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mil al u m Georgia, even if aided by a proclamation orn force bill. Sir, it bas been asked, why should Georgia in sist upon the execution of this treaty ? 1 reply, because the treaty lias been made, has been ratifi ed under the forms prescribed by the constitu tion; because it is the supreme law of the land, and the State has been duly notified that the compact of 1802 had been at last fulfilled, and the Indian title extinguished for the beuetit oi the State, after thirty-six years’ delay. Air. Chairman, I desire that this whole subject should be distinctly understood; for should this untimely interposition oi the President produce a conflict between this Government and the State authorties, the difficulty will not be of Georgia’s seeking, nor will she. in the least, be responsible for the consequences. By the legislation ol Geor gia the Indian rights of occupancy were extended until the 25th of May, 1838, by which time, under the treaty, the Indians were to be removed. The Legislature ofGeorgia according to the trea ty. ha<l disposed of the lands in the occupancy of the Indians ; grants had issued to the citizens, and possession by law to be taken after the 25th of M iy, 1838; on that day the title became complete and absolute in the grantee. The Legislature of Georgia is not in session, and if that body were, the title being absolute in fee, the whole interest vested in the grantee, under the laws of Georgia ; the right to interfere with the private property of the grantees is beyond the reach of constitution al legislation : so the Legislature ofGeorgia could da nothing and the Governor, lam most, certain, K'/ 'ini console that boil]/. Hence it is that the State cannot interfere with the matter, and the President, or the Secretary of War, if they had known or recollected the legislation ofGeorgia under the treaty, would lirtva seen the legal iin j.n.-ticabi'hy of the State interfering, if the rights the citizens were to be respected, and laws and constitution are to be regarded. 5; has been urged in this debate that Geor gia slwuld !* • compelled to await anew treaty Is avy e.f.irt ini'ring to abrogate th> treaty of 1835 ? wk> has declared that treaty void? No consti tutions! authority, T am sure. Perhaps tries** ".ultima•’» who speak without reference to any earortjl.ir object save a desire to keep. themselves .• instantly in the public eye, and have been so 'i rrorr I by the notoriety of their attacks, tliev can eiosuitn 'to declare the will of the people; that ithey .spr-tij but to command, and command but to l'o’ \ed: and therefore the treaty is void. Mch gentlemen must excuse me if I disregard l if e vaia and empty mandates. | i ii” g‘•jileman from Virginia (Mr. Wish) has til ;is ‘>te is a state-right man (by faith 1 presume, fi'-iv not by his works.) and as such, he would r ; t the execution of the treaty, and that he would ' •' ar u : against Georgia to prevent her ear ring out its terms. Why Mr. Chairman, what ;. aisfortua i it is that the gentleman {a State ‘s nan) should nave been wrought into such « k 'lh: to ra.:t tumnest against a .State : one so war in'»s temperament ought to be more cool ■m ; dol berate. But this champion of State rights, tins new-light of that political faith would “take up his ar as,’’ami. disregarding all the restraints ntdiscretion and decorum, and with the tone, port, if! s)?r,ring of the god of war, exclaims “1 would castigate the .State of G“orgia, if she attempted to lalirce any provisions of the treaty.” Sir, I shall not snficnnysclf tn forget where 1 am, but I shall ;i!o rem':Mab n r that lam the representative of a P ’p’e who will regard such language as it deserves t i lie regarded ; such language towards a member this Hons? would he iriparliatnentarv and in -1 •oro;;;, an !, towards a State oft his confederacy, i'Ptag’-tli >r unwarraritahle and uncalled for, and ' i' l '! v unjustifiable. Asa representative ofGeor '!l' Ish ill not eompromit her dignity in hurling e■: any (le.uune e to such hr.ignage, but will only f,v ! r 't Georgia, in her sovereign character, would i at deprecate so much an attempt to castigate her, ■ whom oevor ma le, as she does this incessant i disrespect, and insult, by gentlemen who arc I mterlv ignorant and nuniformed on the subject PV‘ ,,( ' h th? j :, Go.npt to enlighten others. i .’f gentleman spot'? of threats uttered by one e tit; !eprcscu*Atives of Georgia. At that time '-ih tb-. only member who had spoken freely of ote Pi'g 0 ,gent’s njessasc, and lam sure T used ••Liner thy language qfrqeqqce nor violence, n#r 8 it my wont to da so, either in leference to States ar individuals; nor do 1 seek the notoriety conse quent upon such a course : nor shall I indulge in Lml accusations and denunciations of those nigh in power, merely for personal gratification; In irshall I ever indict a wound ou those who are not >i> a position to defend or justify. hut we are told the treaty was obtained by fraud. 1 this be true, why have tip attempts been made ,M annul it, by those gentlemen making the alle- C ■ inn, botqre Il,e proper tribunal ? Sir, no treaty • ever been obtained for a fuller and more ade quate consideration; on the same terms the oiti o ’. s ®* an y State in this *Jnion would exchange tfiirlands. One gentleman has said the Senate ifHei regarded it as a treaty. This is aqqtherof ,“°' ,e ,o ‘' tmd extraordinary assertions, suited to • 1 * ls . fes n^som( t, and involves serious charges ag “ -y toe Satiate : it places two thirds of that body n the gams category with the Key. Mr. Scher- r imn, whose character has boeq drawn on this n ' KU u ao ' nrs none of the brigliteif. Sir, these ‘ n tepeated allegations and accusations " ill on .;ntT rvc ,0 the publip pQufide.nce in their rn!! Inr"1 nr " Anally be q protection to mis , • in corruption. The gentleman from Vir sav^tl* 5 'T* ? [ l f f 'nate ratified the treaty to frvn .| K ' the wolves —the Cherokees tr '' lf, orgians. llow much of justice and II v i 1 18r ® ,s * n making such a charge I have ful q. r !!* n ' adverting to the whole course of A ' - tawar ds the Indians within her borders, tliot- he l * e^ or,l!n or propriety of such language, "•iHoi b e > of Rer.tleman and myself are so different that we are not likely to agree on tiotin mat f ei i S untl * there is a total change in all my ■on» ns ?, “ e courtesy due to this House from Lori q ,erto a ? otllPr * amJ. above all, to a sov |p ar ‘ ta J. e °f this Union. Ferocious as the com |noon1 >n r'n* 16 S er *denian would represent the |f or ,,|vp 0f '’ eor '’ia, they are not yet enough so to Ibiri' °; ne representatives for paying I ft;’ ? r niusuc h language and epithets. |j V 1 ’ a,n by birth and education a Georgian. lj, D ‘ n °b therefore, indulge in any eulogy on BI J ,P c °Plc, nor shall T permit the scorn t feel for of 1 ru . e assaults to throw me beyond, that line and self-respect which, I trust, shall p ,J-' s m ark theconduct of a Georgian; but, in l, p ,] 7 f c °olness and composure, l will say to the 'vn from Virginia, “words sometimes d et p t nu ’ rc than swords,” and that it would not CVf Jp ,rnrn his influence usefulness to watch tetri 115 OWTI lamb-Wee disposition, and in future to Ij 0 .'J’hether it would not be equally pleasaut I others 11 un , ncce ssary violence to the feelings of That gentleman lias said that already he “snuf fed the difficulties, the shedding of blood, in Georgia.” “that the spoilers should be spoiled,” \\ bat does such language mean ? Such language from members of Congress,within the hearing of the Cherokees, is incendiary and well calculated to inflame them info hostility, under the belief that this Government will sustain them in resisting the treaty. Sir, 1 have said it was Ross’duty to have re turned home to his people, and have aided in their removal, as lie was advised by the Secretary of War, General Scott, and other friends of peace, harmony, and humanity ; but, said the gentleman from Virginia, “if he had, he would have been snatched up and hung, like another Tassels, on a tree, by another Georgia guard.” it is difficult, Mr. Chairman, to speak in obedience to the prompt ings of a just indignation, at such a reckless as sault upon the constitutional authorities of the State, without violating the rules of the House, and the decorum of debate. Wheu has Georgia or her people thus acted ?—Sir, I scorn the slanderous imputation. Tt is an imputation that carries whh it its own antidote, and 1 pronounce the whole insinuation unfounded—a groundless and unjustifiable attack upon the honor and char acter of the people of Georgia. What, sir .'John Ross not safe in Georgia ? Why, sir, was he not born atid reared in that State ?—Such allusions I reprobate and contemn. I trust the people of Georgia cannot be harmed by such outrages up on their character—a people, whose past history is marked by no act of violence justifying such an imputation. That part of Georgia known as the Cherokee region, lias been settled by a popu lation equal to any portion of the Union for hon esty and patriotism; inferior to re* new country in intelligence and morality ; and, for humanity, kindness, generosity, and hospitality, equal to any people on earth. Sir, they are pure and unsophisticated in their intercourse with the world, but bold and resolute, firm and unyielding, in maintaining their rights, and brave and quick in defence of their character; and would no doubt, feel more irclired to resent the insult offered to themselves, in reference to Ross, than to injure him. Mr. Chairman: T a:n certain vmt have been as tonished, as well as others in this body, at the tantalizing and insulting references to Georgia. It has been said that the Chereokee Indians, if the General Government will not interfere, are willing to fight it out with the Georgians. Are these things said to excite the Indians to blood shed. or to urge Geotgia into rashness ? Hidthe member using this language desire to insult the people of Georgia, through their representatives, or did he expect to excite me into passion and indiscretion ? There are hounds to the liberties and freedom of debate, beyond which person alities necessarily lbihnv ; at that point T hope not to arrive, but, should it come, the honor aful char acter of my native State shall not be tarnished in my person. Sir, not content with holding Georgia answer able for all the anticipated Cherokee difficulties, she must be charged as accessary to the Florida war. Is it not beyond endurance ? Is it not amazing to hear it? Can it he from mistake? Sir, Georgia had no more to do with causes of that war than the State of Kentucky. I repel this accusation, and demand the ground ot the allc-* gatinn. Mr. Harlan rose and said : la the remarks made by tne yesterday, on the subject of the causes of the Florida war, and the State of Georgia in con nection with it, I did not mean to say that Georgia had any direct agency in the causes of that war. When speaking of the policy of the late administration for the removal of the Indian tribes west of the Missiesppi river, l expressed the opin ion that the Florida war was one of that policy; that the anxiety of Georgia to have the Indian title to thou lands within her boundaries extin guished superinduced the passage of the act of providing for the reipoyql of the Indian tribes ; ami that that bill eyas parried in this House bv a majority less than lhe number of represen tatives from the State of Georgia. Mr. Dawson : Then, sir, there is no ground for such a cl arge ; and the apology for making it is, that the representatives of Georgia voted for the net of 1830. providing for the iemo.\al of the In dian tribes west ot the Mississippi. V by, sir, upon the same principle, every State in the Un ion mav have contributed to the Florida \*<ir. No further reply to such an argument can be ex pected. Much lias been said by the gentleman from Pliiladelphi •. Iris excitement was too great for the subject before him ; his feelings led him iuto the use of language which, so far as language was concerned, I considered but so lar as the intent was involved,. inoffensive, lie worked himself into such wrath that lie was driven into the exclamation, “I am mad, sir, I am mad !” k- ; et him cool, sir* restore his temper; suffer his pas sion to subside; speak with deliberation, under the control of his reasons, and then, sir, 1 will weigh his arguments, and if necessary, reply to them. But, sir 1 am much exhausted: and I would do injustice to myself and the committee to reply to the. ravings of an enthusiast—one who admits that he is mt/ti. I am convinced, sir, that much more ought to he said by me on this subject; but I shall desist. The appropriations, to subserve the cause of hu manity bv preventing and suppressing Indian hos tilities, and for the purpose of aiding in the exe cution of the Cherokee treaty, 1 have no doubt will be made. If 1 shall have vindicated my na tive State from unjust imputations, (as I trust! have,) it will be to me one ot the most acts of my life. Steam Apparatus. —The Act of Congress, authorising the appointment of persons to test the usefulness of inventions t(i improve and render safe the boilers ofsteam engines against explosion, is in the following words: Be it enacted!))/ the Senate and House of-Rep resentatives of the. United. States of America, in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, authorised to appoint three persons one of whom at least shall be a man of experience and practical knowledge in the construction and use of the steam engine and the others, by reason of their attainments and science, shall be competent judges of the useful- I ness of any invention designed to detect thecaus j es of explosion in the boilers; which said persons ! shall jointly examine any inventions made lor the I purpose of detecting the cause and preventing the j ! explosion of boilers, thnt shall be presented tor . j their consideration ; and, if any one or more ol ] ; such inventions or discoveries justify, in their | judgment, Ihe experiment, and the inventor de sires that his invention shall be subjected to the test, then the said persons may proceed and order I such preparations to be made, and such expert* THE GEORGIA MIRROR mentsto be tried, as, in their judgement, may be necessary to determine the ghatacter and useful ness of any such invention^ Skc. 2. And be it further enacted , That the said board shall give notice of the time and place of their meeting to examine such inventions, and shall direct the preparations to be made, and the experiments to be tried, at such place as they shall deem most suitable and convenient lor tho purpose; and shall make full reports of their do ings to Congress at their next session, Skc. 3. And be it further enacted, That to carry into effect the foregoing objects, there be, and hereby is, appropriated, out of any money in the r l reasury, not otherwise appropriated, the sum of six thousand dollars ; and so much thereof as shall be necessary for the above purpose shall be subject to the order of the said board, and to de fray such expenses as shall be incurred by their direction, including the sum of three hundred dollars to each, for his personal services and ex penses : Provided, however, That theiraccounfs shall be settled at the Treasury, in the same man ner as those of other public agents. FLORENCE, GA. Saturday, August 4, 1838. g* ■■■" ' 1 11 ■■ 1 " 1 IJSL > State nights Ticket. The following gentlemen have been nominated by the State Rights Party of this county, as can didates for the next Legislature: SENATE. Eovcrd ISrynn. HOUSE OF RERESENTAEIVES. John We»t. State Jlighfs Ticket FOR CONGRESS. J. O. ALFORD, of Trpup. K. .F. BLACK, of Scriven. W. T. COLQUITT, of Muscogee. M. A. COOPER, of Hail. W. C. DAWSON, of Greene. R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham. T. B. KING, of Glynn. E. A. NKSBIT, of Bibb. L. WARREN, of Sumter. The SrPEHion Court for Stewart county will commence on Monday next. Much business is said to be on hand—several criminal cases will be pending. John Branch, one of Gen. Jackson’s first Cab inet officers, and who was one of the first to ex pose the President in relation to tho petty-coat causes which led to a dissolution of that Cabinet, has been nominated by the Van Buren part)- of North Carolina, as a candidate for Governor of that State, and has accepted the nomination. Gov. Dudley, the present incumbent, is the candidate of the State Rights party. We have inserted the communication from our respected correspondent, “A Nullified,’* and are gratified to know that any remarks of ours should meet his commendation; our pleasure would he greatly enhanced, could we be assured that our views on all the exciting topics of the day met his hearty response. Wc know him well and have known him long, and should extremely regret any train of concurring circumstances that would place us on opposite grounds- We have hreasted the enemy together in so many hard fought battles, that an association of kindly feel ing is connected with the very names of our old friends. Wc cannot help thinking, however, that our correspondent, “A Nullifier,” has drawn a hasty conclusion from lffs premises. It does not neces sarily and logically follow, that all who are oppos ed to a Sub-Treasury are in favor of Henry Clay and a National Bank. We have already declared our opposition to Mr-Clay hecaqse wc think he holds doctrines antipodes to the State Rights par ty—we have been, and still are, opposed to Mr. Van Buren for the same cause; and for the life of us, we cannot sec that any measure recommend ed by the Administration is of q character to claim affinity with the State Rights party. We have honestly warred against Executive influence, be? lievingit to be equally coyrMpting to him that pos sessed it, as well as those over whom it was cxer cised; and that it was well calculated to root, up our free institutions, the boast and honor of our country, and leave us nothing but the shadow of an empty name. Whether that influence was sought to be exercised in the arbitrary seizure of the public purse, the pqblipatipnand enforcenipnt of the specie circular, or in the offensive features of a Sub Treasury, endorsed by whomsoever they might be, wc have felt it a duty we owe the coun try and one from which wc may not shrink, ho nestly to oppose it and place the people on their guard. Take away the offensive features of the Sub- Treasury bill—show us satisfactorily that it cur tails and shuts out effectually, Executive influ ence, will equalize the exchanges, and is to be em ployed solely for the purpose of collecting and disbursing tho public revenue, then we care no t what you call it—who recommends and endorses jt---our support, such as it is, shall be cheerfully given—Our Country is our motto, and the Consti tution our watch word. We are more than glad to learn that “A Nulli i her will vote for the whole ticket, although he j knows that two of the gentleman are opposed to | the Sub-Treasury, orr pleasure would be abun dantly increased if all who think with him would exercise the same liberality and discretion, for it would be, at least to us, conclusive evidence that they did not cocsidci the Sub-TreaSury qui non in the articles of their creed, and would serve to establish what we have said before, that the Sub-Treasury is one thing and State Rights ano ther. There never was, perhaps, a subject which agi tated any country, on which there was such a di versity of sentiment and views, as now exist in re lation to the best method of keeping and disburs ing the public money. We will not pretend that it is a matter of small concern, let us come to its examination caltnly and dispassionately. The coarse we now strikeout, is to tell on the future welfare and prosperity of our country to other generations, but let us remember in this discus sion that friends aro never bound closer to our bo soms by invectives and proscription, and that ene mies themselves, cannot be kicked into an agree ment. Murh forbearance should therefore be exercis ed, for we do hope and believe that a man may be an advocate of the Sub-Treasury without being a Van Buren man ; we also believe and know that a man may be an Anti-Sub Treasury man without being either a Clay man or a National Bank man. We arc aware of our “responsible station,” and shall endeavor to discharge its high duties with an honesty of purpose that shall never falter nor quail, regardless alike to smiles and frowns when they stand opposed to our country’s welfare, and as God is our Judge we will lead no matt astray knowingly; if we do err it shall be ignorantly not wickedly—of the head, not of the heart. Our opposition to the Sub-Treasury has been produced, not by a childish desire to war with a “political opponent,” merely tube in opposition; we hope that higher, nobler principles actuate and guide us in our political course ; we will take spe cial care, also, that our principles be not sacrific ed for any party that shall dare to walk over the Constitution of our country. But we can most h aartily adopt the sentiments in the concluding paragraph of A Nullifier: “We then are still con tending for the Constitution, wc would not de prive the General Government of the exercise of any power so granted, but w r e must, for life and death, fight against the assumption of any doubt ful power. When that qnestion is fully presented I know that you and myself will be together con tending for all tho Rights of the States and against any unconstitutional law.” We hare for some time, viewed with regret, the Jim Crow eonrse which has been pursued by the People’s Press, (Augusta.) The Editor of that paper was formerly a State Rights man, and as much opposed to Martin Van Buren as it was pos sible for man to be, but in his zeal for the Sub- Treasury lie has suffered himself to be enrolled upon the Van Buren list, and freely answers to his name in their ranks. llow the Editor can reconcile his present course with the past wc are unable to conjecture—and how he can link his destiny with a party he has opposed with so much apparent earnestness and zeal, not only while he *vas concerned in the pub lication, some few years ago in Milledgeville, of the “Times and State Rights Advocate,” but even since he has been the editor of the People's Press, we are equally at a loss. We do not Vjislt to be undcrstoqckas expressing our regret that the Editor should be in favor ot the Sub-Treasury—but we do regret that he did not curb his feelings on this subject, and not have suffered them to runaway with his better judge ment and pursue a course which identifies him in every respect with Van Buren and his friends. But the Editor may deny being a Van Buren man, qndin fact, if wc recollect right, he has de nied it; he may not be, hut we cannot see why, when he makes the Sub-Treasury a consideration of paramount importance, and denounces and proscribes his former friends because they differ from him on that subject—when he links himself wjth the Van Buren party, and as Editor of a pub lic press, chimes in with every song of praise to which the Globe and every Van Buren press in the country tune their keys. If the Editor is not a Van Buren man, however, we should like to know if he would supp.prt a State Right’s man for isle Presidency, if that man was opposed to the Sub-Treasury ? What ticket does he intend to give his support at the next Congressional elec tion—the State Rights or Van Buren ? Will he vote with his former friends or his late opponents? Jf he intends to support the State Rights ticket, his course as Editpr will not agree with that vote, for he has labored qs hard as any man to bring about a disunion in the ranks which will if that disunion continues, ot course, seriously injure the ticket. If he supports the Van Buren ticket, he must be a Van Buren man—belonging to the Van Buren party —with the collar around his neck and the name of his mqster inscribed upon it— and all his professions and protestations will not convince the people to the contrary. FOR THE GR.ORGIA MIRROR. Macon , July 23, 1838. Messrs. Editors—l have just read, with much gratification, you editorial. The attempt you have made to convince consistent State Rights men of the utter inconsistency, and the utter ruin of all the Richts of the States, by the support of Clay for the Presidency, is deserriug of all com mendation. What! can a Nullifier support the father of the Protective System, who declared last winter, openly in the Senate, that if any other person than Gen Jackson had been President, he would, himself, have presented the rope around our necks * Can a State Rights man go for the man, who above all others, iroes farthest towards increasing the power of the Federal Government, whose latitudinarian doctrines swallow up all the reserved rights of the States? Spirit of Jefferson forbid it. „ . Sirs, I cannot agree with you, tne nans question is one of minor importance—it is one of deep and absorbing interest. The State Rights party have ever believed it totally unconstitutional , and by no means necessary. Witness the vote of Georgia instructing her Representatives to vote a gaint any recharter, and it passed her Legislature by an almost unanimous vote. It was the ques tion that carried Jefferson into power, and has been the hinge upon which parlies have turned. I have just seen a letter from Gov. Troup, he is now, as he ever has been, totally opposed to any National Bank, so are every one of our candidates for Congress; such is the opinion of nearly every distinguished man of our party. And by wtiom are we now sought to be proscribed? O, shame, tell it not! —by those who, but yesterday, conten ded even unto Nullification against an unconstitu tional law, who today, are the first to pass a law they, themselves, have believed to be unconstitu tional. I am disposed to vote the entire State Rights ticket for Congress, yet you have done some injustice in supposing but one of them be lieved in an entire separation of the Government from all Banks. It is the opinion of all the ticket except two, anil those two professed to be oppos ed to a National Bank inany event. It is the opin ion of tliat veteran and consistent statesman, Gov. Troup, anti I may add also of nearly every dis tinguished man of ourpartv. Sirs v yo»rs is a re sponsible station. Let us beware, lest by our op position to one political opponeut, we may not on ly forget our principles, but fall into the support of our deadliest foes—Let t s adhere closely to prin ciples regardless of men. Is it possible that men, wha have gone through the firery ordeal of the Proclamation and Force Bill, will now prove re creant and go over to a National Bank and Ilenrv Clay ? Will those men who were ready to. stand by the rights of the States, now extol their great est opponents, and traduce their greatest friends 1 I know you will not . The South mu,st be consistent . If she goes in fora National Bank all is lost, for the same power will again create a high Tariff'and expend the money of the Government on favored sectiqns. Sirs, to a strict constructionist-—a State Rights man—it would seem sufficient that no special power to incorporate such an institution is numer ated in the Constitution, but proof, if stronger can be given, of its being wholly unconstitutional.— The fact of such a power having been sought to be given in the Convention which formed the Con stitution, and absolutely refused by an overwhelm ing vote, is proof conclusive that Congress pos sesses, no such power. And the additional fact that its chief supporters, Webstei, Clay and Ad ams, all claim the power from three different clau ses of the Constitution, ought, of itself to be an insurmountable difficulty- It has ever been the wise policy of our party never to vote for any measure of doubtful power. It will be borne in mind also, that Clay Sf Cos. make the Tariff and Internal Improvement by the General Govern ment, constitutional upon the same clauses and ar guments they make the Bank. Sirs, if the Bank was Constitutional, I agree with Gov . Troup, that it would be wholly inexpe dient to the South. It would sit like an ixcubus,, upon every attempt upon exportation and impor tation, ana placed in New York and Philadelphia would be just so much bonus in favoring that sec tion against the South. Our greatest objection to any National Bank is the immediate political influ ence of the money power—the unity politically, between the Banks and the Government—the va ried and powerful inffuetice a Bank would exert over the destinies of the country : It would sup port any President who was identified with the Bank in any means he might dictate. Sirs, the State Rights party disapproved of the removal of the deposites, not that they were in favor of the Bank, but that they thought the Con stitution gave no power to the President to re move them. The record of the past will show they have ever been opposed to that institution. — So long as the Constitution remains unchanged, we must continue to do so. I ant for proscribing no one, but it really comes with a bad grace fVonr those who are f\uLttfi.ers, and who have‘heretofore been contending for the assumption -of power.— A separation of tho. Government from all influence of money and Banks is undeniably so admitted to be by friends and foes. Wc then are still contending for the Constitu tion, we would not deprive the General Govern ment of the exercise of any power so granted, but we must, fo* life and death, fight against the assumption of any doubtful power. When that question is fully presented, I know that you and myself will be together, contending for all the rights of the States, and against any unconstitu tional law. A. NULLII' IER. INDIAN MURDERS. Wc understand that an express arrived in town yesterday evening, bringing information to the Governor that a party of Seminole Indians had appeared in Ware county, and committed many attrocites, murdering several families. The par ticulars we have not learned ; but hear that twelve or fourteen persons have fallen victims to their barbarity. —Federal Union. . _ NEW g TORE< ~ THE subscribers would respectfully inform the inhabitants of Florence, Stewart county and the adjoining country, that they have refitted tho store formerly occupied by Mr. J. M. Miller, and more recently by Wni. Stafford, Lsq. on Centro street, where they are now opening A NEW AND SPLENDID ASSORTMENT OF nit i* Goons, HATS, BOOTS. SHOES, & BROGANS. Ladies and Missrt Bonnets, Hard and Hollow Ware, WAGON AND CART BOXES, Ac. Ac- The above stock has just been selected from the New York and Bostpn markets. ALSO, A LARGE STOCK OF GROCERIES , Viz. BACON —H(|IV!S, SIDES AND SHOULDERS, Flour , hard. Sugar # Coffee , BRANDY, RUM, WHISKEY, WINKS AND CORDIALS. All of which they offer for sale on the most rea sonable terms. ANDREWS A BLMIS. Florence, August 1 Iff n ,. YTC N B. We are daily expecting iAIINia, OILS and WINDOW GLASS, and a large as sortment of BOOKS-and STATIONARY, ME DICINES, BAGGING and ROPE, Ac: pay yOljr TAXES. - 7 TIIE citizens of Florence are notified that their Taxes are now due, and are requested, (in order that our town may be improved,) come forward and plank up the Rino. . £ug. 4 J.P. HARVEY,Cafleoto*