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r»*nc«-w rebt-d in r*ie foregoing chapters. The murder of Martin Montalbert, had beeu almost forgotten, no clue bad been di.-oovered. Elvira ’Tontaltx-rt had also disappeared, but as at the nc of rue murder of Martin, she was with liiin, it us generally believed that she also had be .-.i inur ed. it first, the murder of a gentleman of so high a • jding as Martin Montalbert, Esq., caused v it excitement, but after a fruitless search, it and now been, as previously mentioned, almost 'atten.' The vast possessions bad descended VI artins’ younger brother, Henry Montalbert, i, after this fatal occurrence, left tho country, . <.airing an agent at borne, to manage his affaires. \ilow us gentle reader to p»<s over tho Atlan ta skim that vast shot t of water; imagine elf in Paris, the great, the beautiful, tire eu ting Paris. Now mark »ne,, 1 again repeat, ii tis not my intenfiou to give animate desrip jii. I write no novel. I write a talc, a simple • *, ’Twas in Paris, th« s rond anniversary of the of the murder »»f Martin Montalbert. We ■.a?: in the Jardn dn Tivoli ; the principal ,re resort most frequented by strangers. The was this afternoon unusually crowded, but am wander, let me rertace. i the visitors was a man of majestic sta ir*. well made, and with a countenance which «m <>nce have beeu called handsome, but tjow ir;, down by some cause or other, perhaps grief; cheek was hollow, his large dark and well o. -.ped eyes, gazed frightfully around, and on his a pressed lips, stood a proud contemptuos look, lie mixed not with crowd, but walked musingly U ; now would he stop, and with a penetrating ~ scan ev. ry new face that appeared; and again relapse into his silent musings. This lerrry Montalbert. had been strolling tin anil down for hours, was. about retiring, « hen a person apparently years of age, entered the Jardiv, accom foied by two ladies. His was above tire middle though not so tall as Montalbert, his coun .ce represented a suspicious and distrusfuj The Jardin resounded w ith peals oflaugh m himself and his gas companions. -■ntrance immediately attracted the atten of the hawk eyed Montalbert, who gazed hi.n till he disappeared from his sight.— j he, Tis he,” muttered Montalbert, ••’tis -* dy he, I cannot be mistaken ; if 'tis he, ;U«vr -then mus.* the oath be fulfilled, but men, oh heaven*, how long must J wander • rhe earth?” He had lost sight of the oh l.is scrutiny, when again meeting in another •mbhscrved, one look more convinced him • Renrgc Hubert. art and his companions soon left the Jar* >:ig a sent in a cabriolet arid drove fewards ' 'urgs of the city, where they stopped be agnificent Hotel. But one silent observer in another vehicle, and well indrked the . which they alighted, i.o lives in that splendid edifice,” remarked i.bertto a man in rich livery, who had just ••d from the door. ly master the Count de Lilioli, on a visit, isiciir,*’replied the roan, il is he long beeu residing here,” asked Mon re rt. "Vo Monsieur, he has just arrived from Italy.” Ihe man then proceeded on his way. Mon ">'jort, after several inquiries of persons around " place, was informed that the Count w as a rich la. VoliUnun. vh-i hail romp nn a visit to pleasure, and kept the first society iu the • proceeded to the first case , which oort distance, and called for pen, ink ier, and then addressing the C&hnt a note, retj sted, his presence in a remote and lonely place among the faubourg*. He then despatched the note and proceeded to tho rendezvous. •le had not long been waiting when the Count • 'lilioli appeared. The meeting was as unex j.oete 1 on t'. • one side, as wished for on the other, but ns the Count had no intention of recognizing the well remembered Montalbert, he walked up with aJJ the sang fioid imaginable, “vouly vous ane voir monsieur.” “Speak your native tongue,” impatiently re plied Montalbert. “Signor.” •‘Liar, ’tis not your native tongue. —Speak, coward speak, ah, I see thou wilt not recognize me,” continued Montalbert, seeing that the Count xlid uo! reply, “w ell then scoundrel,l know thee,and know thee well; you see in me the too credul ous Ilenry Mostulbert, who tells you are the mur derer of his brefkor. George Hubert I know •thee.” “Well. Montalbert," answered tire .now raging ihbert, “I knew thee from the ifirrft, Vut. •tiwiH ut not inhabit the same world in w hich 1 live, st, crossitig me in my love, now interrupting i:i tny pleasures.” So saying, lie hastily w his sword and plunged it at Montalbert, h however only reached his arm, and caused ght flesh wouud; but ere the Count could > rre)>eat the blow. Montalbert drew a pistol .. his bosom and lodged the contents into •erf’s breast. • ibert immediately fell “Henry thou art re ed,” said the dying man, “thy brother is re ■,eJ—but know proud boy—Elvira-—thy Ire- Ad Elvira—tny Elvira—is no more—she felt ■ ;.r>ired—l struck the blow—she begged for c -but of one w hom she had discarded she beg ■ i Hubert and not Montalbert,”ihe gasped and . sow moments expired. - nd now my brother thou art revenged,” cried ■talbert, looking at the inanimate body before 10 not quite the oath is near fulfilled—one urdcrers is dead, the other will soon fob :>ert returned to the city, with a haggard i chaining his hotel, retired early to his ;:::g hitnself up, after discharging Ids -less not seeing him come as was usual ia ..■ owing day, sent for him. Ilis door was 1 . ic servant called, aud uo answer was re . i. . t last the door was forced oi>en. On . bed lay a lifeless body, a cup stood by its side, .'pi containing the dregs of a deadly poison. Ilis ■ ath had been made good to -the letter. Mocfjlbert was no more. SINGULAR LOVE AFFAIR. j ielaware Gazette tells a good story oftwo V is saved from the wreck of the l’ulaski, •■ we will endeavor to repeat in a few words:— ren® the passengers was Mr. Ridge, a young ■i wealth and standing, from New Orleans, mg a stranger to all on board, and feeling ouch interest in his own safety as in that , other person, was,in the midst of the con • wuicb followed the dreadful catastrophe, ; j*. helping himself to a place in one of the '•; .. . ./bun a young lady who had frequently eli cited hisadrnirtion during the voyage, but w rh whom he was totally unacquainted, attracted his attention, and he immediately stepped forward to offer bis services, and to assist hero a board but in this generous attempt lie aot/wly K>>t sight of the young lady, but also lost liis place in the boat. Afterwards, when he discovered that the part of the wreck on which he floated would soon go down he cast his eyes about for the means of preserva tion, and dashing together a couple of settees and an empty cask he sprang on it aud biuched him self upon the wide ocean. Ilis vessel proved better than he expected, and amidst the shrieks, groans,'-and death struggles which were every where uttered around him, he began to feel that hjs lot was fortunate; and was consoling himself upon his escape, such as it was, when a person struggling in the waves very near him, caught ins rye, It was a woman—and, w ith out taking the second thought lie plunged into the water aud brought her safely to his little raft which was barely sufficient to keep their heads and shoulders above w ater. She was the same young lady for whom he had lost his chance ia pho boat and for a while he felt pleased at Iwurg effected her rescue; but a moment’s reflection convinced him that her rescue was ijo rescue, and tnat un less he could find some more substantial vessel, both must perish. Under these circumstances he proposed ma king an effort to get his companion in one of tho boats which was still hovering near the wreck, but the proposition offered so little chance of .success that sip* declined, expressing her willingness at the sams time to take her chance with him either for life or death. Fortunately, the.y drifted upon a part of ths wreck which furnished them w ith ma terials for strengthening thorr vessel, and w hich were turned to such good account that they soon sat upon afloat sufficiently buoyant to keep them above the water, and when tho morijing dawned they found themselves upon the broad surface of the “vnslv deep” without land or sail pr human be ing ip sight— -without a morsel to eat or drink— almost without ciothes. aud exposed to the burn ing heat of a tropical sun. hi the course of next day they came in sight of land, and fora time had strong hopes of reach ing if, but during the succeeding night the wind drove them back upon the ocean. On the third dav a sail was seen in the distance, but they had no means of making themselves discovered—They were, however, at length picked up by a vessel af ter several davs of intense suffering, starved and exhausted, hut still in possession of all their facul ties, which it seems had been employed to some purpose during thcirsolitarv gad dangerous voy age. We hare heard of love in a cottage—love in the deep green woods—nay, even of love on the wide unfurrowed prairie; but love upon a plank in the' midst old ocean with a dozen frightful deaths in views is still mere uncommon. And yet it would seem that love thus born npon the bosom of the deep-—cradled by the ocetfTi waive, and refined under the fierce beams of an almost vertical sun--- is, after aB, the very thing. There is about it the trneso ice of romance—the doubts, the hopes, the difficulties—aye, and the deaths too, to say noth ing of the sights and tears. Mr. Ridge, mast therefore, be acknowledged as the most romantic oflovers, for there upon the deep deep sea, he breathed hisprecocious passion, mingled his sighs with the breath of old ocean and vo»«d eternal affection, Women are the be.st creatures in the world, audit is not to bo expected that Miss On iiew (jfeuuli was ibe lady’s name) could resist the substantial evidences of affection which her coni- Dauwii had given, and accordingly they entered into an alliance offensive aud defensive,’ as the statesman say, which has since been renewed upon terra firma,’and is ere long" to be signed and sealed. On reaching the shore and iccovering somewhat from the effects of the voyage, Mr. Ridge thinking that perpaps liis lady’s love had entered into the engagement without proper considereation, and that the sight ofland ami ofold friends might have caused her to change her views, waited on her and informed her that if stick was the case he would not hesitate to release her from the engagemett, and added further that he had lost his ail ivy the wreck of the Pulaski, and would heneforth be en tirely dependent on his own exertions for his sub sistence. The lady was much affected, and burst ing into teais assured him that her affection was unchangeable, and as to fortune, she w as happy to say tjbsl she J*wd enough for both. Sire is said to be worth two hundred thousand dollars. ffrookii/n Advertiser On Saturday last, the Banks of this city all re sumed specie payments, including the Branch .of the State Bank which had previously resumed. The day passed off without any sort ofexciteinent so far as we could perceive, aud without any run upon any of the banks so far as we have I/eard. During the suspension, many J>e«pie were crazy for specie, and the hanks were abused without mercy forlnot shelling it out, hut now when every body can get specie, nobody wants it. What does this prove ? It proves couclusiely that the anxi ety of the people for the banks to resume, did not arise from any desire to get specie for the purpos es of trade or to hoard if, but to reduce the high rates of exchange and to produce a sound and liealthv condition in the currency. It proves al so that if such a thing were practicable, it is not desirable, to have an exclusive metallic currency, and that so long as bank bills are convertible into specie, they will always be made use of for busi ness purposes by every description of people. Augusta Sf nhvsl. gen. NELSON’S CAMPAIGN. From the late report of Gen. Jesup we per ceive that the Georgia Regiment accomplished wonders in Florida!! Gen. Nelson’s brigade kil led fi 'lndians and raptured 14! What number .of these were women and children we are not in formed in the report, hut we have learned from some source, that several of the objects on which these feats of heroism were displayed, were help less and aged females! This -matters not. The expedition has .cost the United States nearly, if not quite half a million of dolUvrs—the moder ate sum of .$‘.25,000 perlread. And for this Gen. N. is to be elevated to a seat an -Congress, it' the Union party eau poll votes enough in October next. A modern hero is rather a singular sort of being indeed. w T!ie King of France with 40,000 inen. Marched up the hill and then marched down again." —CdUimbus Enquirer. We understand (says the Globe) that Dr. An son Jones, Minister Plenipotentiary of the Re public of Texas, arrived -in this city a few days since, and has taken lodgings at Gadsby’s Hotel. The population »f the city of Columbus, accor ding to the census recently taken is, whites S23t*6, black 1779. Total 4lfis. THE GEORGIA MIRROR. f'rom the Augusta PeojAe's Press, Scihvkn CotlTi, Aug. 25, 1838, To A. E. Whitten, Ksq, and others, a Commit tee of the citizens of Franklin County, and Simp son Fouche, J. H. C. Sliacklefort, Esqs. and others, citizens Os Taliaferro County ; Gentlemen ilt gives me great pleasure to an swer the questions you have propounded for my consideration,and which have teen addressed to me bv letter, aud though the newspapers. The Resolutions enclosed to me from Franklin County, call upon each Candidate for Congress, in the State of Georgia for his opinion relative to the constitutionality, and expediency of establishing a U. States Rank, and to express *heir “ choice ” for tho next President between Van Boren, Clay, Webste*. and Harrison; the citizens desire to he informed whether l am for, or against, the separa tion of Government from all connection with Hanks, and if that question he answered in the negative, then whether I api for or rgainst the cs taldishment of a National Bank, or for or against the re-organization of tlie I'et Bunk scheme. For the convenience of all panics concerned, I beg leave to reply tp both these communications at once, and to promulgate my answers through the press, as the best possible means of conveying to the voters of Georgia, all tpe information in rela tion to the opinions of one of the Candidates for Congress, necessary to a correct and patriotic ex ercise of the elective franchise. This, J ifo more readily, because l have ever contended, as 1 yet do, for the tight of instruction, and consequently for the right of the people to be fully informed as to 4he views and opinions of those who are off ered for their sufferages. I am asked then, 1o make known my “c//o'ce” for the next President between Van Buren, Clay, Webster, and Harrison; —being a State lliglrts’ man, aud accustomed from the earliest period of my political career, to look to the principles of Thomas Jeff'er»,on as the only trye creed in politics, 1 of course can have no choice between tlje individ uals above proposed. Mr. Van Buren is a recorded advocate for free negro suffrage—admits the right of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, tsikJ leaves p-s ijo safe-guard for our domestic iustifu tions,but h\zpromised veto. lie voted against the Tariff, and taade a speech in favor of it—he was an advocate for the Proclamation and Force Bill— he approved the removal of the deposits of public money in violation «.f existing laws—lie advised aud approved the Pet Bank system, to which the States Rights party were unanimously opposed; and last, not least, lie “paltered with us in a double synse” in relation to the removal of otjy Indian population, 'Can it fie seriously supposed, after this state ment of facts, that Mr. Van Buren is my choice for President! If there are any among us who can choose him with a full knowledge of his polit ical character all I have to say, is, they are much more easily satisfied than I am. It is true he is at this time favorable to the establishment of an Independent Treasury; but ho has been forced into that position by the successful opposition of the State Rights party of the South, and the Whigs .of the North, to his own Pet Bank system, to wjjipli lja chins ds long as there was a ray of hope to animate him. Shall his temporary advocacy of a single ab stract proposition, ivolving a question as much of expediency ns principle, mil-wcifili the Inny li-t of political heresies with which he stands so justly chargeable? He has had one fair trial before the people of Georgia; his friends were then, as they now are, “moving heaven and earth to ensure his acceptance by the voters of this State; but alter all that was in support of his pretentions to their favor, they rejected his claims by a triumphant majority. Upon that occasion l contributed noth ing to his support, for the reasons above stated and aware of no reformation in his principles, or policy, since that time, I shall be tree to leave liita to the support of those who affect to admire the >clevatio!i of his political character, and his devotion to the right and interest of Georgia. If genius and intellect of the highest order—if ■oratorical powers comparable to the ablest efforts of ancient or modern times—if a free and gene rous character in every thing personal to himself were the only attributes and qualifications neces sary to constitute a wise, and efficient magis trate, upon whom the South as we)l as the West could rely \oi the protection of her Constitution al rights, I should certainly select Henry Clay, in preference to almost any man, for the exalted station to which he aspires. But unfortunately there are “dark spots on his sun,” which in the eyes of a Southern avian, educated in the strict tenets of evur padivveal faith, must eclipse all his brightness, and obscure jhis -effulgence. He has been charged with advocating in a Convention of the people of Kentucky, and more recently at a meeting of the Colonization Society, the abolition of Slavery—and the charge, though publicly made, has never been denied ;—he is the father of the so-called “American System,”—the plain English of which is, he goes for a high protec tive tariff of discriminating duties, lie has sug gested a “Fifty Millions National Bank”—lie ap proves the Proclamation and Force Bill, and has lately boasted in the Senate of the l . States, that “1IE,” had saved the necks-of the States Rights’ men of the South from Gen. Jackson's snare and halter!—He is a consolidationist, and, if elected to the office he see'-.s, would .do, as he has done, every thing in his power to convert this confeder ation of States into a splendid, central, Consoli dated Government. Although a Representative of the West, his patriotism has become so expan sive of late, as to take into its embrace nllsoTH of people, bankites, tariflites, consolidationist*. fed eral is ts, and all; —in short, he has no politico*) ip tcrests or principles in common with us, and we could not rationally expect hint -to side with us in relation to our violated rights. For these reasons Hour Clay is not tny ll rhoicc •for President. ’ 1 admirchitn as a man of power fui and facinsfingtalents; I»utwe mast be wholly forgetful of what we have been, and are, before we pan support him for any office. Daniel Webster is a giant in intellect as in Federalism. Glorying in the name and principles of the old Federal Party, he adheres to there with a firmness of purpose, which, while it elicits our admiration for his constancy, is by no means cal culated to conciliate us to his advancement. He is so totally foreign tolls in every view of the case, that l do not believe die could get ten votes in the State of Georgia for the Presidency, Os course, I consider him out of tire question. As for Gen. Harrison, he is not known in this section of the State as a Candidate for the Execu tive—and if he has been occasionally spoken of among us, it has been only as an abolitionist, and a man who would not suit us under any circum stances. I em aware, that in thus r-jeetiug all th* names you have proposed, I will be wrongfully-subjected to the uncharitable imputations of some who would be glad of any pretext of opposition. It will be said by our opponents, that l leject every body, ere rtf thing —that I am negatively captious, and have no choice. such, however,'is not the fact If you present me with four decided anil ackno.v! edged crib, you surely will pardon for ci’oas ing neither cf them, but rejecting all. If your question had gene a step farther and asked who 1 t could support for President, if I should reject all the Candidates you offer, I could readily have given you au affirmative answer. I would vote for George M. Troup, or any other man of his intellect and principles, for the highest office in the gift of the people: because in so doing, I should not only be voting for a man of confessed abilities, but in tho appropriate language of the citizens of Taliaferro, 1 should he “sustaining one who hail faithfully represented our views and feelings,” and should not he “hazarding the total overthrow of those long cherished principles of politics and constitutional construction, for which we have so zealously contended through evil, and through good report.” For my opinion relative to the questions of Bank and Treasury, permit me to refer you to the his tory of the State Rights’ Party.as connected with th it subject. That party have u » tTrudy, amlal almust unanimously, been opposed to the creation nt a U. States B ink upon she constitutional ground—that Con cress had no right to charter such an institution. They believed that as the Constitution contained no grant of power to the federal authorities to charter a Bank, tha fact that power to pass acts of incorporation by Congress, had been more than qnce proposed and rejected in the Convention which framed that instrument, was proof positive that the question had been fully considered, and decided in the-negrtive by those to w hom the people h and entrusted the task of or ganizing the general government. They refused to legislate into existence, q power which the law paramount of the land did not grant, and which was expressly rejected by the Convention itself.— These, and other grounds of objection to a Bank having been again and again deliberately resolved by our Legislature, and repeatedly sanctioned by the primary assemblies of tRe people, precludes once the question of expediency. That which is unconstitutional is certainly inexpedient, at least to those who are disposed to abide by tire Constitu tion “in spirit and in truth,” and to recognize it as tile gworc-iity us thoir riulitc amt piivilcpifis. If that instrument should even be so amended as to grant to Congress power to pass acts of incorpo ration, it may then very properly become a ques tion whether it is expedient to create such an in stitution. Until such an amendment is mad;-, I will not permit myself to entertain, even for a moment, the question of expediency, in opposi tion to my constitutional scruples. The object to he attained can never sanctify the means. The snccefnl opposition of the t-fate Rights partv of Georgia to tha ■vl’e: Bank i rheme” of Gen. Jackson and Mr. Van Buren, is of too recent occurrence to demand proof by reference to the facts which transpired at the time. Having pqi ticipated in that opposition, 1 entertain now, a$ 1 did then, asetsb-d repugnance to the “scheme 1 * as one, the signal failure of which, lias proven con clusively, the truth of the njapy objections which were urged against its adoption. Even its ori ginal authors have abandoned it ns inefficient, and a vast majority of the p -.iplc have fully s-ustainc i our opposition roursf* rpirciins tliou fur us to pursue ? If we intend to be true to ourselves and consistent with our former professions, we must neces.aadvocate tire .tdoptionof an !n --i*kpe!sdent Thkasury. Having regccted a U. States B ink as unconstitutional, and consequently, as inexpedient— having repudiated the IT: Bank system in ail its hearings, we are no longer at liber ty to refuse a fair trial to that only remuing planed collecting and disbursing the public revenu**, winch proposes to divorce the Government from ah connection with Ban! oas fiscal agents. While however. I admit the general principle of divor cing the Government from Banks, I should insist upon a satisfactory arrangement of the details of the system, before I could give it nn s i; r, i rt; for that which might fee a very acceptable “Sub- Treasury” to one man, might be exceedingly ob jectionable to nre. I should vote not only to sever the Government from Banks, but I sh#nld insist \inon severing the Treasury, and the appointment of its officers, from the hands of the Executive, f wonfd place the control of the Treasury, and the appointment and snpen 'sion of those who are to administer its affairs, in the hands of the House of Representatives. The members of that House are elected nt shArt intrrvais hy the people—their responsibility is more direct, and their connection with the constiiiient body more immediate than any branch of the general government.— To that department too, the Constitution evident ly looks as the most appropriate agent to super vise the “ways and means” of the people in their political capacity, when it eloihes it with exclu sive power to originate a revenue. I would also leave the govermnetd free to receive the bills pf specie paying Banks; for while 1 distinctly rqcog niye gold and silver only as money, and as the only eurrenev known to the constitution, I do not think l should be violating either the letter or spirit pf that instrument, by receiving the bills of such banks as promptly paid specie, dollar for dollar, at the will of the holder. 1 should look .upon such .bills as the immediate representative of the precious metals—-as specie certificates, converti ble with gold and silver, so long as they were so in fart. I should receive them not as matter of fa vour to the Banks, but of convenience to the ,gov ernment. I refer to these particulars only to shew that the general principle of the divorce is one thing, and the details of any bill, establishing that principle, quite another, and equally impor tant, if hot more so, as the original question, I make this exposition, thus .minutely, of mv views in relation tp an Independent Treasury*, purely in obedience to the call from Franklin atid Taliaferro, for while we look to it with some in terest, in this section of the State, as q question of policy, involving the direct violation of nn fun damental principle , we do not recognize it as a teste of political purity. It is not permitted to in terfere with considerations of higher moment, or to operate to the exclusion of those who may hon estly differ from us. I have the honor to he, very respectfully, vour fellow-citizen, EDWARD J. BLACK. re From the Columbus Enquirer. Of.Wtlemen : —I have noticed some interroga tories put to the candidates for Congress, by a por tion of the citizens of the county of Taliaferro, which I beg leave to answer through the medium of your paper. My absence from home will be a sufficient apology for not having noticed calls wlrch may have been made from other quartc- Tbe people of Georgia, to vhon 1 am known t feel satisfied are assured that 1 entertain ne p<u t ical opinion that 1 disguise, not any sentiment u*' on the absorbing topics of the day, that I cnre * * withhold. In very early life I espoused the J 3 trines of the iftate Rights party, from an hon. conviction that they were sound,— I did riot and ' serf them when tho popular tide run rough)* (!V . their advocates; and by those doctrines 1 a!n st| o willing'to stain! or fall. Among tijc doctrines !, that party is the one denying to Congress the rit i" to exercise powers not specifically granted bv U„ Constitution, Our opponents claimed the ruff,': to assume powers.hv implication, against whf,' we have waned in Congress aud the States, qq * warmest advocates for the establishment of a V tional or U. States Bank, do not contend that there is any specific grant for this purpose, aud consequently churn it by implication. You'vlj perceive, therefore, that unless I abandon tin principle of the parry, iu which I have been school ed, 1 cannot be i he advocate of either a National es Uuiiv-'l Stales Bank. J an, mmiHinr to obtniL the suff rages of any portion of my fellow citizens bv d“> •i-ti.ig long cherished opinions, while Imu'- be conscious they are permitted to loathe n it f an apostate. Il l were sure that tny defeat wen': i be the result of a.i imeo;:i| r<-mi: g adherence i„ tny Manciples, it would be no tempiatiou to abac tion them. The peer h* of this country will g ro * H wearv ol such clrer .ehires ire arn ever ready j jump Jim Crow for tire bribe of office, An hm,. est and generous community will sooner or later rebel against eiprustiug their rights in the hands ofdetna o rues, who are clamorous against pii n . ciples and niea.sues to day, if office can be obtain ed by it; and n ho, in a short mouth, are fine, most in carrying ’ those very measures, of offiee depoods upon it. It is to ns a great national mis. fortune, that criminations or reoriminatinns bv antagonist politicians, publish to the world what sickening changes the vile motives of place and power, inflict on the characters of our publi,; men. Read tins .speeches of uew-light converts, and hear their excuses; “times and circumstan ces have changed,” “expediency requires it. * ‘ they must yield to the power of the people.” &c. Arc.; to all which I make one general inter pretation, to wit : they would not change tutlm something could he made by-it ; they would retain their birthright, but' for the pottage. 1 feel that any’appointment is purchased at a price Carton extravagant, if that price bo- the undying contwnpt lor consistent*, f<oth.nn<l I am, therefore content to trudge on in the bouton track, and stilt oppose either a National or United .States Bank; and while 1 respect the opinions of those who differ with me, they will ultimately, I have nu I doubt, regard my character the more kiudj.v, for I qn honest adherence to my own. Tht great prin-1 ciples pf liberty cannot be permanently main-1 tained by a sacrifice of honesty. Apart fro.ii), tjre constitutional objection, I do not esteem, the es tablishment of such iustitu tiot’s. at this time cith er safe or expedient. The derangement of the I currency anil pressure of the times are well ea) r ciliated to awaken enquiry, in order to find a reme dy. But we should not be. hasty in ridding our selves of temporary ovals, by • . /.aiding a pan die i east of a die the dearest and must permanent in terests of the country. All admit that < iff u NutioimJ or United States Bank would have con trol of fearful and dangerous powers; and our safety, as a natqm, would necessarily depend v. re touch upon the integrity and patriotism of their mamigpiucnt. 'i his Ida not undtisiaud re be ci ther a sound or sale principle of Government.— l’lie concentration ot power, without proper checks ami balances, is the subversion of freedom. The rook upon which rests tire ark of oursalety, is the retention of power in the hands of the peo ple, and 1 trust ir will neither he moved-or shaken by the factions, agitated wav sos selfishness nm| ambition. I am oppo ! to collecting and dis bursing ;he public funds, through the agency of pet banks, and shall feel sorry to learn that tire fis cal concerns of tV government cannot bo man aged without the aid of irresponsible agents; cor porations chartered with an eye to no such trust; whose stockholders, officers, nor dependants, me selected fey the poop!'* of tiieir representatives.— Upon thi (rein: the Suite Rights pat tv, as a party, stand committed; they have, bv vote, pen, and speech, registered their unqualified disapproba tion. I f.-ni decidedly in favor of disconnecting the governtmnt from alt banks. Surely the agents of the government, selected by the people of their representatives, are likely to be as competent and as honest as corporations which are under the con trol of neither. Let the treasury b£ independant. The receiving specia alone in payment of public dues, Ido not think necessary; and without a go,<ii) reason for it would act oppressively on the banks. 1 have fuHy answered the questions propounded, and ana glad to have it in my power to show that 1 have been honestly struggling for principle, not for office or power. That i.rr raising the war-cry against the administration, it was from no selfish cause: lint to aid in making our principles, not self-interest, triumphant. 1 regret the danger ot division upon tire question among us, who have been for years united. It has not been our lot, fir a season, to enjoy the honors or emoluments ot a victorious party, boldlv contending for princi ple, fearlessly struggling against federal encroach ment. andppenljMrpposing the arm of power; we have been depreciated and signalized by a lame calumny, ns enemies to the Union, and as inimical to freedom, Our reward has been our integrity; and l trust we shall ever find consolation, even in defeat, in onr consistency and our conscience, — Upon tire main point, <t stperotiou of government and Batiks, there is little or no difference of opin ion between the candidates on our ticket ;*but as to tlie details of a bill, bv which this scheme can be best effected, then may he and is a difference of opinion. There is no doubt, however, that each will cordially embrace sueli plan as he feels "iff afford tlie least patronage, be the least corrupting in its operations, ami most safe for the country.— the great question for divorce being settled, in which we agree, in exercising our best judgments in its details, there can be no cause of quarrel. — There have always beeu a few of our associates; who have believed in the constitutionality, if not the expediency, of the United States Bank, fn those friends 1 would submit in kindness, a lew remarks. Would you or either of you be willing to organize a Bank for political purposes ? From my knowledge of some of you, I flatter myse” you w ill unequivocally answer NO! Do yon not perceive that should a National or United States Bank be organized at this time, they must be in evitably blendid with politics? That the election of members of Congress, the success or defeat ot President, will be made to depend upon tills ques tion ; so that the foundation ot such an institution. if created will be mode to rest on polities ? 1 effort made in Georgia to make this a test ques tion, contributes to the certainty of the political character of the and certainly should