declared to be worse than “the barrenness of the soil and the inclemency of the Heavens” —for if our fields were fertile and the heavens propitious, the harvest was for those, “who reaped where they had not sown.” Under these circumstances, so tar from its being a matter of surprise, it was the result almost of an invincible necessity, that the commerce of the South and South West should be thrown into the hands of the northern merchants, that the exchan ges should be centralized at New York; and that we should be rendered tributary to our nor thern brethren. To show, that we have not mistaken the true character, natural effect of the causes which we have mentioned, we will advert to one among the many facts, illustrative of the truth of our position. Before the introduction of the protecting dudes, a large and profitable direct trade was actually carried on between the Cities of the South and tin Ports of Europe, by Southern Merchants, and iu Southern Ships. For several years prior to 1807, for instance, our imports into the city of Charleston amounted to several mil lions of dollars annually. From this period,. un der the operation of the “restrictive system,” they gradually dwindled down to less than half a million. From the period, however, when the American system received a fatal blow, and the Government commenced retracing its steps, back to the free trade system, onr imports began to Increase, and have been steadily increasing ever since,—thus showing conclusively, the true sources of South ern depression on the oue hand, and of Southern prosperity on the other. F rkkdom is the very element of the South, in which “she lives, and moves, aud lias ller being.” Freedom iu “all the pursuits ofjndiistrv,” is essential to our well being. We look hack with surprise to the fact, that a people possessed of such vast advantages, should have so long and so patiently submitted to a state almost of “Colonial Vassalage," aud we hesitate not to say that tlte page in our history, which shall record the rise and progress of the “American System,” (so called,) will be regarded hereafter as disreputable to the intelligence of the Age, and to the public spirit ami virtue of the American people. But, happily for our posper ity, and we will add, for the peace and harmony of the Union, this system has been broken down; we trust and believe forever; and we are coming back, by slow but sure steps, to the great princi ples of FREE TRADE and UN RESTRICTED INDUSTRY. To avail ourselves, however, of all the advantages of this great aud salutary change in our system, it is indispensably necessary, that w e should free ourselves from the trammels of long established habits, opinions, and prejudices. It is one of the greatest evils of misgovernmeut, that its effects continue long after the evil itself has been*cor rected, and in all commercial operations, tlte in fluence of established usages, is extremely diffi cult to be overcome. To divert capital from its ac customed channels, to introduce new associations and h iliits of business among commercial men, is one of the most difficult tasks which any peo ple can impose upon themselves; and if it were not for the high spirit and intelligence of our peo ple, we might distrust our success. When we survey the actual condition of the Southern and South-western States, however, who can fail to perceive that we possess immense advantages in this contest, which, properly improved, must, in the end, crown our efforts with triumphant suc cess. It is true we have but few ships, but w e have ship tinker in abundance, -and of the choi ces description; and surely no Southern man can be insensible of the vital importance of securing a mercantile marine which in the future changes ar.d chances to which our country must sooner or later be exposed, may be essential not only to our prosperity, but to our very existence as a free peo ple. We way.: also it is said commercial capital and credit, andconnot it is supposed furnish such an extensive'Market, for foreign goods as will en able us to enter into succesful competition with the Cities of the North. Now we base all our calculations, apd all our hopes, upon the fact, that it is the natural course of trade, to exchange di the productions of one country for those of anornCr; oud that all indirect and circuitous modes of intei'emu'gp, must be attended by increas ed expense, and be therefore less advantageous to all parties, than the direct trade. Trade, like wa ter, always seeks its level, and unless when op posed by natural or artificial barriers, w ill run its course in the shortest and most direct, line. It must he admitted, therefore, that hut for opposing obstacles, which have been interposed and which have forced the commerce of the South out of its natural chamois, our Cotton, Rice, and Tobacco, would have found their markets in Europe, by the shortest and most direct route front Southern Sea Ports and in Southern Ships; and it is equally obvious, that the foreign goods received in ex change for these productions would have been re turned to us through the same channels. Now can any plausible reason be assigned, why under a. system of free trade, the exports of South Car olina and Georgia,—amounting as has been shown to $24,000,000 annually,—should not be sent di rectly to Europe front Charleston and Savannah ? and why the foreign goods for which they arc ex changed, should not be imported directly in return? Our harbors arc sale, and commodious, the voy age is shorter and the freight less. But what is infinitely ol more importance, we actuallylpßODUCF. the very articles which are to be exported, and require for our own consumption the very goods, to be received in exchange for those ex ports. Now can any thing be conceived more unnatural,—more out of the usual and proper course of business,—than that our Cotton w hich IS to be exchanged for the Manufactures of Eng land, should be first shipped to New York - there sold to tire New York Merchant,—by him tntnshiped and sent to England,—there again sold, and converted into British goods,—which goods are to be first.imported into New York, and from thence forwarded to Charleston,—there to be sold to the Carolina Merchant, and paid for in bills at 6 per cent. Count the number of agencies employed in this transactionsunt up the freight, insurance, commissions, profits, and other char-i ges ; consider the loss of time and the risks inci dent to such a course; and can any reasonable man entertain a doubt, that if such a trade can be carried on at all, a direct import and export trade, (if there be no obstacle interposed,) must be infinitely more profitable ? Under similar cir cumstances, the capital required to carry on the indirect trade must be much greater, than that which would be needed in she direct trade. In deed under a system of mutual exchanges of our productions, for those of Europe, the capital re quired, under a well ordered system of commer cial arrangements, would be comparatively small. Credit might, to a great extent, supply the place of capital and such a trade might be conducted on principles, which would ensure to the planter the largest profits on his crops, and his supplies at the low est rates ; while the merchant, the ship owner, and every other class in the community, would participate largely in the advantages of such a trade. But let this direct intercource be once estab lished, and capital would soon flow in from all quarters to supply any deficiency that might be found to exist. The great law of demand and sup ply, would not leave us long without a money capital, fully adequate to all the operations of trade.* So with regard to the market for the for eign goods, which under this system would be re ceived at OUr Southern Sea Torts. Obtaining them, as we should be able to do, at less cost than they could possibly be procured through New York, we would unquestionably be able to dispose of them, on advantageous terms at least to the ex tent of our own demand for those goods; and this alone,, would increase our direct importations to five or six times their present amount. If only the consumption of the South was supplied through her own Ports, this of itself would create a Revolution in our trade, which would change the entire face of the Country, aud pour a flood of wealth and prosperity through every part of our land. But it is one of the most important and interesting features of our system, that it is inseparably connected with the extension of our intercourse with the interior of our Country, by means of Rail Roads, Canals, aud Turnpikes. A connection between the South and the West by the various schemes now iu progress in Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama, will furnish an outlet for all the goods that can be received from abroad in exchange for our pro ductions. And when the groat West shall find a Market and receive her supplies through the Sea Ports of the South, a demand will he furnished, the extent and value of which cannot be too large ly estimated. Let these various schemes, there fore, for the extension ©f our interior connexions, be prosecuted w ith a zeal aud energy worthy of the object. Let no unworthy jealousies,—no nar row, or merely sectional views, disturb that har mony of feelii'g and concert of action, which are so essential to success. There are some circumstances connected with the present condition of the Country, which may serve to animate our zeal, encourage our efforts, and urge us to that action on which our success may depend. Our oreat staple, lias row be come “THE COMMON CURRENCY OF THE WoRLD.” It is the great medium of exchange, regulating and controlling, to a considerable extent, t he commer cial operations both of Europe aud America'.— During the suspension of specie payments, it af fords almost the only means of obtaining those credits abroad, on which Northern Commerce has heretofore mainly relied for its support. This great staple, is our own. The Revolutions which have recently taken place in the Commercial World—the failures and destruction of credit in New York, and the stop page of the American Houses in Great Britain, have brought about a e risis peculiarly 1 avorable to our views. Here is our Cotton lying at our very doors—the produce of our own fields, and fur nishing at this time, the only medium of Ex change for the Manufactures of Europe. Why should our own Merchants not use it for this pur pose? The door is now open to ns, and have but to enter and take possession, of that which belongs to us. If we improve the opportunity, the victory will be ours. The “tide in onr affairs/’ is at the flood. Let us launch upon it bravely, and it will assuredly “lead us on to fortune.”— But should this glorious opportnuity be lost, — our gallant Bark, instead of riding the waves in triumph, may be driven among the breakers or dashed upon the rocks, or at best be again invol ved in those “eddies and shallows” from which we may nevermore he able to escape. Even the “Pilot who weathers* the storm,” may be com pelled to “give up the ship,” when deserted by the crew and left in a conditions ©utterly hopeless. The measures which arc deemed by tlie Com mittee proper to be adopted, in order to carry these views into effect, arc embodied in dist net propo sitions, which arc herewith submitted to the Con vention. They embrace a strong and emphatic declaration ot the feelings and opinions of the Convention, on the importance ot a direct import and export trade, and the duty of adopting all pro per means for the purpose of establishing and promoting it. They recommend, in the next place, strong, earnest, and reiterated appeals, to tli« understanding and feelings of all the people interested, with aveiw, to enlist their sympathies, excite their patriotism, and to call into action an enlightened public OPINION in furtherance of our views. An adjourned meeting of the Conven tion to beheld in this place,on the 3rd Monday in October next, —an Address to the people of the Slave-holding States, and the adoption of other suit a bio measures to secure a full rrprcscutaion at that Convention from all the. States interested, are among the measures reeommended. • In look ing to the essential objects providing capital and credit as well as markets for our imports, and thus laying a sure foundation for the ultimate sucess ot our schemes,——scries of important prac tical measures have been recommended, which, if carried into full efiect, will, it is confidently belie ved, go very far, to put our Merchants on 'footing with those of the North. An earnest call is made upon the Banks to which they can hardly fail to respond; to provide the required capital and credit, by arrangements perfectly safe as to them selves. and at the same time well calculated to furnish all the facilities, which the direct trade will require. \plan for equalizing our domestic exchanges, and keeping up the credit of our l>anks during the suspension of specie payments, has also been devised, which it is most earnestly desired, may be carried into effect by them. It is not to be concealed, that without the aid and sup port of the Banks, the difficulties in our way will be greatly multiplied. It will depend upon them in a great measure, to determine the fate of our great enterprizc. In order to divert capital and credit from other pursuits, into the channels of Commerce, an appeal is also made' to Planters, Capita ist, and ethers, to avail themselves of the I provisions of the Acts ot tha Legislatures of the several States,—passed during the last winter, au thorizing LIMITED PARTNERSHIPS} and it is re commended that the youth of our Country should be directed to Cdirffitiercial pursuits, ayd prepared by a suitable education to till the responsible sta tion, and elevate the high character of the South ern Merchant. These, aad other suggestions embraced in the Resolutions, c oil stitute the meas ures recommended to the Convention? l° r tlieir a doption. It will be seen, that they eju£ rac « a series of measures of a practical character, all believed to be well calculated to promote the ob* jects tor which they are designed. It is true, that we i» i do no more than to urge tion of these measures on tlie part ol the Banks, and others interested. But when it is recollected that this Convention is composed of near two hun dred Delegates, representing five States and oue Territory, and when we consider the w eight of character, influence, and acknowledged talents of those who compose it, —and when above all, we remember that they -are engaged in a matter of DEEF PUBLIC CONCERN IN VOLVING THE WELFARE, PROSPERITY, AND HONOR of THESE STATES, It Can hardly be believed, that their deliberate opinions and earnest recommendations can be without ef fect. Our chief dependant© after all however must be upon public opinion ; —but we have too much confidence iu tlie truth & justice of our cause to entertain a doubt of our success, if every member of this assembly will regard it as his own person al concern, —as w ell as a sacred duty which lie owes to himself, liis posterity and his Country, to use his utmost efforts to advance the great work. Judging from the past, we have no cause to distrust the future. Six months ago the first meeting of the Convention took jdace at Augus ta. It was composed of 80 members representin ' two States and one Territory. Now we have live States and one Territory represented by 180 mem bers. The proceedings of that Assembly have gone abroad, and wherever they have been receiv ed, have produced a powerful inflence on public opinion, of which we have the most gratifying ev idence in tlie Legislation of several States on oue of their recommendations, and tlie increased in terest every where felt in the subject of their de liberations. Tims encouraged, w e should go on in that confidence, which a good cause should never fail to inspire. But to secure success, we must-be prepared to make the necessary efforts. Os one tiling wc may be assured, that this great victory cannot be easily achieved. It is the order of a wise and bemiiceut providence, that nothing truly great or good, can be attained without pains and labor. This, is the price which must he paid to secure success; and if we are not prepared to make tlie necessary exertions, we must yield the prize. Nor can our mighty work be accomplished in a day. All essential changes in the condition of a Coun try, must In' worked out hy slow decrees. We maybe assured, that nothing short of a high re solve, —which no opposition can move ; a devoted zeal, proof against ail discouragemets, and an un tiring perseverance, w hich shall rise superior to all difficulties, can enable us, to work out our politi cal salvation. L< tu ; not deceive ourselves then, w ith tlie vain bciief, that our progress in this w ork will he every where cheered by the approving smiles of our Country, and the cordial support of our feilow-Citizcns.—( onscious that we are actu ated hy the pur-st motives, and that “all the ends we aim, at, are our Country’*,”—we must never theless he prepared for all" manner of opposition. The measures we propose come into conflict with too many ik-ep’v rooted prejudices, and too many adverse interest, to enable us to hope, that even onr motives shall escape detraction, and our pur poses misrepresentation. \\ e have those around us, whose prospects in life, in a great measure de pend upon the defeat of our plans. A large por tion of the Union, —w hich always lias exerted and still exerts, almost a controlling influence upon public opinion, at borne and abroad, will be roused into action, to deprive us of public confidence, and to drive us from onr course. We shall be ridiculed, as the Supporters of w ild and Utopian theories; —as visionary enthusiasts, wasting the.r strength in the pursuit ot impracticable schemes. We shall be charged with ungenerous prejudices, and unkind lsehngs, towards our Northern Breth eren, (feelings w Inch are si rangers to our bosoms,) and that stale though potent slander, will be re vived of hostility to the Union. Now, if iii the consciousness of rectitude, w e arc not fullv prepared to encounter all this, and more,— if we are not unalterably determined, to go on in our course, “through good report, and through evil report,”—d we are not firmly and unchangeably resolved, to trample down ail opposition—it w ould be better that we should stop here, and attempt to advance no further. These difficulties are thus fairly stated, not for your discouragement, but that we may be fully prepared to meet them, if we are true to ourselves. The high character, intelligence, and influence, which compose this Convention, properly and zealously exerted, can never be pi t down. Jt is as certain as the rising of the morrow s sun, that we shall achieve the emancipation of the South and South-West, if w e are only prepared to make the efforts neces sary to the accomplishment of the good jwork. We shall live down the slanders of our enemies, and in tlie rich fruits of a noble and peaceful vic tory, will find our best reward. The peculiar in stitutions ol the South will be fortified aud strength ened,—the streams of a rich and varied commerce w ill fertilize our jsoi!; while diversified pursuits w ill stimulate the industry, add to our wealth, en large the minds, and improve the character of our people. Civilization and refinement, —the hand maids of virtue, will ardorn our land; and the great truth will he seen, and felt, and acklowl edged, that of all the social conditions of man, the most favorable to the development of the car dinal virtues ol the heart and the noblest faculties of the soul; to the promotion of private happi ness and public prosperity, is that of Slave hol ding Communities under free political In* stitions— a truth hardly yet understood among ourselves, but which the future history of these States, is, we trust, destined to illustrate. Ani mated by these sentiments, and influenced by these views: and with a firm reliance upon Divine Providence,—let the members of this Convention now pledge themselves te each other, and to their Country, to go forward ; firmly resolved, to leave nothing undone that may advance out great and patriotic objects. Let us be prepare to make every personal sacrifice, and to use a! just and honorable means, tor tho accomplishmeu of our great work,—unalterably determined ts persevere unto the end. The President of the Convention has made' l following appointments, in accordance with ri resolutions adopted.