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power of exercising great mastery over his mind i to an indifferent observer be would appear rather colJ, reserved, and not easily acted upon in any way; but when bis feelings ouce burst their bar rier, it was with a violence proportioned to the re straint he had thrown over them. At half-past seven, the carriage drove up to the door, and Alonzo immediately descended to it.— “I am glad to see yo«are quite ready, ’ said Mr. Mordaunt, as he entered ; the door closed ; and they drove off. “You have seen Donna Isabella?’' inquired A lonzo. “Yes I have,” was the laconic reply, with evi dently a wish of saying no more. After a consid erable pause, Mr.' Mordaunt asked whether he still kept his purpose. Certainly,” said Alohzo firmly— and no lurther conversation passed. Half an hour brought them to their destina tion : with a throbbing heart, Alonzo descended from the carriage. They were shown in the grand sala, brilliantly lighted. Here were assembled SenhorJosefaud SeuhoraTheresa, the Marquess, and the Abbess with an attendant nun; the old la » dy had not left her convent for many years, but oa this occasion she was determined to be present. Alonzo saluted Senhor Josef and liis sister, w ith gravity, but perfect and sincere kindness ; he kiss ed the hand of his aunt; then turning to his fa ther begged to know where ho might find Donna ..Isabella. “She waits for you in her garden-room,” replied the Marquess. Alonzo bowed and left the sola. He struggled successfully to continue the same appearance of composure, as he passed along the corridor which led to the garden room : the door was ajar ; he entered and closed it. The room was only lighted by a single Grecian lamp suspended from the centre; the latticed doors leading to the garden were thrown open, and the moon-beams quivered brightly on the rich festoons of flowers and foliage that twinkled a round them. • Leaning on the harp near the fur thest door, stood a lady magnificently dressed as a bride : one hand hung listlessly a- tier side, injtlie other were gathered the folds of her veil in w hich her face was buried. Alonzo advanced, and tho’ somewhat prepared for a favorable alteration, he was struck with astonishment at the exquisitely true and graceful form that stood before him.— -'•Donna Isabella, I believe;" —no reply and no cliango -cf- position. lie approached a little near er and ventured to -take the unoccupied hand, whose slight and delecate fingers were covered with uems, but on the arm was only a slight brace let, aud that was of pink tapez. “Donna Isabella, w I venture to claim a few minute’s private eonver versation with you on a subject that deeply com. cents the happiness of us both : permit me to lead you to a seat.” lie paused—the emotion that visibly pervaded her w hole frame rouvinccd him that at least he was not addressing a statue. Sud denly she raised her head, clasped her hands, and sunk on her knees at his feet. Alonzo recoiled, as though a supernatural appearance had presented itself, while with a tone th.d thrilled through heart and brain, she exclaimed— j ( “ Alonzo, can you forgive me ?”—-It was Viola ! “Can you forgive me for all the deception 1 have practised, and caused others to practise ? May the prize I strove for—my husband’s heart— plead my excuse! I know it will.” f While she spoke Alonzo, in some degree re covered himself. He raised up the beautiful sup l pliant, and folding her in silence to his breast, kiss ed her with pure, intense and devoted affection.— He could not speak ; he thought Dot afid eared not how it had been brought about; he ouly knew and felt That his wife was in his arms, and that that u-ife was Viola f The party in the drawing-room, to whom the dueutia was added, were in an agony of impatient expectation. The Marquess at length led the way, and they all crept along the passage ; “May we come in ?” “Come in," said Alonzo—the first word he had spoken since the denouncement. • Their entrance dispersed, in a great measure, the consecrated feelings of Alonzo, and he be came attentive to learn the mechanism by which his present happiness was effected, it appeared that the prepossession Isabella had conceived fur her husband at the altar had produced h striking change on her, as love did on Cymon. 11l health, the absence of the usual means of education at St. Paul’s, the ignorance and weak indulgence of those with whom she resided, had allowed weeds to spring up and -choke the rich treasures of her mind. However, she accompanied *he Marquess from St. Paul’s, and was placed by him -under the charge of the Abbess, where, in three years, her improvement in health, beauty and mental at attainments astonished all those who observed it. The two' years she passed in England, under jthe most judicious care, had brought her to that point of perfection to which she had now arrived. Aloueb liad not the slightest recollection of any —of her features except her eyes, which on the day of their union had that large size and troubled Expression which usually attends ill health, die could now account for the startling recollection that had passed over him one evening at the chess board; the look she then gave and that with which ehe hbd impressed him on her leaving the oratory, were the same. “And you, my grave and worthy tutor,” said Alonzo, addressing Mr. Mordaunt, “did you join in this powerful league against me ?” “I confess,” replied Mr. Mordaunt, “that I was in the service of the enemy ; so much so, that on the evening you first met Donna Viola, and were introduced to her at the opera, I knew beforehand that such a meeting and such an introduction would fake place, i take this opportunity, how ever of hinting, that you may thank your impetu osity that the discovery was not prematurely ad * vanned onboard of the Lisbon packet; for Donna Viola, terrified at your vehemence, would have revealed the whole truth, could she but have pre vailed upon you to stay and bear it.” “Alas! for my vehemence,” exclaimed Alonzo; and trying to collect his puzzled thoughts, he turn ed to the Abbess : “And you too, my dear aunt— , you too, ray Lady Abbess! it is well you have the power of absolving yourself for all those little fibs you tqld.me the other day.” “'May our Lady grant me absolution,” replied the good Abbess devoutly, “for whatever stain of sin I may have contracted by playing a part in this masque!” ‘ “Supper!—Supper!” cried out the Marquess, as he marshalled them the way Alonzo seized his \ io!a (for thus he ever after named her, as if he dreaded that some magical delusion would again snatch her from his sight)—and never did a set of happier creatures meet than those which now encircle the sumptuous banquet, prepared in hon or of this Brazilian Wedding. SPEECH OF WILLIAM C. DAWSON, OF GEORGIA, On the Bill making appropriation for the supprrs tinn and prevention of Indian hostilities, fur the year 1838, and to carry into execu’ion the Treaty , made with the Cherokee Indians in 1835; and to provide for their Removal, fyc. ; and in vindica tion of the policy of Georgia towards the Chero kees. Delivered in the House of Representatives, tM Committee of the 1l hole, May 31, 1838. ( Concluded.) Mr. Chairman, I ask of gentlemen who have so frequently,expressed themselves unkindly, if they are not convinced of the injustice of their censure ? In 1808, the Cherokeesin Georgia were anxious for a treaty ; the Government, perhaps, was too much involved in foriegn difficulties arm embar goes to attend to such matters : we did not pro test at that time—no, sir, not even remonstrate. Georgia saw the position of the nation, and patii oiically awaited a more favorable condition of the country ; she indulged her debtor. War, in the mean time, was declared, and all its evils, and perils, and sacrifices freely encountered, ami by no State more freely than by Georgia. Peace was restored ; unusual prosperity sprung up; the Government was basking in a glorious sunshine; and Georgia, who had contributed her share in the struggle, and severely earned her proportion of the fame, asked onec more, in 1816, that the compact of 1802 should be executed. Her re quest was responded to, aiul-she saw, as she sup posed, an end of this exciting controversy. But, unfortunately, she was mistaken ; soon she heard of local jealousies given birth began to aspire; individual jealousy commenced taking root; “trifles light as air” soon increased the flame into a blaze : the end of all this has been an injury to the entire South- We then heard of the duty the Government owed to itself to prepare for the payment of tr«e public debt incurred by the war ; it was a patriotic object, and a praiseworthy sug gestion, and should have -been done, but not at the expense of the faith of the Genera! Govern ment to Georgia. To disencumber the Govern ment of her debt, taxes had been increased by the tariff of 1816 ; lands were obtained lor the pur pose of sale, so that the proceeds might go into the treasury of Ihe Union. The treaty of 4817 obtained lands for Georgia; for which the-(General Government had to expend, not rfr.eioc whence the modifications of the treaty of 1817 by the one made at Washington city, 1819, by which Geor gia lost her rights, and the rich and fertile lands of Tennessee and Alabama were obtained, sold, and the proceeds applied, in payment of the pub lic and other debts of this Government. To all this, in 1816. Georgia remonstrated and submitted —injustice increasing, as it always does, by sub mission to it. The spirit of the State, under the auspicies of the fearless, able, and honest Troup, threw her a step beyond this glorious remedy of remonstrance—upon (he self-protecting and con servative.remedy of State interposition—call it by What name you please —tone better than nullifi cation. Since the year 1810, we have been continually told that no treaty could be obtained on peacea ble and reasonable terms. And why, sir? Be cause the treaty of that year indicated to the In dians a willingness on the part of the Govern ment that their location should be permanent; that the compnot should not be enforced , but, above all, anew influence and a moral power had arisen ambngst the Clierokees, which began then, and has ever since governed that tribe; white men, many of them foreigners, who had taken Indian wives, were numerous, and by their alli ances soon had great influence. Their children grew up! many half-breeds, one-fourth and eighth Indians, were well educated; parents, who through their intelligence and cunning had become rich, and were able to-educate their children. This class grew into a complete aristocracy ; having all the wealth, the intelligence, and/energy, im pclled'by the great rifling motives of human action avarice and ambition, soon took the entire control of the tribe. No people on earth exhibited dis tinctions in society more completely aristocratic. Finally, these mixed men became the mind of the tribe—completely despotic. The annuities due the people by this Government, and the whole of their financies, seen became an object of sys tematic and legalized plunder. To give this sys tem a patriotic coloring, a republican form of Gov ernment must be instituted. In 1823 these white met), half-breeds, fyc., actually farmed a written constitution, very much inspirit like the cousii . furtions of the States. They had legislative, ex . ecutivc, and judicial departments. The mem bers of council, their chief executive, and their va rious circuits, judges, clerks, sheriffs, Arc., were filled—with whom, sir ? Your Rosses, Gunters, Taylors, Hickses, Martins, Fields, Bushy heads, Arc.; men of sense and cunning, who received salaries just in proportion to the annuities and other receipts. There were but few of your Sleeping Rabbits, Going Snakes, and Standing Turkey's, whoie bloods, who held-office or receiv ed salaries. No, sir, such know nothing of the frauds in governmental appropriations, and the ether arts of the white man. They know noth ing of the annuities or of their disposition ; like all other full-blooded Indians; they are igDoraat. This governmenff went into operation as inde pendent and sovereign, exercising civil and crim inal jurisdiction. The question here presented is important, and involves directly ami vitally the doctrine of State rights. Had Georgia the right to extend her ju risdiction over the Cherokees, and abolish this independent and sovereign government of theirs ? Most clearly ; “for, by the Revolution, the duties as well as the powers of government devolved on the people of the State. It is admitted that a mong the latter were comprehended the transcen dent powers of Parliament, as well as those of the executive department.” 4 Wheaton, 451, case of Dartmouth College vs. Woodward, In the case of Buckner vs. Findley. 2 Peters, 591, the same principle, it is decided, applies to the States ; “for though they form a confederated government, vet the several States retain their individual sorerei un ties, and, with respect to their municipal regula tions, are to-each other foreign. “Thcso powers of government [in the language* of Judge Baldwin] which thus devolved on Geor gia by the Revolution, over her whole territory, are unimpaired by any surrender of her territorial jurisdiction, hv the old confederation or the new constitution, as there was in both an express sa ving, as well as by the tenth article of the amend ments. “But if any passed to the United States by ei ther, they were retroceded by the convention of 1802. Her jurisdiction over the territory in ques tiofl is as supreme as that of Congress over what THE GEORGIA MIRROR. the nation hasacquired by cession from the States or treaties with foreign Powers, combining the rights of the State and General Government. U uhirthcr loui.devies there can be no other nation , community, or sovereign power, which this depart ment can judicially recognize as a foreign state, capable of demanding or claiming our interposi tion, so as to enable them to exercise a jurisdiction incompatible with a sovereignly in Georgia, which has been recognized by the constitution and every department of this Government acting under it.” “Indian sovereignty cannot be aroused from its Jong slumber, and awakened into action by our fiat. 1 find no acknowledement of it by the legis lative or executive power.” The right of the State being established, it then becomes a ques tion of expediency, depending entirely on the le gislative will of Georgia, whether the Cherokee government should be abolished, and the laws of the State extended over the Indians. C-orgia delayed the exercise of this power; she felt unwilling to do any act which might change the habits of the lndiaus, or limit them in their pur suits; she determined to forbear as long as the Cherokee people werecapableof self-government, according to their habits and customs. Many years ago llie authorities of Georgia saw the ap proaching difficulties—lhe evils that were accu mulating. That country, notwithstanding your intercourse laws, became the home of white men; foreigners from every part of Europe, sti igglers from all parts of the UnioD, gathered there. They saw a good prospect for iufluenceand speculation. These men became connected with the Indians. The father of John Ross was a Scotchman by birth, married a Cherokee, settled himself among them; enjoyed all the rights of the tribe, accumu lated property within the limits of Georgia, with out discharging a single duty to the State as a citizen, and denying ail allegiance and obedience to her, as many others did. The consequence was, large families of half-breeds grew lip ietelli ccr.t and well educated men. Such men as Ross, Vann, Martin, Gunter, Rogers, and hundreds of others, may be considered, from their complexion, white men, not Indians. They claim to be In dians, yvithjt-he intelligence and color of white men. ThiA class ofthe Cherokee people have be come very wealthy—and how ? By the advan tages,which education and intelligence give over ignorance, .combined with the advantage of living without taxation of any kind. The proceeds of labor, the annuities, and the means generally of the tribe, found their way into the pockets of these men. These white men, who owed no al legiance and paid tie taxes to the United States or Georgia, discharged not a single civil duty, fought no battles, and were in fact exempt from rail legal responsibility, on the soil which of right belonged to the State. They had become “squat ters” ou the best lands, and had large plantations, with large numbers of slaves and full-blooded In dians cultivating them, because they had married Indians, half-blooded, with a fourth or an eighth ; and their children’s.children, almost purely white; continuing tJie same schemes These are the “Cherokees” who have interfered to prevent the removal of the “Indiatin,” who have been anxious (when these half-breeds and whites did not op pose) since the year 1868, to go west of the Mis sissippi. These men—lndians in nothing but the name, not so in color or in character—would not willingly treat with the United States unless they derived all the advantages, as they now have all the power; and for the‘last twenty-five years, whenever a treaty hnsbeen effected, it has been through the influence of these men, who made the treaty, so tUiat they might be profited by it. These are facts known to every Georgian and Tennessean near the Indian territory ; hence it is that any treaty giving all the heads of Indian families equal benefits and proportions of the money paid, will be opposed by such men as have ruled that unfortunate people for many years. If the five millions had been given to “the gov ernment” of the notion, which is John Ross and his friends, instead of the common Indians, Arc., there would have been but little dissatisfaction. It has been urged that rt was not only beyond the constitutional authority, but inexpedient, for the State to extend her civil and criminal juris diction ever the Cherokees, and thereby abolish their organization. This is an extraordinary mistake for gentlemen of intelligence to make, when it is notorious that the old States of the Union, and nearly every new State, has done same; and for violations of the laws thus expen ded, Indians have been hung, confined ",n (he penitentiaries, and punished otherwise hy many of the States cf this Union. R u t still it is never theless wrong, in the opiD ; ou of certain gentle men, for Georgia to do ko. This independent\ndian government, exerci sing all the powers, and franchises of an indepen dent sovereignty, enacted laws which a sovereign power alone had a right to enforce ; all this, too, in the midst of a state—one of the States of the Union which aided in the formation of this General Government, aud whose sole and com plete sovereignty, within her chartered limits, was undoubted and unquestionable. Sir, I ask what State has submitted, or would submit, to such assumptions of power and jurisdiction over hej territory ? None, sir But this is not all; our citizens were murdered within this Cherokee jurisdiction—the traveller, innocent and unsuspecting, waylaid and assassi nated—robbed of his property —insulted and as saulted by Indians nnd white men, claiming to be citizens of the sovereign State of Cherokee-, and the only redress that could be invoked, was from a. pretended independent sovereignty, independent Os Georgia, but within her limits. At the time this new State was formed, the gentleman from Massachusetts-(Mr, Adams) was the President of the United States. In his message to Con gress in 1828, whilst speaking of our Indian rela tions, and especially of their pretentions to sove reignty within the States, he says : “We have unexpectedly found them (the Indians) claiming to be independent of ours, and rivals of sovereignty within the territories of the members of this Un ion. This state of things requires that a remedy should be provided—a remedy, which, it may se cure to the members of our confederation their righ/s of sovereignty and soil," Arc. Yes, sir, these are the views of Mr. Adams on this subject. He says “this state of things re quires a remedy." What political power could apply the remedy ? Who had the right of abol ishing this: Cherokee independent sovereignty within the limits of Georgia? Why, the State of Georgia, which alone had the right of sovereign ty and supreme jurisdiction, nnd which was co extensive withher chartered limits; and she did so. : Mr. Chairman, there were other causes de manding of Georgia the extension of her laws— additional circumstances which urged the adop tion of that measure. She was cut off, by the territory in the occupancy of the Cherokecs, entirely from Tennessee, and paits of the States ol North Carolina and Alabama ; so that between Tennessee and Georgia there was a distance through the Indian settlement of about one hun dred and twenty-five miles. The jnsther, whose residence was in Georgia, who,desired to visit her daughter who resided in Tennessee, could not enjoy that happiness, in consequence of appre hensions of being outraged iu her feelings, it not endangered in her person, in passing through the Indian territory, by the Indians or the proflgate whites who had taken refuge there. Facilities for intercourse between the States were not per mitted ; no roads of any kind could be constructed; no bridges erected ; no work of any kind carried on by the State to facilitate commercial or other intercourse. Georgia, thus deprived ot the di rect trade from the West,droves of horses, mules, and hogs, going to Georgia for sale, were com pelled to travel a great distance out of a direct route, to avoid the Indian country, and procure grain for their stock ; and the same causes impe ded the transportation of merchandise from onr Atlantic cities. All this operated severely on the Georgians, who purchased from the Western tradesman his stock; for the consumer had to pay the increased expenses or the circuitous route to market. All this because the Chero kees claimed the unrestricted right to the coun try. But, in addition, the gold miiies were dis covered in that section of Georgia. What was the consequence ? Why, sir, from every section of the United States, anil from all parts of Eu rope too, people began to gather there; a more heterogeneous population were never congrega ted anywhere; almost every nation and every tongue were seen and heard ; they were subject to no law that could be executed under the cir cumstaces then existing ; hence outrages were constantly committed there in violation both ol the laws of God and man. The country not be ing organized, that region was overrun with dis solute foreigners aud others, who had taken pos session ofthe gold region without the semblage of authority, and outraged all the rights of tiie State. These intruders tore up the laud in search of gold, to an alarming extent, and exercised all the rights of absolute owners, so far as the use of the soil was involved —committed every trespass, and were frequently on the eve of civil commo tion among themselves. The laws of Georgia could not then be fully executed, because there were not citizens settled within the country to aid in their execution. In this state of filings the General Government attempted the execution ofthe “intercourse law," and sent a military force into the country, under the command of a Federal officer. And, sir, what was the result ? A ridiculous farce. Such were the numbers and power of these individuals, that they were not easily alarmed; they had strength enough to defy the Federal tones: but they did not desire to fight, but preferred laughing at yon. Some were arrested because they had violated the intercouse law, hut were discharged by habeas corpus, on the ground that the State of Georgia had jurisdiction over her territorial limits, and the General Government no authority with in them. The State finally sent into the coun try a guard—a power neither military nor civil, but partaking of both. That, too, failed of suc cess. Let me ask, was a sovereign State to permit such disorganization?—a State which in nil her relations, in the language of our own Troup, (whose “political character and principles are ad mired by his friends, nnd respected by bis ene mies,”) “has evinced a sincere desire to harm or,, ize with the Union ; to maintain peace and p rfn quility with the Indians, until longer forbe arance would cease to be a virtue: in fact, to i«md our selves, as we have always done, hc?r; > sti ,j to the support of every wise and adinin istraton of the General Govern. meat. Let it be remembered that Georgia ha , a deep stake in the prompt decision of the question. Os all the old States, Georgta, is the only one whoso py- Jitical organization i;, incomplete; her civil poll tv is deranged ; V.w military force cannot be redu ced to systemic erdey and subordination; the extent ol h :. r actual resources cannot be counted ; tho great, work of internal improvement is suspen rind : and all because Georgia is not in possession of her vacant territory—a territory waste and prof itless to tho Indians, profitless to llie United States; but in possession of the rightful owner, a resource of strength, of revenue, and of union,” This was the language of that Statesman and patriot, Geo. M. Troup. Sir, until Georgia exercised her jurisdiction, nnd abolished this Cherokee sqverignty, she could nat proceed in the great work of internal improve ment. To gratify the hypocritical sanctity of designing politicians, and the mistaken zeal of re ligious fanaticism, or the selfish designs of John Ross, must Georgia suspend the great work of uniting by rail road the. Western waters with the Atlantic, and thereby opening a great highway for Western production and Western trade direct to onr.seaports of the South ? To remedy all these evils, and secure peace and subordination, what could the State do? Just what she has done, sir, and nothing else extend her laws over the country; exercise her criminal and civil jurisdiction : and this she did in 1829, but to go into operation in June, 1830; which law was necessary to the protection of the Indians, the soil'in their occupancy, the charac ter and rights of the State. But it has been said that Georgia extended not only her laws over the country, hut also took pos session oi the soil. Yes, sir, die did; reserving the occupancy of the Indians to a very ample ex tent, greater than any other State; and I invite a comparison. If others have been kind, we have been kinderg. if they were liberal, \ve have been more sq. How could the civil authority of the State be enforced, unless the country was organ!-ad into counties, and officers residing in them to carry out and execute those laws? It was the only course, better than a military government to pre serve the peace of the country. Hence the for mation ol counties their organization and settle ment by a population intelligent and obedient to the law—men of character and'respectability, I submit to the country the legislation of Georgia, nnd ask an honest comparison with the legislation ol any other State. Geoigia has truly subserved the course of humanity and justice in the steps she has taken to protect' herself, the Indians, and her citizens. I have often had cause of excitement, if not resentment, on this subject. I feel it due to the State I represent, and to myself, in all senceiity and truth, aiul in a spirit very different from vain boasting, to say to such gentlemen as have deter mined to go against this bill, and the appropria tions in it intended to carry into execution the Cherokee treaty, and to sustain a military foice in 1 tlie Cherokee country, to prevent hostilities, and I to protect the lives of our citizens, that if they are now unwilling to do so, and are riot satisfied in her course, and that you intend (to maintain Ross and his party against the treaty, and leave that State to protect herself', say so. And if this be your object, for one, l will say, withdraw your Federal troops, recall your legions, declare that this government will uot fulfil the compact of 1802, notwithstanding her long deferred obliga tions. Let these things be done, and, my life on it sir, Georgia will carryout tire treaty, and assert all her rights under the compact of 1802. Then sir, let the gentleman from Virginia come at the head of an army, “to castigate the State;” I prom ise him ttiat he will be met the first foot print that he makes on the soil of Georgia; end I shall be greatly mistaken A he does not find it much easier and more pleasqut to talk here in these walls ot castigating a State, than to do it. Georgia has not asked you to throw your protection around her; she asked you to carry out your treaty, hon estly to fulfil your compact, to remove the Indians to send a force to do it, and prevent them from committing depredations on our citizens. That State understands her rights, and can protect her citizens. But she desires to rid herself of tho Indians in her borders without the shedding of blood. In parting with neighbors, she desires to do it in peace ; and it' she does uot, it will he the fault of this Government. But gentlemen cn this floor who reside more than a thousand miles off, and many of whom can scarcely tell how their neigh bors five miles from them manage their domestics or children, boldly and unhesitatingly pronounce judgment on the people of Georgia aud claim to direct their legislation and their conduct, and to judge of the propriety of their measures. This is not a question to be used for party purposes the rights of Georgia aud the lives of her people are not to be weighed by electioneering balances such considerations deserve and will receive the contempt of every honest man. All the tenden cies of the discussion, as conducted by gentlemen in opposition to these appropriations, are to inflame the Indians; and if Ross aud his associates, who are now in the gallery, were not sensible men, war and bloodshed would be the inevitable conse quence. It is well that the common Indian, whose nature is- revengeful, has not heard this de bate ; nothing could be better calculated to in flame him- It is a subject that, if discussed, should be done with calmness and with a view to the peace and salcty of our citizens, and the In dians. But wliat were those laws which Georgia ex tended over the Indians? They were tlm same which operated upon her own citizens; for crime, the punishment the same for the same offence; m their contracts they are cautiously protected-- wisely so. To close this review, 1 invite genthnnon castor west, north or south oi Georgia, to, point to a sin gle case where nil Indian has been subjected to cruelty or arbitrary punish :u' On the centu ry, they have been protest ad, protected by the hitv, and by a kind and generous people, and none, are more so than citizens of tfee Cherokee counties. Soma i,[ the present generation may condemn, hut th;-rime will cum-when the policy and com)tuff oi Georgia and lmr people will be appreciated by all; and whenever that time ar rives. , da not doubt that the unanimous opinion ot all unprejudiced minds will be, that in the ne cejsary exercise of her constitutional powers tho policy of the State has been characterized by a foi i .earing h Hid uess and enlightened humanity »o --t '-'.ards « powerless rctuuuut of a» unfortunate race, Mr. Chairmen, I will tuny turn my attention for a short time to sonic of the gentlemen who have -preceded me in this debate. I take no pleasure, sir, in the discussion of matters having little or no, connexion with- subject under considera tion, nor should 1 now do so, but an impe rious sense of duty. In answer to some remarks I made a few days siuce, on the President’s mes sage and the propositions from the War De partment, in relation to the Cherokee treaty much hrtS been said during this debate. W hen that message was communicated and read to us, I spoke freely. 1 knew that it would be productive of no good, but in all probability would lead to bloodshed—at least to confusion aud delay in the execution of the treaty. And I told the House, if the Government undertook to postpone the citizens of Georgia in taking pos session of their lands, that a conflict between the State Government and the General Government would inevitably ensue ; for 1 knew the Govern ment of Georgia would execute the laws of that State at every hazard, and that the interposition was unexpected ta me, and would be so to the people of Georgia, whose Governor had been no tified that tho treaty should be executed- I also rtnted that the friends of humanity—tho real, uot j the canting hypocrites—had labored day aftevday to induce John Ross and his Cherokee delega tion to return to his people and advise flierji to re move peacebly ; that it was his duty to do so: and I told him myself, that every misfortune that should fall on tlm Cherokee people, unless he did return, would be justly chargeable to him, for at a word he could remove them in peace and harmony; that by so doing he would subserve the cause of Immunity and prove to the world the sincerity of his regard for his people ; that by such conduct lie might save the lives pfinnocent women and children, the lives ofthe unlettered and igno rant among his own people, for the white Indian would avoid danger. Sir, it is due to that gal lant and patriotic officer. General Scott, whose services have been required in the execution of this treaty, to sav, that the night before he left this city he urged Rcss to go with him to the Cher okee country —told him it was his duty to do so. I was present and united in the advice. Ross re- fused, and since that period I considered the de termination of Boss fixed, not to go; and that no thing further would be heard from Boss except through General Scott. Both General Scott and myself held this language to Boss not on account ot any dilfieutieshe could interpose in the execution of the treaty but exclusively from feelings of hu manity for the pooy ignorant and misguided crea turcs who had been misled by his counsels. Gen tlemen have expressed great gratification at this sudden interposition of the President, and have congratulated the country that Mr. Van Bur® would stay the execution of the Cherokee treaty; that the hcnlji should rot be executed. This lan guage is bold, peremptory, and dictatorial, and evi dently means that this House would sustain the President in this course, and that Georgia should submit. PeVmit me to say, sir to this body, Be not deceived ; that state obeys the exercise of all constitutional power, she will not submit to the en forcement of that which is unconstitutional. I trust the day lias passed when a sovereign State can be awed or deterred from any quarter in the maintenance of constitutional risths. Let no one act under the belief that these me&anees